Floor Statements

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 323, Marcela Escobari to be Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, and that the Senate vote on the nomination without any intervening action or debate.

Madam President, it is unfortunate that this last nominee is objected to. This particular position--we are talking about Haiti. We are talking about having an Assistant Administrator that can help us restore the tragic situation in Haiti to a place in which people can live and won't seek migration to the United States.

When we are talking about what is happening in the Western Hemisphere, in Venezuela, where there is a huge humanitarian set of refugees leaving; when we talk about what is happening

in Cuba with reference to the movements for democracy, this particular position would be dealing with all of that.

I must say, I know that my colleague wants to say none of this would have changed anything. That is not the case. I am not saying that the ultimate result in Afghanistan would have changed, but certainly, when we do not have people in key positions advocating for U.S. national security and policy, it exacerbates the set of circumstances because we don't have the wherewithal to do what is necessary. There are many other key positions I will be coming to the Senate floor and highlighting how that has a risk to national security.

Finally, I would just simply say CAATSA was violated by President Trump when he exercised no sanctions on the same issue that my colleague is concerned about. I happen to agree with him on the issue; I disagree with him in the process in which he is pursuing it. But that started with President Trump.

By the way, President Trump started with a surrender agreement to the Taliban. He gave them everything, got nothing in return. He let them have 5,000 prisoners, Taliban prisoners, who were returned to the Taliban--that added to the fighting force--and got none of the commitments that were necessary to deal with a negotiation or a peace deal with the Afghan Government. He got nothing at all except a total surrender and then dramatically reduced the troop levels at that time.

So there is a lot to talk about about Afghanistan, not only in the immediate context but over what has happened over the last 20 years. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee intends to do that extensive review through a series of hearings.

Let's put history exactly where it belongs--in the right context.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I strongly support the gentleman's amendment. In fact, the Biden administration is in the midst of trying to find out what is the greatest technological ability to create internet access for the people of Cuba and limiting the ability of the regime to jam that internet access, and I hope that we will see this shortly.

This reserve fund would be in good order and in line with what the administration is seeking to do as well.

Vote on Amendment No. 3097

Mr. President, the U.S. Government already has laws in place to prevent U.S. taxpayer dollars from going to terrorist organizations and laws that specifically prevent funds from going to Hamas and Palestinian Jihad.

So this is purely a messaging amendment that does absolutely nothing in practice, but it is a message we can all get behind. And because Democrats stand against terrorist organizations that threaten innocent civilians in Israel and anywhere else in the world, we support the amendment, and we would urge the Senator to take a voice vote.

Vote on Amendment No. 3383

Madam President, it is past 3 a.m., and we are dealing with another messaging amendment. Like the junior Senator from Alaska, we all oppose terrorism; we condemn state sponsors of it. But this amendment goes well beyond that and is drafted so broadly, whether intentionally or not, that it signals a cutoff of funding to every international organization--every single one--including the United Nations because some members are bad actors.

Now, our Republican colleagues are well aware that adversaries such as China are expanding their influence at some of the most important international organizations. They are calling the shots because we are not there. This amendment would cede the field to the Chinese so we can sit on the sidelines and watch them make the rules.

When Israel is wrongly signaled out at the U.N. Human Rights Commission, we will not be there to defend her. And when international standards are being created for high-tech issues, we will not lead the world, as we should. That is why this amendment should be defeated.

Mr. President, I know the hour is late, but we have nearly 30 highly qualified Foreign Affairs and Development nominees who are languishing on the Senate floor. We have to confirm these nominees to fully equip the United States to pursue our foreign policy objectives, and I will be asking unanimous consent to confirm each one.

My distinguished colleague from Connecticut, Senator Murphy, a member of the committee, is here to join with me in this effort. I know the Presiding Officer is also a distinguished member of the committee.

In the nearly 30 years that I have been working on foreign policy, we have never faced such a confluence of global challenges: a once-in-a- century global pandemic; climate change threatening stability, health, and safety across the world; fueling displacement and resource-driven conflicts; great power competition from an increasingly emboldened China and Russia.

We have the tools to confront these challenges; to promote American values and interests around the world to advance the safety, health, and economic well-being of all Americans. But we cannot do that when we do not have empowered diplomats and development professionals in place to do so.

So I call on this body to confirm these nominees--all of whom the Foreign Relations Committee has moved with bipartisan support--to put the United States in the best position to advance our foreign policy, development, and national security priorities.

I am calling for confirmation of all of these nominees: those up for Ambassadorships, senior State Department, and USAID positions. We need them in place.

Now, the Trump administration had its first Ambassador confirmed on day 62 of the Trump Presidency. The Obama administration had its first Ambassador confirmed at day 73. The George W. Bush administration had its first Ambassador confirmed at day 75. For the Clinton administration, it was day 75. For the George H. W. Bush administration, it was day 83.

We are now more than 200 days into the Biden administration, and as of this moment, there is not a single confirmed State Department country Ambassador--not one. And going back four administrations, there is a precedent of moving a package of nominees before the August recess.

Under George W. Bush, the Senate confirmed a package of 81 nominees. During the Obama administration, the Senate confirmed a package of 104 nominees. And during the Trump administration, we confirmed a package of 75 nominees.

We should be ashamed of holding the record for the longest delay in fully equipping the State Department and USAID to pursue the foreign policy, development, and national security interests of the United States.

Now, some Members of this body call on one hand for assertive American leadership on the global stage, and, at the same time, they hold up these critical positions. Many of these nominees are career diplomats, public servants who have dedicated their lives to advancing U.S. interests. They have served under the Trump administration in the same way they will serve in the Biden administration: on behalf of the American people.

Many of my colleagues are readily focused on effectively confronting Chinese malign influence. Well, a fundamentally critical element of confronting China is empowered leadership in our diplomatic corps, across the world. So let me be clear. Holding up diplomats to posts across Africa and the Western Hemisphere is effectively ceding influence to China and actively undermining U.S. national security interests.

I recently heard an anecdote from a diplomat in Cameroon. When he travels outside the capital city, Cameroonians will greet him with a ``ni hao,'' assuming that if he isn't Cameroonian, he must be Chinese.

Meanwhile, we haven't had an American Ambassador in Cameroon in more than a year, and the Foreign Relations Committee approved a career diplomat for the post by voice vote nearly a month ago. What could possibly be the rationale for holding him up?

Lastly, looking at the Department itself, critical leadership positions remain held up.

Now, I know many of my colleagues have dedicated a significant amount of their time over the past few years to combating the flow of fentanyl into the United States, but here we have a hold on a career Foreign Service officer nominated to be Assistant Secretary for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, who would be leading the Department's efforts to combat the flow of fentanyl.

So which one do you want? The American people deserve better than this.

Now, I know we are all tired of being here, and I want to salute and thank the different--the reading clerks, the Parliamentarian, the Democrat and Republican staff who are still here, but we feel compelled to go through and ask UC for each of these nominees. They all deserve to be confirmed tonight. So let me start off.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination: Calendar No. 233, Larry Edward Andre, Jr., of Texas, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to Somalia; that the nomination be confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that no further motions be in order to the nomination; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate then resume legislative session.

