Continuing Appropriations Resolution, 2015
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chair of the full committee for yielding, and I rise in support of the continuing resolution. We must pass this continuing resolution to keep the Federal Government open and operating for taxpayers. Mr. Speaker, as…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chair of the full committee for yielding, and I rise in support of the continuing resolution.
We must pass this continuing resolution to keep the Federal Government open and operating for taxpayers. Mr. Speaker, as you know, this legislation continues funding to pay our troops, for the Department of Defense operations, and for defense and maintenance, research and development, and procurement at fiscal year 2014 levels.
But a word of caution to my colleague. We have had a great deal of talk lately from some quarters about
eventually extending this continuing resolution to September of next year, 2015. That would be a very bad idea for the Department of Defense and many other important agencies and programs. While this approach might hold the line on spending in other agencies and programs, a yearlong continuing resolution has proven to be terribly costly for the Department of Defense.
Funding under a CR promotes budget uncertainty that makes defense planning and managing programs nearly impossible. It is damaging to our men and women in uniform, our military readiness, our defense industrial base, and our defense posture as we face challenges around the world, in the Middle East, the Pacific, Africa, Europe, and considered additional actions in Iraq and also Syria.
Three months ago, our full committee and our Defense Subcommittee produced a strong, bipartisan fiscal year 2015 Defense Appropriations bill. We hope the Senate will now join us to complete the process, allowing us to fulfill our responsibilities under the Constitution for a strong national defense.
Mr. Chairman, I commend your strong efforts and that of the staff and urge support of the resolution.
But before I conclude, may I also join with Chairman Rogers in saluting Tom McLemore, the clerk to the Defense Subcommittee on Appropriations, for his years of hard work on behalf of all Members, Republicans and Democrats, his strong work on behalf of a strong national defense, for his work with me in my brief tenure as chairman, but for the many years of loyal support he gave to our late chairman, Congressman Bill Young of Florida.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the McKeon amendment, but with serious reservations, reservations that have nothing to do with the substance of the amendment.
I applaud Chairman McKeon for his very diligent work to craft an amendment that responds to our Commander in Chief's proposal to address the very real, serious threat we face in a thoughtful and responsible manner while preserving Congress' constitutional authority and oversight in these matters.
Let me be clear, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria poses a clear and present danger to the United States, our homeland, our friends and partners in the Middle East and around the world.
The President has proposed that he be granted the authority to train and equip Syrian opposition groups in hopes that they will use their training and turn their weapons on ISIS, a truly savage and cruel cult of extremists.
We all watched the President's television address last week. That address left this Member and many constituents with more questions than answers.
The strategy the President announced is not so much a strategy as a continuation of a counterterrorism policy that relies on others to be on the front line to protect United States national security interests when their motivations, interests, and capabilities may or may not align with our interests.
I have to state here and now that I am concerned that the President's plan is, first of all, very late; secondly, may be based on unrealistic assumptions.
We have been told that there is a comprehensive strategy and a multinational coalition of the willing to fight the terrorists who have gained massive amounts of ground in both Syria and Iraq. To date, neither the Congress nor the American people have been told all of the details on that strategy or how it will be implemented.
The President has repeatedly proclaimed that there will be no American boots on the ground, but our constituents should not be misled. There are American boots on the ground currently in Iraq, and there is a strong likelihood there may be boots on the ground in Syria and, in the skies above, planes, and those who fight will remain in harm's way.
The White House is relying on so-called moderate rebel groups to fight ISIS, groups that do not and will not exist in any great numbers and whose primary target is the Syrian dictator, President Assad. How do you reconcile those competing goals?
Indeed, there are many complicated questions in a complicated region of the world with ever-shifting alliances and loyalties, but this is where the terrorists who want to do us harm have taken hold.
Despite reservations and questions, we must take action. The threat is real, and ISIS must be confronted now. I support the McKeon amendment because it will provide the experts and the Department of Defense the authority they need to put together a clearly defined, realistic strategy and address unanswered questions for both this Congress and our constituents.
That, however, does not and must not mean that Congress will cede its constitutional obligations. We must exercise our responsibilities and not give the President a blank fiscal check.
I commend Chairman McKeon for recognizing that Congress must be informed and a full partner with the administration. This amendment does not provide the administration with the blank check they originally sought.
In this measure, we provide authority for a limited train-and-equip program with strong congressional oversight. This amendment does not allow any funds, be they appropriated funds or foreign-partner funds, without prior notification and approval to congressional defense committees in accordance with standard reprogramming procedures.
This amendment does not--I repeat, does not--provide an authorization for the use of military force. Indeed, the amendment includes language that makes it explicitly clear that this train-and-equip authority is not an authorization for the use of military force.
Mr. Speaker, I support this amendment. ISIS needs to be confronted, and sooner rather than later. However, in the weeks and months to come, this House must use its oversight powers under the Constitution to monitor this strategy and demand changes when and if it falters.