Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss climate change, one of the most important issues facing our planet today. Thankfully, the issue of climate change has been getting more coverage in the national media. While I know that there are many…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss climate change, one of the most important issues facing our planet today. Thankfully, the issue of climate change has been getting more coverage in the national media. While I know that there are many Members in Congress who are committed to taking action, the level of attention paid to climate change in Congress does not match either the urgency of the issue or the concern of the American public. Given the enormous implications for our economy and our environment, this must change. Climate change is real, and we must act.
The steps we must take to address the issue are a matter of great debate. There is a consensus that we must reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but how we do that is not as simple. I applaud my colleagues in the House as well as the Senate who have introduced or supported legislation to address climate change. I have, however, great concern that their proposals, while extremely well-intentioned and well- crafted, do not have sufficient support in the Congress and do not adequately address the economic challenges our country will face as we move toward a less-carbon-intensive economy.
It is my belief that we must take action now to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but we must do so in a way that would minimize the impact to our economy. We must implement an economy-wide, upstream, all greenhouse gas cap-and-trade emissions reduction program that provides some flexibility and a measure of certainty to those industries and businesses affected.
The National Commission on Energy Policy, a bipartisan group of top experts from energy, government, labor, academia and environmental and consumer groups, developed a set of sensible policy recommendations for addressing oil security, climate change, natural gas supply, and other long-term energy supply challenges. They advocate for a modest, certain and efficient proposal. Their recommendations have been endorsed by major U.S. businesses and labor groups.
One of the key components of their proposal is the concept of a safety valve for the cap-and-trade program. The safety valve essentially puts a price on carbon but provides for an unlimited number of allowances to be sold by the government. Since no one would pay more than what the government charges for allowances, this mechanism effectively controls the price of allowances.
When set at the right price, the safety valve would start the country down the path of slowing the growth of greenhouse gas emissions without causing economic disruption. While there may be less emissions reduction with a safety valve than without one, today we are doing nothing. And the safety valve creates a potential buy-in from those affected by the legislation.
Another component that I believe is important to integrate into any climate change policy is setting a prospective baseline on greenhouse gas emissions. A sound greenhouse gas emissions reduction policy must recognize that the buildup of greenhouse gas has been taking place over the last century. Since greenhouse gas concentrations are a cumulative measure, sharply reducing a particular year's emissions is substantially less important than the alternative, which is to start down the long-term path of gradually slowing the growth of greenhouse gas emissions. This will also allow businesses to plan for a carbon- constrained world.
Mr. Speaker, I believe any climate change policy we implement must also tie our country's efforts to reducing greenhouse gas emissions to those efforts of the major developing countries. We must ensure that they make a similar commitment to our environment and that the United States is not unfairly burdened. It is a major concern of American business and labor that the developing countries participate in slowing the growth of greenhouse gases to a degree comparable to ours. Any program that does not link our emissions reductions to those of the major developing countries would not only be fundamentally unfair but could also reduce America's competitiveness, resulting in the loss of businesses and jobs in the United States.
And, lastly, Mr. Speaker, a climate change policy must also encourage the development of new greenhouse gas emissions reduction technologies.
Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record two documents to supplement what I have said here today, an editorial and a letter.
The long-term resolution of the greenhouse gas emissions issues lies in the research and development of new technology.
Mr. Speaker, there is irrefutable scientific evidence to justify taking action on climate change. The long-term consequences of failing to act are sufficiently well documented, providing us with every incentive we need to act. I know many of my colleagues believe that the United States can and should adopt a greenhouse gas emissions reduction policy, but I believe that such a policy will only garner support if it is modest, efficient, and fair. Most importantly Mr. Speaker, we must begin the process. We must act and we must do so now. Otherwise, we are simply putting the future of our planet at risk.
[From the Washington Post, Jan. 28, 2005]
A Warming Climate
For the past four years members of the Bush administration
have cast doubt on the scientific community's consensus on
climate change. But even if they don't like the science,
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, one of their closest
allies in Iraq and elsewhere, has given the administration
another, more realpolitik, reason to rejoin the climate
change debate: ``If America wants the rest of the world to be
part of the agenda it has set, it must be part of their
agenda, too,'' the prime minister said this week.
Mr. Blair's speech came at an interesting moment, both for
the administration's energy and climate change policies and
for the administration's diplomatic agenda. In the next few
weeks, the House will almost certainly vote once again on
last year's energy bill, a mishmash of subsidies and tax
breaks that finally proved too expensive even for a
Republican Senate to stomach. After a House vote, there may
be an attempt to trim the cost of the bill and add measures
to make it acceptable to more senators--including the growing
number of Republicans who have, sometimes behind the scenes,
indicated an interest in climate change legislation.
Indeed, any new discussion of energy policy could allow
Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Joseph I. Lieberman (D-Conn.)
to seek another vote on their climate change bill, which
would establish a domestic ``cap and trade'' system or
controlling the greenhouse gas emissions that contribute to
global warming.
If domestic politics could prompt the president to look
again at the subject, international politics certainly
should. Administration officials assert that mending fences
with Europe is a primary goal for this year; if so, the
relaunching of a climate change policy--almost any climate
change policy--would be widely interpreted as a sign of
goodwill, as Mr. Blair made clear. Beyond the problematic
Kyoto Protocol, there are ways for the United States to join
the global discussion, not least by setting limits for
domestic carbon emissions.
Although environmentalists and the business lobby sometimes
make it sound as if no climate change compromise is feasible,
several informal coalitions in Washington suggest the
opposite. The Pew Center on Global Climate Change got a
number of large energy companies and consumers--including
Shell, Alcoa, DuPont and American Electric Power--to help
design the McCain-Lieberman legislation. A number of security
hawks have recently joined forces with environmentalists to
promote fuel efficiency as a means of reducing U.S.
dependence on Middle Eastern oil. Most substantively, the
National Commission on Energy Policy, a group that
deliberately brought industry, environmental and government
experts together to hash out a compromise, recently published
its conclusions after two years of debate.
Among other things, it proposed more flexible means of
promoting automobile fuel efficiency and suggested
determining in advance exactly how high the ``price'' for
carbon emissions should be allowed to go, thereby giving
industry some way to predict the ultimate cost of a cap-and-
trade system.
They also point out that legislation limiting carbon
emissions would immediately create incentives for industry to
invent new fuel-efficient technologies, to build new nuclear
power plants (nuclear power produces no carbon) and to find
cleaner ways to burn coal. Technologies to reduce carbon
emissions as well as fossil fuel consumption around the world
are within reach, in other words--if only the United States
government wants them.