Mr. President, reserving the right to object, and I will be brief for the sake of everybody here. There is a lot more to be said. But, look, first of all, this legislation was just introduced today--today.

It has not been brought before the committee. It has not had a full vetting. And it is not quite fair to say that it is exactly the same. It isn't. I was just looking through it.

Secondly, I know that the Senator believes that he can dictate to the President of the United States, duly elected by the American people, what the foreign policy should be. I believe we should have a role in foreign policy. I share that with the Senator. But you can't say: If it passes the Senate, if it passes the House, signed by the President, then I will release my hold.

I mean, I guess that would be nice if the Senator could accomplish it for his goals, but it is not the way the system ultimately works.

And I would just say President Trump, for the longest period of time, did not issue the sanctions that were necessary because he was so cozy with Vladimir Putin, and the result was that the pipeline was almost finished by the time President Biden came to office. And had he done what the Senator wishes, we wouldn't be in this position today.

So for all of those reasons, I object to the Senator's unanimous consent request.

Mr. President, one thing that is demonstrably true is that Donald Trump did nothing as it relates toward this pipeline, and there wasn't much effort to try to get them to stop the pipeline at the time.

And while I disagreed with President Trump on a whole host of foreign policy issues, I did not hold up all his nominees just to get my view to be the order of the day.

Unanimous Consent Request--Executive Calendar

Mr. President, therefore, I ask that it be in order to make the same request that I made previously with respect to Executive Calendar No. 234, Elizabeth Moore Aubin, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to Algeria.

Mr. President, I would just simply say that the Senator from Texas did not hold up any of the nominees of President Trump as it relates to this.

I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 235, Maria E. Brewer, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to the Kingdom of Lesotho.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar, No. 236, Christopher John Lamora, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to Cameroon.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 237, Tulinabo S. Mushingi, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to Angola and to serve concurrently as the Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 238, Eugene S. Young, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to the Republic of Congo.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 239, Michele Jeanne Sison, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs.

Mr. President, here is one where it is a monumental mistake to not permit this person to be confirmed when we want to stop fentanyl from coming into our country.

I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 240, Todd D. Robinson, of New Jersey, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 241, Daniel J. Kritenbrink, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific affairs.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 317, Marc Evans Knapper, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador of the United States to Vietnam; and that the Senator from Texas' remarks, which he has made repeatedly, be inserted each and every time after the motion that I have made.

Mr. President, now is here one where we heard a lot even during the debate we just had about the United Nations and the need for reform. Well, here is an opportunity. I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 318, Christopher P. Lu, to be Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform, with the rank of Ambassador.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 319, Christopher P. Lu, to be an Alternate Representative of the United States of America to the General Assembly of the United Nations.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 320, Rufus Gifford, to be Chief of Protocol, with the rank of Ambassador.

Mr. President, now, here is a generational mistake if we do not confirm the next person. We are in the midst in Latin America and the Caribbean of turmoil all around. We have the challenges of Venezuela, the Cuban people crying out for change, the situation in Haiti after the assassination, Nicaragua becoming a new dictatorship. We need to have the Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere be out there helping us in the hemisphere.

So I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 322, Brian A. Nichols, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs.

Mr. President, I don't get to serve on every committee, and I don't have the questions for the record of every committee hearing. Eventually, they get printed, and they are available to all Senators. But the suggestion that the Senator is being denied something when he is not a member of the committee is a unique one, to say the least. But nonetheless, I think there would have been another objection even if his interests were answered.

I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 323, Marcela Escobari, to be an Assistant Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development.

Mr. President, I ask that it be in order to make the same request with respect to Executive Calendar No. 324, Monica P. Medina, to be the Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs.

Mr. President, before I yield, finally, to my colleague from Connecticut, a member of the committee, I just want to say that in 30 years of doing foreign policy between the House and the Senate, sitting on both the House and Senate Foreign Relations Committee, God forbid that something happens in one of these countries or in these regions where we do not have a confirmed Ambassador, Assistant Secretary of State, or Development Official to promote our interests, to respond to it, to be able to deal with it. I wouldn't want to be the Senator who held up that person when that happens at some point. I wouldn't want to be the Senator who held up that person when that happens at some point in the world.

I yield to the Senator from Connecticut.

Unanimous Consent Request--Executive Calendar

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss the accelerating political crisis in Nicaragua and the Ortega regime's anti-democratic efforts to hold illegitimate elections in November.

On November 7, Daniel Ortega will attempt to deny the Nicaraguan people their most basic right: the right to choose their country's leaders in free and fair elections. This grave restriction on basic democratic freedoms confirms that the Ortega regime is consolidating the Western Hemisphere's third dictatorship. In the lead up to these elections and in response to unrestrained assaults against democracy, the U.S. Senate unanimously passed my legislation entitled the ``Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to Conditions for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act.'' This bipartisan legislation, taken together with the Biden administration's additional imposition of visa restrictions against individuals affiliated with the regime, demonstrates the United States is firmly committed to the restoration of democracy to Nicaragua.

The legislation is also consistent with our commitments to promote and defend democracy in the Americas. As the 20th anniversary of the Inter-American Democratic Charter approaches next month, we must recognize that a growing trend of deeply flawed and fraudulent electoral processes jeopardizes regional consensus in support of free, fair, and transparent elections across the Americas. Whether in Nicaragua in 2016, Honduras in 2017, Bolivia in 2019, Guyana in 2020, or Venezuela in 2017, 2018, and 2020, democratic elections are under attack by autocrats and populists alike. Regretfully, the Ortega regime is taking steps to continue this trend.

Today, Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo hold more than 140 political prisoners, including eight opposition candidates for President and Vice President. These individuals represent a broad political spectrum and include Arturo Cruz, Felix Maradiaga, Juan Sebastian Chamorro, Medardo Mairena, and Miguel Mora. Three more contenders, Berenice Quezada, Cristiana Chamorro, and Noel Vidaurre, are under house arrest.

On July 27, the regime incarcerated the country's 76-year-old former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Francisco Aguirre Sacasa, under bogus charges of treason and without regard for his health or well-being. The regime is holding Sacasa and many others at El Chipote detention center: a facility infamous for acts of torture and ill-treatment, according to the United Nations Human Rights Commission. The regime continues to deny prisoners due process, access to family contact, and legal counsel. Essentially, many of them have been disappeared.

On Friday, Ortega cancelled the registration of the last remaining opposition political party that was positioned to participate in the November elections, Ciudadanos por la Libertad--Citizens for Freedom. The regime went as far as to strip the head of that party of her Nicaraguan citizenship. These are not actions that would be tolerated in any democratic system in the world; these are the actions of a tin- pot dictator.

The events since June are the culmination of the Ortega regime's years-long process to dismantle democracy in Nicaragua. When Nicaraguans took to the streets to protest their living conditions in 2018, the regime responded with a brutal campaign of violence. Over 330 protesters were killed. Today, the number of Nicaraguans fleeing the country is on the rise, increasing the complexity and reach of the challenge.

