Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States regarding the right of all citizens of the United States to a public education of equal high quality.
Legislative Activity
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Referred to the Subcommittee on the Constitution.
May 5, 2003
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Introduced in House
March 4, 2003
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
March 4, 2003
Referred to the Subcommittee on the Constitution.
May 5, 2003
Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.J.Res. 29 on the floor
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Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.J.Res. 29 on the floor
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and let me start by thanking the chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen). This chairman, I think in…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and let me start by thanking the chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen). This chairman, I think in the ways most remembered of Julian Dixon, has taken the helm and worked hard, been sensitive to the issues arising here in the capital city. He has been out and about visiting and visibly showing the concern of the Congress for the plight of the city's neighborhoods. I think he most appropriately understands and appreciates the work that the city's leadership, the Mayor and the council and its delegate, the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), have done to rescue the city from its fiscal constraints from years ago.
Mr. Chairman, I worked with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) in creating the financial control board, which was modeled after the PICA Board that we instituted in Philadelphia that I sponsored in the legislature then, and it has worked well here in the District. The district is now on its own and has done a tremendous job in righting the ship.
The chairman understands and appreciates the superb leadership that superintendent Paul Vance has brought to the school district and the board of education here in Washington, D.C., and I just want to thank the chairman, thank his staff, particularly Carol Murphy, who has shepherded at the helm the work of the majority staff, and I would also like to thank Rob Nabors on the Democratic appropriations staff and William Miles from my personal staff that have worked on D.C.-related matters.
We come here today with a bill in which there will be a lot of attention on what we disagree on, and we disagree on one item, that of vouchers; but I do not want that to overshadow the fact that this bill, absent that one disagreement, is a very significant accomplishment and it is owed solely to the leadership of the chairman and his capable political skills and bringing to a consensus how we should address a whole host of issues affecting our capital city.
This is, I think without disagreement, in the world's only remaining superpower, the wealthiest country in the world, this is our capital city, and it is a symbol in every important way to world visitors, foreign leaders, and to those who look upon this Nation as to where our priorities are. So it is important work that the Congress does. And as we seek to promote democracy in other places, I know that we hope one day here in the District that American citizens who pay taxes and who are dying on foreign battlefields will have democracy here in the District and be able to have on the floor of this House not just a voice but a vote.
Mr. Chairman, today I commend the chairman for this bill. I think it addresses the critical issues in important ways. He has fought for an allocation that some may have some issues with, but it is representative of approaching what we need to address the District's problems; and I thank him and his staff for their work.
Mr. Chairman, I hope we can enter into the general debate and move through this bill, have a passionate discussion about the question of vouchers but not overlook the fact that we have broad agreement here on the direction of what our fiscal responsibilities are to the District of Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume to thank the gentleman from California for his comments and his work on the committee, and indeed it is because of the leadership that he has brought that a great deal of progress has happened in terms of the waterfront.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Reclaiming my time, it is well known that the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham), unlike many other Members, has sought and stayed on this committee and has made a real contribution at the waterfront, and I am aware of his efforts in terms of this particular type of cancer.
I would tell him in terms of the sewer system and the infrastructure in the District of Columbia, there are tremendous needs. I understand the President will be down soon with a $13 billion request to rebuild the sewer system in Iraq with taxpayer money. Maybe there might be a few pennies left that we can do something more to help in our own capital city; but Members should not hold their breath because I am sure we will be told there is not enough money to address these domestic concerns.
The question of vouchers is an important one, and I am going to yield to the Member who has the most to say about this. As the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham) said, really there is not a lot of disagreement because if somebody wants this, it should not be outlawed. But the question here in the District of Columbia was there was a referendum. The voters have spoken. They do not want vouchers.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 8 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) to address the bill and any particular concerns the gentlewoman wants to beyond that.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to make a couple of points. One is that it is true that the mayor has come out in favor of this approach, assuming that there would be dollars for our public schools and charter schools, in what we now call the three-prong approach. The three-prong approach is not what is before us at all, and I sincerely believe the chairman when he says that we hope in conference that we can address that. But the vote before us today is to do nothing additional for public schools, nothing additional for charter schools and solely and singularly take dollars and to provide them to private institutions.