The Ortega-Murillo regime's authoritarian power grab poses a direct challenge to U.S. national security and regional stability. I am proud to have authored the RENACER Act and to lead the bipartisan, bicameral effort to send a clear message to Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo: Reverse course now and the international community stands ready to support the restoration of democracy; or continue down the current path and face consequences.

The RENACER Act requires the United States, working with our partners in the European Union, Canada, and Latin America and the Caribbean, to align our diplomatic efforts and sanctions tools to push for one goal, democratic elections. The bill requires increased intelligence reporting on the regime's corruption and its malign partnership with Russia. This legislation will provide for better documentation of human rights violations and guarantee that the regime and its enablers are held accountable.

The law further calls for the President to review Nicaragua's participation in the Central America Free Trade Agreement--CAFTA. The United States would never sign a free trade agreement with Belarus given the authoritarian conditions that exist in the country. And the United States should not turn a blind eye if one of our free trade partners becomes the Belarus of Central America.

In closing, let there be no doubts--the United States will continue to support defenders of democracy in Nicaragua, condemn violence and intimidation, and hold accountable the Ortega regime and those who support it. If Daniel Ortega assumes a fourth consecutive term via sham elections, he will rule without a shred of legitimacy.

I urge my colleagues in the House of Representatives to pass the RENACER Act so that we can speak with a single voice and make it clear that Daniel Ortega's paranoia of losing at the ballot box is no excuse for his systematic

dismantling of Nicaragua's democratic system.

Mr. President, I rise to discuss Zambia's upcoming elections and the erosion of democracy under President Edgar Lungu. On August 12, the people of Zambia will go to the polls to elect their President and members of the National Assembly. They will do so under the cloud of growing authoritarianism, with troops in the streets, protesters in prison, and dissenting voices muzzled by censorship. Indeed, many Zambians have good reason to be dissatisfied with their present government and, in a free and fair vote, might very well reject President Lungu's bid for reelection. But I fear they may not have that opportunity.

For nearly 30 years, Zambians have enjoyed a relatively free and open political environment. In 1991, Zambia's founding father Kenneth Kaunda lost the country's first multiparty election in decades and gracefully stepped aside after 27 years in power. President Kaunda died in June of this year, at the age of 97, with a complicated legacy; he was a liberator, but also held an iron grip on power for nearly three decades. However, his final act of public service paved the way for democracy to take root in his country in the years that followed. Sadly, President Lungu is erasing that monumental contribution to the Zambian people.

Since President Lungu's rise to power in 2014, he has used the organs of the state to intimidate his political opponents and consolidate power for his Patriotic Front--PF--party. Freedom House rates Zambia as only ``partly free,'' citing laws and government actions which have had the effect of restricting the activities of opposition parties, limiting civil society participation, and curbing free expression. Similarly, the U.S. Department of State, in its 2020 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, noted ``significant human rights issues'' in Zambia, particularly in the area of elections and political participation.

In March, the Zambian political analyst Dr. Sishuwa Sishuwa published an essay in which he warned that ``Zambia may burn after the August elections.'' He wrote that the public's distrust of Zambia's institutions and the ruthless competition between its political elites had contributed to a climate of fear and anger that could plunge the country into chaos. The subversion of the independence of the courts and other public institutions has led to a lack of confidence. Credible allegations of corruption and impunity have been made against leaders. A collapsing economy, mismanaged by President Lungu to the point of defaulting on its foreign loans, has resulted in mass youth unemployment and rising inequality. Dr. Sishuwa also noted Western countries' declining assistance to Zambia and their silence on its democratic backsliding. He painted a vivid image of a once-peaceful and prosperous country on the brink of calamity. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Zambian police began investigating Dr. Sishuwa for sedition shortly after the essay's publication.

Indeed, political violence has already arrived on the streets of Zambia. Fighting between supporters of the PF and the opposition United Party for National Development--UPND--left at least two people dead last week. Troops have been mobilized to restore order, but Zambian security forces have also been accused of using deadly force against peaceful protesters.

The United States has a clear interest in ensuring that Zambia remains a free and stable country. We have provided approximately $500 million in assistance to Zambiaa every year. At a time of increasing instability in Southern Africa, with unrest in South Africa and Eswatini, crackdowns in Zimbabwe, a brutal insurgency in Mozambique, and the rampant spread of COVID-19, the region cannot afford Zambia's collapse. We know that instability anywhere has a rippling effect that impacts U.S. interests and our allies.

Moreover, Zambia presents a test for the Biden administration's commitment to promoting and protecting democracy abroad. I encourage the administration to more address Zambia's democratic backsliding. I hope that is corrected before elections commence. We should be clear with President Lungu that the United States does not tolerate authoritarianism and that the generosity of the American people is not without limits. The United States should increase support for Zambian civil-society and democracy and governance programming in Zambia. Finally, the Biden administration can demonstrate its commitment to the bilateral relationship by nominating a skilled and experienced diplomat to serve as ambassador to Zambia.

While the United States stands with the Zambian people, ultimately, responsibility for Zambia's democratic decline lies squarely with President Lungu and his government. In the short term, President Lungu must commit to holding free and fair elections on August 12 and ensure transparency in the process by permitting election monitors to observe the vote without restrictions. He must also publicly commit to accept the outcome of the election, and step aside should he lose. Regardless of the outcome, the PF, UPND, and all other parties must work together to restore the integrity and independence of public institutions, end impunity for state violence, and address corruption. They must do this by partnering with civil society, restoring freedom of the press, and respecting civil liberties. They must accept that dissent and protest are not a threat to their power, but rather proof of a healthy polity.

This will be a long and difficult process which will test the courage and patriotism of Zambia's elites. Next week's elections may be the first step towards Zambia's renewal or else the next step towards its ruin. Perhaps President Lung can take inspiration from Kenneth Kendal's final act of leadership and put his country before his own political interests.

Mr. President, I come to talk about the process that we are in here; first of all, the process that brings us the legislation that is before us.

Now, I respect my colleagues on both sides of the aisle have come together to draft the legislation that we have been debating on and off, voting even less, but that process shortchanges, I think, the Senate and the American people.

It is a process that our colleagues--well-intentioned and working incredibly hard but had no geographic diversity, had no ethnic diversity, had no racial diversity, and that is consequential. It is consequential in the legislation that we are dealing before us. For example, this legislation does very well in taking care of dealing with abandoned mines, but it doesn't do all that well with dealing with Superfund sites--the sites that most Americans who happen to be from disadvantaged communities ultimately reside along.

This legislation does much to help with the challenges of wildfires in our country, which I support, but doesn't do very much for the questions of flooding--flooding that takes place along the Mississippi, flooding that takes place in Louisiana, flooding that takes place in my home State of New Jersey and along the Atlantic coast.

So that lack of diversity is not only consequential in terms of the legislation--geographic, ethnic, and racial--it is also consequential to disadvantaged communities.

For too long, our infrastructure and transportation system have often been used to divide communities, split communities, where a highway goes through it and ultimately divides the community into the ``right side of the track'' and ``wrong side of the track.'' This was an opportunity to actually change that dynamic. This was an opportunity to create equity in our infrastructure system, to make sure that those divided communities no longer were divided and that all of them had a highway to opportunity, to make sure that transit access to minority communities struggling for employment could be realized. Even though, you know, there is a transit provision, it is $9 billion less than what we were originally told, but other elements are much, much higher.

Those provisions not only have a consequence to the communities for which transit mobility is a critical element in order for employment, it often deals with minority communities that find themselves disadvantaged in terms of mobility for minority communities to opportunities for employment.

Look at the pay-fors. The pay-fors, it is pretty remarkable, one of them particularly ends a rebate that is supposed to ultimately end up for consumers at the prescription drug counter. I often hear from people across the spectrum that we need to ultimately ensure that the cost of prescription drugs are lowered, but then here we have a pay-for that has absolutely nothing to do with lowering the cost of prescription drugs.

Then I hear that, ``well, we are waiting for amendments.'' Well, I have bipartisan amendments, amendments on flooding, amendments on our national ferry system that many parts of our Nation depend upon, amendments about eligibility for bus terminals; and they are bipartisan, but the gatekeepers are keeping us away.

Here we are. It is 5:30 in the evening. We have yet to vote on one single amendment. We have yet to vote on anything today. So this cannot be the process by which the world's most deliberative body operates under.

And I just want to serve notice that, as it relates to this Senator, this Senator has no intention of supporting legislation that comes through this process again and that ultimately does not have that diversity of geography, of ethnicity, of race. It doesn't have a committee process which provides for that diversity to be represented and those points of view. I may not win, but I would like to have my point of view and those of the communities I represent have a shot. After all, that is what the American dream is all about, having a shot at it.

So 5:30, no votes. This is a fantastic process, but one that I can serve notice on, I have no intention of supporting in the future.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress

has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. President, I am proud to come to the floor today to ask for unanimous consent on this bipartisan resolution expressing solidarity with the people of Cuba. This resolution passed out of the Foreign Relations Committee by a voice vote, with overwhelming bipartisan support.

I want to thank the senior Senator from Florida for his partnership on this resolution, which has the support of Senators Durbin, Kaine; Senator Risch, the ranking member on the Foreign Relations Committee; as well as many others on both sides of the aisle.

In passing this resolution today, the U.S. Senate can send a powerful message about the truly historic events occurring in Cuba in recent weeks.

On July 11, in an unprecedented wave of demonstrations across the island, the Cuban people peacefully took to the streets and raised their voices to call for freedom and an end to tyranny. We saw the courage of the Cuban people. Images of Cubans chanting ``abajo la dictadura,'' which means ``down with the dictatorship,'' and singing ``Patria y Vida,'' or ``Fatherland and Life,'' spread around the globe. Yet the Diaz-Canel regime responded with an authoritarian crackdown and violent repression out of fear of losing its iron grip over the Cuban people.

The regime cut the internet to stop the Cuban people from accessing social media--a tool they were bravely using to open the eyes of the world. Who does that? Only a country that fears its people shuts down the internet. But it was too late. The truth went viral.

The regime has arrested more than 700 people, and most remain incommunicado. Dozens more are already being subjected to summary trials, without access to legal defense or even a veneer of due process. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights have all spoken out against the Cuban regime's campaign of oppression.

President Biden rightfully and repeatedly denounced the regime's actions and has announced two rounds of Global Magnitsky sanctions on human rights abusers. The President has brought together allies of Cuban freedom both at home and abroad. On Friday, the President convened a meeting of Cuban-American leaders to discuss this crisis and hear our suggestions on how to best support the pro-democracy efforts underway in Cuba.

Last week, Secretary of State Blinken led a coalition of 20 countries in a joint statement to express international solidarity with the Cuban people and their rights to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom to determine their own future.

While important steps are being taken, more needs to be done. The Cuban people, in this unprecedented hour of uncertainty and need, cannot afford anything less than our full support.

With this resolution, the Senate will add its voice to the ongoing efforts and reinforce U.S. solidarity with the Cuban people and their efforts to restore democracy and human rights in their country. It is the same resolution that is also being offered in the House of Representatives on the same bipartisan basis.

Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 111, S. Res. 310; further, that the committee-reported substitute amendment to the resolution be agreed to; the resolution, as amended, be agreed to; the preamble be agreed to; and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Thereupon, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution (S. Res. 310) expressing solidarity with Cuban citizens demonstrating peacefully for fundamental freedoms, condemning the Cuban regime's acts of repression, and calling for the immediate release of arbitrarily detained Cuban citizens, which had been reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations, with an amendment to strike all after the resolving clause and insert the part printed in italic, as follows

S. Res. 310

Whereas, on July 11, 2021, thousands of Cuban citizens took

to the streets to peacefully protest and to call for respect

for basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the end

of the dictatorship in Cuba;

Whereas the demonstrations were the largest protests

witnessed on the island in 25 years, with courageous Cuban

men, women, and youth taking to the streets in at least 50

different cities and towns across every province to affirm a

deep aspiration for democratic change and to denounce the

regime's corruption;

Whereas the nationwide protests represent the full

diversity of Cuban society, with demonstrators proudly

proclaiming ``Patria y Vida!'' (Homeland and Life!) and

calling for ``libertad'' (liberty);

Whereas the demonstrations in Cuba follow months of severe

shortages of food and basic medicine, frequent power outages,

record high rates of transmission of COVID-19, and the Cuban

regime's ineffective response, in addition to the Cuban

regime's continued repression and arbitrary imprisonment of

citizens, peaceful activists, and artists;

Whereas, despite the authoritarian regime's blocking of

internet service to prevent the spread of information about

the demonstrations, Cubans witnessed examples of their

compatriots demanding change in their country and

courageously joined the growing protests;

Whereas, despite the peaceful nature of the demonstrations,

Miguel Diaz-Canel incited violence among Cubans and

encouraged his supporters to attack peaceful protestors,

declaring in a televised address, ``the order to fight has

been given--into the streets'' and pledged his supporters'

lives: ``Over our dead bodies. We are prepared to do

anything'';

Whereas Diaz-Canel has sought to delegitimize peaceful

protesters, crudely stating they constitute a small group of

``vulgar criminals'' that are ``paid'' to be disruptive;

Whereas Diaz-Canel sought to blame the endemic problems

causing so much human suffering by the Cuban people on

outside forces instead of on the Cuban regime's long-standing

corruption, mismanagement, and theft of public resources;

Whereas the Cuban regime's domestic security apparatus,

including military and police, were recorded on video

violently repressing peaceful Cuban citizens, including by

using live ammunition and attacking journalists;

Whereas numerous reports indicate deaths of and injuries to

Cuban protestors at the hands of the regime's security

forces, including instances of police firing live ammunition

into crowds and at least one documented police beating that

led to a civilian death;

Whereas independent Cuban civil society groups have

reported that hundreds of individuals have been arrested,

detained, or are missing;

Whereas defying regime repression, continued internet

shutdowns, and illegal searches of the homes of activists and

protestors, Cuban men, women, and youth continued to

peacefully protest throughout the island on

Monday, July 12, using social media to organize themselves

and document acts of regime repression;

Whereas international human rights groups, including Human

Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the United Nations

Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, have long

condemned the Cuban regime for violating human rights and

fundamental freedoms; and

Whereas for years the Cuban regime has exported its

authoritarian methods to Venezuela, sending intelligence

personnel to assist Venezuelan security forces as they

repressed similar peaceful protests calling for democratic

change: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, [That the Senate--

[(1) expresses its strong solidarity with the people of

Cuba in their desire to live in a free and democratic country

with uncensored access to information, justice, and economic

prosperity;

[(2) condemns the violence ordered by Miguel Diaz-Canel

against peaceful protesters as violations of internationally

recognized human rights that does nothing to address Cuba's

challenges;

[(3) calls on Cuban forces--

[(A) to respect the Cuban people's exercise of freedom of

assembly, freedom of expression, and other universal human

rights;

[(B) to refrain from restricting internet access and

connectivity in the country; and

[(C) to permit Cuban citizens to freely communicate on

digital platforms, as is their fundamental right;

[(4) calls for the immediate and unconditional release of

all arbitrarily detained Cuban citizens and all Cuban

political prisoners;

[(5) calls on members of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed

Forces, the Cuban Ministry of the Interior, and Cuba's

National Revolutionary Police Force to refrain from violently

repressing peaceful protesters and committing other human

rights violations; and

[(6) urges democratic governments and legislatures in

Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean--

[(A) to pledge their support for freedom and democracy in

Cuba; and

[(B) to speak out against the repression of demonstrators

in Cuba.]

That the Senate--

(1) expresses its strong solidarity with the people of Cuba

in their desire to live in a free and democratic country with

uncensored access to information, justice, and economic

prosperity;

(2) condemns the violence ordered by Miguel Diaz-Canel

against peaceful protesters as violations of internationally

recognized human rights that does nothing to address Cuba's

challenges;

(3) calls on Cuban forces--

(A) to respect the Cuban people's exercise of freedom of

assembly, freedom of expression, and other universal human

rights;

(B) to refrain from restricting internet access and

connectivity in the country; and

(C) to permit Cuban citizens to freely communicate on

digital platforms, as is their fundamental right;

(4) calls for the immediate and unconditional release of

all arbitrarily detained Cuban citizens and all Cuban

political prisoners;

(5) calls on members of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed

Forces, the Cuban Ministry of the Interior, and Cuba's

National Revolutionary Police Force to refrain from violently

repressing peaceful protesters and committing other human

rights violations;

(6) urges foreign governments, including authoritarian

regimes, to halt the provision of technology, equipment, and

other forms of assistance that are increasing the capability

of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces, the Cuban Ministry

of the Interior, and Cuba's National Revolutionary Police

Force to violently repress peaceful protestors, curtail

freedom of expression through censorship of the internet, and

commit other human rights abuses; and

(7) urges democratic governments and legislatures in

Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean--

(A) to pledge their support for freedom and democracy in

Cuba; and

(B) to speak out against the repression of demonstrators in

Cuba.

Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I totally agree that the Castro regime and its prodigy is a communist-socialist dictatorship in tyranny. Before the Senator was ever in this institution or involved with the issue, for 30 years, I have been saying exactly that.

The Senator, however, knows that in order to accept an amendment to a resolution that has been hotlined in both caucuses, this process could not move forward. I cannot simply accept the amendment. I would have to go through the whole process. And the fact of the matter is, I think there is a fierce urgency of now. This resolution already has the approval of 99 Senators, and if the Senator were to insist on his amendment, the junior Senator from Florida would be the only one standing in its way.

This bipartisan resolution is cosponsored by 19 Senators. The initiative is co-led by Senator Rubio, the senior Senator from Florida, the ranking member of the Senate Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere affairs. It is sponsored by Senator Risch, the ranking member of the full Foreign Relations Committee. It is supported by Senators Cruz and Romney and Hagerty, all of them leading Republican voices on the Foreign Relations Committee. With this strong Republican backing, the Foreign Relations Committee passed this resolution last Wednesday on a voice vote, with overwhelming bipartisan support.

Now, intervening, we have had this infrastructure bill, and so we are here trying to get this finally done. We have an opportunity to act today and send a powerful, bipartisan message in support of the Cuban people and condemn the regime's brutal repression.

Now, I personally agree with the sentiment of the junior Senator from Florida, but that reality is the reality that

has existed. We are talking about the reality today of trying to send a bipartisan, bicameral message.

This resolution already condemns its present Cuban dictator, Miguel Diaz-Canel, by name for his direct role in ordering a violent crackdown against the Cuban people. It also documents the massive wave of arrests in Cuba. It denounces in plain language the regime's brutal violence and its use of summary trials to arbitrarily sentence protesters who have no access to a lawyer.

So let me be clear. I have led U.S. and international efforts to oppose Cuba's communist dictatorship for 30 years in the Congress, including my role in helping create the Cuban Democracy Act and drafting the LIBERTAD Act. No one in Congress has a longer or more unwavering track record than I do when it comes to condemning the Cuban regime. But this resolution is a strong rebuke of the regime's recent actions, and it also achieves the bipartisan opportunity we need for Senate approval.

There comes a time when we have to put actions over words. Today, the Senate has a chance to act. We should not delay another hour in passing this resolution, and because that is exactly what would happen, I have to object to the Senator's amendment.

Mr. President, I appreciate that the Senator from Florida, while I share his sentiments, did not press forward on insisting on the amendment, which would have delayed this, and most importantly, I think the Cuban people are the ones who are going to thank him as well.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at certain times during my remarks I be allowed to address the Senate in Spanish.

Mr. President, I rise today to urge leaders across the United States and governments around the world to stand in solidarity with the people of Cuba as they cry out for freedom--for ``libertad''-- and for an end to decades of dictatorship.

What is happening in Cuba today is nothing short of historic. Yes, we have seen protests take place in years past, but the demonstrations that began on July 11 stand apart.

What began as one small pro-democracy protest in San Antonio de los Ba os spread across the island in a matter of hours. Cubans from all walks of life took to the streets in a courageous call for democratic change. Among those clamoring for freedom were Afro-Cubans demanding an end to discrimination and injustice, young people dreaming of a brighter future in their country, artists and activists from the San Isidro Movement singing ``Patria y Vida'' and ordinary citizens facing widespread food shortages, poor access to healthcare, and little to no protection from the ravages of COVID-19.

The people of Cuba are crying out for freedom, and we must hear them.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

The Cuban people are asking for what is fair, which is

freedom, and we must listen to their cry.

This is not about politics or ideology. The free world has a responsibility to stand with those who are not yet free, and the people of Cuba are anything but free.

Let's dispel the myths about what life is under the Cuban regime. For decades, the regime's ruthless and repressive tactics have systemically silenced the Cuban people while party insiders and cronies enrich themselves at their expense.

Today, Cuba remains a one-party communist state, where the basic principles of political pluralism and representative democracy are outlawed--outlawed. There are no free and fair elections in Cuba. Miguel Diaz-Canel may have appeared on a ballot, but there were no other candidates. He was not chosen by the people but handpicked by the Castros as their successor. He has the same ideology. He says the same things. He talks about ``la continuation,'' the continuation-- continuation of oppression.

There is no freedom of the press in Cuba. Independent journalists are routinely targeted with violence, harassment, imprisonment, and raids on their homes and offices.

There is no internet freedom in Cuba. The regime monitors online traffic, blocks sites, and charges so much money for data that most Cubans cannot afford access. And when the regime gets scared about what the Cuban people are saying and doing, they shut down the whole internet. Yes, they shut down the whole internet. The only reason a government shuts down the internet is because they fear their own people.

But this has consequences. I recently had a Catholic priest visiting here in Washington from Cuba. He told me an incredibly powerful story. He said this young man came to see him in church and said: I would fight. I would give my life for the cause of freedom if only someone would know that I died.

If only someone would know that I died.

There is no freedom of expression in Cuba. Hundreds of activists, artists, and political dissidents are taken prisoner every year without due process. Others are beaten in the streets or terminated from their jobs for daring to

express a contrary opinion. Cubans can even be imprisoned for the Orwellian offense of ``precriminal dangerousness.'' You heard me right, precriminal dangerousness. Let that sink in. The political police can arrest you if they decide you might commit a political crime in the future.

Fortunately, the regime's brutality has failed to extinguish the flame of liberty alive in the hearts of the Cuban people. Their courageous call for freedom is truly awe-inspiring. Yet the regime responded to these protests--as all authoritarian governments do--with repression, with censorship, with violence. The regime's internet outages tried to stop the Cuban people from using social media to open the eyes of the world to the repression and injustice they live with each and every day.

Yet it was too late. The truth went viral. Images of everyday Cubans chanting ``abajo la dictadura'' or ``down with the dictatorship'' and singing ``Patria y Vida'' or ``Homeland and Life'' spread around the world.

And so did countless videos of the regime's violent crackdown. Make no mistake, the incitement of violence came from the very top itself. It was Miguel Diaz-Canel, ostensibly the President of Cuba, who encouraged supporters to attack peaceful protesters, declaring in a televised address: ``The order to fight has been given--into the streets,'' and he pledged his supporters' lives: ``Over our dead bodies. We are prepared to do anything.''

What leader of a country invokes the people of the country to turn against their brothers and sisters in the country in violence? Who does that? Diaz-Canel did that.

The regime has confirmed just one death. Yet independent reports suggest additional lives were lost as well as numerous cases of violence and even torture. I have seen many of the videos. We can't show videos here on the Senate floor, but I tell you, if we could, it would be incredibly compelling and incredibly graphic and incredibly violent.

International human rights groups believe that more than 500 people have likely been detained, most facing arbitrary charges. Likewise-- don't take my word for it--the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, expressed her concern about ``the excessive force against demonstrators in Cuba and the arrest of a large number of people, including journalists. It is particularly worrying,'' she said, ``that these include individuals allegedly held incommunicado and people whose whereabouts are unknown.''

And, in fact, we have seen many videos and many stories of families trying to find out, Where are their loved ones? Where are their loved ones?

Already the regime is preparing summary trials for protesters that deny them access to legal representation, subject them to sham sentences, and make a mockery of due process

Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, a leader of the San Isidro Movement of artists, known globally for their efforts to promote freedom of expression, has been jailed and charged with ``resistance'' and ``public disorder.'' For what? For merely announcing on social media that he intended to join the peaceful protests--for merely announcing that he intended the join the peaceful protests. This artistic leader, this individual, as one of the leaders of the San Isidro Movement, jailed. For what? For nothing.

Jose Daniel Ferrer, head of the Patriotic Unit of Cuba, or UNPACU, is already behind bars. He is a renowned civil society leader who spent 8 years in prison for organizing an entirely legal electoral referendum under the existing Cuban constitution and was declared a ``prisoner of conscience'' by Amnesty International.

The regime has also unjustly detained multiple journalists for courageously reporting on the events of July 11, including Camilla Acosta, Luz Escobar, and Henry Constantin. Regime security forces also violently assaulted Ramon Espinosa, a photographer for the Associated Press.

Arrests have surged in recent days, but the politically motivated arrests have taken place throughout 2021. Rapper and Afro-Cuban artist Maykel Osorbo has been in prison since May. He is one of the artists featured in the protest's anthem ``Patria y Vida. Patria y Vida.'' Yes, in Cuba, you can be arrested for singing.

Today's protest movement builds on decades of efforts by Cuban patriots to advance the cause of freedom.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

In the decades of the Castro oppression, the Cuban people

have never stopped looking for their freedom. Despite the

little attention some heroes have received, they have made

possible this moment in Cuban's history.

From the Patriotic Union of Cuba's efforts to unite activists in support of democracy to Berta Soler and the intrepid leaders of the Ladies in White--these are the spouses, daughters, mothers of political prisoners who repeatedly faced violence for attending church services and walking peacefully in white to Havana's streets with a gladiola in their hands, beaten, beaten, for walking peacefully along the streets of Havana dressed in white with a gladiola in her hands; I was privileged to have Berta here at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--to the Christian Liberation Movement's work exploiting tools afforded by the regime's own constitution to advance democratic change.

This month marks 9 years since the movement's leader, Oswaldo Paya, died in a suspicious car crash that has never been fully investigated due to the regime's obstruction. I believe he was assassinated.

Decade after decade, Cuban patriots have dedicated their lives and given their lives to the cause of democracy and freedom. They have struggled to rebuild communities and preserve values relentlessly attacked by Cuba's Communist leaders. They have worked tirelessly to alleviate the hardships that forced hundreds of thousands of Cuban families to abandon their homeland in search of opportunities abroad.

The suffering that the Cuban regime inflicts on its own people extends beyond its borders. For over two decades, Cuba has provided military and intelligence assistance to Venezuela's dictatorship. It has exploited its repressive tactics from Havana to Caracas. It has shared its failed economic model with Venezuela's kleptocrats. And it should be no surprise that Venezuela is now a failed state with a devastating humanitarian crisis.

Cuba also provides safe haven to members of Colombia's ELN guerrilla group, designated by the United States as a ``foreign terrorist organization.'' The regime continues to deny extradition requests from the Colombian Government.

In addition, Cuba has also harbored and still harbors American fugitives evading the U.S. justice system. They include Joanne Chesimard, who remains on the FBI's Most Wanted List for her role in the murder of New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster; and William ``Guillermo'' Morales, a terrorist who took part in several bombings in the United States, including Fraunces Tavern in Manhattan in 1975.

As it exports criminality and repression across the Americas, the Cuban regime is a cancer that spreads instability across our hemisphere.

Against this backdrop, the people of Cuba cry out for freedom, and I urge our partners in the international community to listen to their voices, hear their cries of desperation.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

It is time the international community listens to the Cuban

people and act. Not only to say they're sympathetic to their

cause, but to take action.

They want freedom from a system that denies them basic human rights and control over their own destiny. They want freedom from an economic model that places the interests of corrupt party and military oligarchs above those of the people.

But there is no freedom today in Cuba. There is no economic opportunity. There is no justice. The regime has turned a blind eye to reports documenting a disturbing rise in femicide and violence against women. It continues to treat Afro-Cubans as second-class citizens unworthy of political representation and opportunity, even while they are the leaders of the freedom movement inside of Cuba.

And it continues to deploy Cuban doctors to foreign countries against their will and under conditions that meet the definition of human trafficking. The regime sends Cuban doctors abroad, takes away their passports, monitors their activities, threatens retribution against their families,

all the while garnishing 75 percent of the wages that that country is paying for that doctor. These medical missions aren't humanitarian aid; they are forced labor.

The regime continues to engage in gross economic mismanagement. Money that could be spent caring for the sick or vaccinating people against COVID-19 instead goes to new hotels and tourist destinations.

Despite the growing number of international companies there, Cuban workers cannot be hired directly by those companies. So you own a hotel, like the Spaniards do, in Cuba. You don't hire the worker directly; you go to the state employment agency, and they send you the worker. You pay the state employment agency, which means the regime, in dollars, and they pay the worker a fraction of what the regime is getting paid. They have no rights. If you have a problem with that employee, send him back to us, and we will send you someone else. Fire them at will. They have no rights. Cuban workers cannot be directly hired by them. Instead, they are contracted by state-owned employment agencies that garnish their wages and, ironically, deny them the right to organize outside of the Communist Party-controlled union.

As the Cuban people push for a new dawn in their country, a vibrant Cuban-American community here has never wavered in their support for their brothers and sisters on the island. They have worked tirelessly to support family members in Cuba to ensure their cries for help are heard around the world. In rallies and demonstrations in my home State of New Jersey, in Florida, and, yes, here in Washington, Cuban Americans are standing with loved ones on the island and diaspora living around the world and calling for an end to a system that has robbed generations of Cuban families of their dignity.

For me, in my 30 years in Congress, this has been a constant struggle, from my days in the House of Representatives, helping pass the Cuban Democracy Act; to the tragic downing of the Brothers to the Rescue, civilians who were just flying over the Straits of Florida between Cuba and the United States, looking for those people who had taken to the to try to seek freedom and were shot down, which led to the LIBERTAD Act, otherwise known as Helms-Burton, which I helped write; from my visit to Guantanamo, our base, with former Congresspeople Lincoln Diaz-Balart and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, where thousands of Cubans were being held at one time when the boatlifts were making their way to the United States and where we eventually brought them back to the United States; from presentations in Geneva, at the U.N. Human Rights Council, leading to a resolution there condemning the regime and here, as the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, leading to a resolution, a bipartisan resolution--a bipartisan resolution--that unanimously passed out of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee today; and so much more. So I marvel at some of my Cuban brothers and sisters with their insulting remarks toward me.

Since July 11, President Biden and Secretary Blinken have repeatedly spoken in support of the Cuban people and made clear the United States stands with them in their call for freedom.

More importantly, the administration is backing up its words with action. Last week, President Biden invoked the Global Magnitsky Act, which is a law that we use, passed by the Congress of the United States, to sanction human rights violators across the globe. The President invoked the Global Magnitsky Act to sanction Cuban Defense Minister General Lopez Miera and the Black Berets SWAT unit for their violent and repressive actions against peaceful protesters. Secretary Blinken, the Secretary of State, has made clear the administration will continue to hold human rights abusers accountable.

I urge the administration to consider additional Global Magnitsky designations and also to revoke the existing visas of senior Cuban officials. Such steps are greatly needed.

With the Diaz-Canel regime wielding internet connectivity as a political weapon against its citizens, the administration is also pursuing ways to help Cubans gain unrestricted access to the internet. They need unfettered access to information. They need to be able to communicate with each other. They need to be able to tell each other what is happening in their country. They need to be able to organize peacefully to create change in their country, and we must accelerate our efforts to provide them with the tools they need to do so, whether that is satellite feeds, whether that is tethered global balloons, whether that is a multiplicity of options. Because a beam can be jammed, we need to find a way to get the people of Cuba internet connection.

The United States also must continue working with international partners in support of democracy and human rights in Cuba.

Last week, I was proud to lead a joint statement for the first time ever in support of the Cuban people with my counterparts who chair the Foreign Affairs Committees of the United Kingdom, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. This week, the Foreign Ministers of 20 nations joined Secretary Blinken to ``condemn the mass arrests and detentions of protestors in Cuba and call on the government to respect the universal rights and freedoms of the Cuban people.'' Many of these countries have never ever expressed themselves in solidarity with the Cuban people.

I am proud to see Secretary Blinken and the administration make that happen. I applaud those governments that joined Secretary Blinken, but I also note the absence of those, including Canada and Spain and the European Union. Does Spain care more about Spanish hotel investments than it does about the human rights of the Cuban people?

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

Is it more important the business you conduct on the island

than the freedom and democracy of the oppressed people? Do

you care more about those investments?

Does Canada place more priority on mining investments than it does on fundamental freedoms? I would hope not.

These universal principles should unite all of us.

The administration is also convening a working group to study options for the restoration of some remittances. For too long, the Cuban military's economic conglomerate has managed the remittances that Cuban Americans send their families on the island, using fees and currency conversion to enrich itself. The United States would never allow the Spanish, the Mexican, or the Argentine military to control the flow of remittances to their countries. It is time that we insist that Cuban Americans be able to freely and directly support their loved ones.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

It's only fair that the hard working Cuban American

families can send money to their families instead of that

money being used to enrich the elite of the Cuban Communist

Party.

The steps taken thus far by the Biden administration are important, but we must do more.

Today, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee approved my resolution, along with colleagues on both the Republican and Democratic sides, expressing our solidarity with the Cuban people and condemning the regime's abuses. This bipartisan, bicameral initiative deserves the support of the full Senate, and I hope we will pass it on the floor this week.

It is also time for the Biden administration to issue a new Executive order to provide direction for U.S. policy toward Cuba. The order should hone our accountability measures for persons involved in human rights abuses and those who materially support them. It should solidify our strategies on internet access and support for the Cuban people. Congress should review options to increase funding for U.S. democracy programs as well as internet freedom initiatives.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

We must continue putting pressure on who violate human

rights and elevate our support to the Cuban people

The United States must also find new ways to work with trusted, impartial international partners, including international organizations, to provide vaccines and other aid directly to the Cuban people. The Cuban regime has grossly mismanaged its pandemic response. It has refused to participate in

COVAX and continues to promote its own vaccine, which is either ineffective or unavailable because people in Cuba are dying. As a result, everyday Cubans continue to suffer.

The United States must lead a serious effort to push for the demilitarization of the Cuban economy. The military-owned umbrella company GAESA reigns supreme over the Cuban economy. It is run by whom? By Raul Castro's son-in-law, Luis Alberto Lopez-Callejas, fueling the rise of a new generation of regime oligarchs. The Cuban people will never achieve economic prosperity while regime military companies control the economy.

After years of efforts by the Trump administration to slash funding for programs that we continuously had to fight to bring back that provide lifelines to Cuban activists and civil society, I am very pleased to see that the Biden administration has requested $20 million for these programs and made clear that America will continue standing with those on the frontlines of Cuba's pro-democracy movement.

It is time also for the United States to launch a campaign in support of labor rights inside of Cuba. There is no acceptable explanation for why Cuban men and women are unable to be directly hired and directly paid by international companies and organizations that are present in Cuba. If we are serious about empowering the Cuban people, they must have a direct say in their livelihoods.

The Biden administration should pursue the success of past campaigns, such as the Sullivan Principles in South Africa, to lead efforts that require businesses to engage directly with the Cuban people and their employment.

The Biden administration should also maintain the State Department's Cuba Restricted List, which can help businesses and organizations directly engage with the Cuban people instead of regime conglomerates.

Additionally, the United States and our allies must send a message to members of the Cuban military. The Cuban military's slogan is that it draws its power from the people. Well, the people are protesting. In reality, you should not use your power against the people.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

The Cuban Army has to understand that if their mandate

comes from the people, the people is protesting; the people

wants freedom. Don't use your arms against your brothers and

sisters if you want to have a future in Cuba.

Additionally, let's be clear. When we send that message to the Cuban military not to turn its arms against its brothers and sisters, the world is watching what is happening in Cuba. There is a future in a democratic Cuba under civilian control for members of the military who refuse to repress their fellow citizens, but if you are involved in human rights abuses and have blood on your hands, you will be held accountable.

It is also worth noting to Cuba's military leaders that their future with this regime is anything but certain. In the last 10 days--in the last 10 days--five Cuban generals have died under highly suspicious conditions that the regime seems intent on covering up. All of a sudden, five Cuban generals, in 10 days, have died. I don't know at this time that I would want to be a general in Cuba.

To those who want to blame Cuba's misery on the U.S. embargo, I would say that it is the Cuban regime that needs to lift its embargo on its own population. It is the regime's own restrictive policies that have left the average Cuban destitute while oligarchs enjoy state-run stores that are brimming with dollar-denominated goods out of reach to the general population.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

The real embargo is the one the communist regime has

imposed against its own people who are not able to access

food, medicine or basic needs without its consent.

The steps to end the embargo are laid out clearly in title II of the LIBERTAD Act, which is the law of the United States, which I wrote. Those steps include releasing political prisoners, legalizing political activity, and holding democratic elections.

If the regime ends its iron-fisted rule over the Cuban people, title II of the LIBERTAD Act lays out what the United States stands ready to do to pursue a different relationship with the people of Cuba. The United States would work directly with a democratic government to take steps to remove the embargo, to engage in direct trade with Cuba, to support its return and membership to international financial organizations, and so much more. It is all there in U.S. law. This is not a promise of something that could happen; it is a promise of what would happen if there is a change in Cuba.

It is time for the Cuban regime to take the steps and accept the demands of the Cuban people.

Let me close on a personal note.

I stand here on the floor of the U.S. Senate as the son of Cuban refugees who came to this country in search of freedom and opportunity.

Today, we are bearing witness to something in Cuba that my parents never got to see.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

The day they dreamt about is the day millions of Cubans

around the world dream today, the day Cuba is set free.

We are bearing witness to a historic moment in which Cubans from all walks of life are coming together to demand that same freedom. We are bearing witness to a deep discontent within the Cuban people with the status quo and life under one of the most repressive regimes ever known.

For more than 60 years, they have lived without liberty and justice, without freedom of expression, without human rights and the ability to determine their own future.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

Don't be fooled. When the people went out to protest, they

are not asking for food, vaccines, or work. No.

One word, and only one. Freedom, freedom, freedom.

Freedom, because with freedom, everything else comes.

Let us not repeat the mistakes of the past. Let us not fall victim to tired myths. Let us embrace the facts over the fiction. Most importantly, let us hear the Cuban people's cries for freedom.

It is our job to stand with them, to empower them, to ensure that the international community helps them achieve their dreams and aspirations.

(English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:)

Because without freedom and democracy, there is no ``Patria

y Vida.'' But with freedom and democracy, there is a homeland

of life and many opportunities.

I yield the floor.

The following executive reports of nominations were submitted:

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign

Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists

which were printed in the RECORDS on the dates indicated, and

ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on

the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the

Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

Foreign Service nominations beginning with Jeanne Frances

Bailey and ending with Bruce J. Zanin, which nominations were

received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional

Record on April 13, 2021.

Foreign Service nominations beginning with Russell Anthony

Duncan and ending with Mark Clayton Prescott, which

nominations were received by the Senate and appeared in the

Congressional Record on April 27, 2021.

Foreign Service nomination of Marc Clayton Gilkey.

Foreign Service nominations beginning with Gabriel J.

Allison and ending with Amanda M. Zeidan, which nominations

were received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional

Record on June 22, 2021.

Foreign Service nominations beginning with Wade C. Martin

and ending with Fernando Ospina, which nominations were

received by the Senate and appeared in the Congressional

Record on June 22, 2021.

Mr. President, I rise today to express my support for the nomination of Bonnie Jenkins to be the next Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security.

The position for which Ambassador Jenkins has been nominated is one of the most vital senior security positions in the Department of State. This individual is responsible for overseeing nuclear policy and nonproliferation efforts, directing U.S. arms sales and security assistance policy, dealing with the legacies of unexploded munitions and landmines, and orchestrating global cooperation among both allies and adversaries on critical national security issues.

As the United States is preparing for its first Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia, which will occur later this month, it is absolutely critical we have a Senate-confirmed leader in the State Department to effectively compete with and confront Moscow's challenges to our national security. This meeting will set the tone for U.S. diplomatic efforts to limit Russia's nuclear arsenal, which is crucial at a time when we are also witnessing the initial stages of a major build-up of Chinese nuclear forces.

I am pleased to be supporting Ambassador Jenkins's nomination for this position, and I am confident that her extensive experience in the State Department and her 22 years in the Air Force and Naval Reserves provide her with the type of background and knowledge required to meet the challenges that await her, if confirmed.

During the Obama administration, Ambassador Jenkins' spearheaded efforts to fight nuclear terrorism. She helped coordinate four nuclear security summits which sought to persuade nations around the world to secure vulnerable nuclear material that might fall into the hands of dangerous actors.

For over 20 years, she served as an intelligence officer in the U.S. Naval Reserves, retiring as a lieutenant commander. She also holds multiple degrees, including a Ph.D., a master of laws, a law degree, and a master in public administration.

Outside of government she has consistently empowered voices rarely heard in national security debates, providing a different but important perspective on how the United States should tackle the threats we confront.

The fact that Ambassador Jenkin's nomination, someone whose leadership is so essential to the State Department and to our national security, has languished on the Senate floor for 56 days is a travesty.

I urge my colleagues to support her nomination and make sure that this critical national security position is filled without further delay.

Vote on Jenkins Nomination