I personally think that private school choice is wonderful and if people want to make private choices, I think they should pay for them privately. This is a public enterprise and we have
to make public choices. If we have got 70,000 children in a school system that lacks fully-qualified teachers, we should take every penny we can find and get them fully-qualified teachers; that if they lack libraries, we should get them libraries, and so forth and so on. We know what we need to make public schools work. They work right outside of the District of Columbia today, in Fairfax County, in Alexandria. They work. You put quality teachers in the classroom, you put a limited class size, you give them updated textbooks, and kids learn. Why do we not do that in the District? Why do we not give to them what we provide to other children rather than give them some unproven, newfangled idea that nobody has any indication will work?
The gentleman who just spoke, my colleague from Florida, Florida just had an embarrassment where they had vouchers going to some outfit who, it is at least alleged, was involved in terrorism activity. When you have these uncontrolled, unregulated vouchers, you can have everything from the David Duke Academy getting dollars to anything that anybody else can dream up.
We need to be careful as we go forward because all we are looking forward to here is for some kind of embarrassment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes, even though I only promised him 2\1/ 2\, to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me just make a couple of comments. A basic understanding of how the city government operates is that the mayor is the executive. City policy is designed by a consensus between the council and a majority and the executive through statute. There is nothing that prevents the D.C. Government at any time from instituting a voucher program if it wants to. There does not exist a political consensus in the District; that is, the legislative body, which we should have great sympathy for as we are a legislative body, does not agree with this policy. So to say, well, you have got the city's support because you have the mayor, ask us if you have the full support of the city government when you actually do not.
It is important that as we say that we come with great concern about the plight of the children in the District and that we want them to have the same opportunity that our children have, let us give them the same opportunity that the constituents of the gentleman from Virginia have. That is, they have quality schools with fully-qualified, credentialed teachers. Let us take these dollars and provide that here in the District. They have schools that have updated curriculums and adequate libraries and school counselors for all of the children who are presented to the schoolhouse door, not taking a few children, siphoning them off and helping them, and forsaking the rest to a District that by his own statement is not living up to what we would hope it would live up to.
So this question of diverting public dollars for a private school and schools is a very important one about what we really believe. If we want to truly help these children, let us do for them what we are doing for other children, and that is provide quality public schools in the District of Columbia so that these children and future generations of them can benefit because we already know that that works. It works right in the gentleman from Virginia's (Mr. Tom Davis) district. It works today. Vouchers have not been proven to work anywhere in the country, and why experiment on the future life chances of these children here in the District?
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like to enter into the Record a new story from the Florida Naples Daily News which headlines ``Private School with Ties to Terrorists gets State Money'' through a private tuition voucher program.
And I appreciate the comments from the gentleman from Washington State. It is true that the mayor supports dollars for vouchers which I disagree with. It is also true, and I think fair to say, that this is not the proposal that the mayor supports. He supports a three-pronged approach that is not what is going to be before us today, and I sincerely appreciate all the work that the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) has done on behalf of the District, but this is not a proposal that the mayor supports nor is it a proposal that the City Council supports. So to say this has the support of the District, I think, is really kind of twisting things slightly.
[From the Florida Naples Daily News, July 18, 2003]
Private School With Ties to Alleged Terrorist Gets State Money
Tampa.--Senate Democrats urged Gov. Jeb Bush on Thursday to
cut off payment to a school co-founded by a professor accused
of being the North American leader of a worldwide terrorist
organization.
The school received $350,000 last year through a state
program that pays private school tuition for some students.
A February grand jury indictment against Sami Al-Arian, the
alleged leader of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and seven
others says the school was used as a base of support for the
organization.
The indictment said the purpose of the organization was
``to assist its engagement in, and promotion of, violent
attacks designed to thwart the Middle East Peace Process.''
It said the Palestinian Islamic Jihad is responsible for 100
murders in Israel and its territories.
Al-Arian, who is being held in jail without bail and denies
any connections to terrorism, co-founded the school in 1992
and served as its director and chairman of its board.
The school's treasurer, Sameeh Hammoudeh, also was indicted
and is being held in jail without bond. He and Al-Arian
allegedly encouraged people who wanted to send money to
Palestinians to write checks to their school. The Palm Beach
Post reported in its Thursday editions.
Last year, the 300-student Islamic Academy of Florida
received more than 50 percent of its revenue from the state
program, Florida PRIDE, which uses corporate donations to pay
for poor students to attend private schools.
``The disclosures that more than $300,000 of this money
went last year to a school suspected of terrorist ties raises
the frightening specter that Florida's taxpayers may be
unwittingly funding extremist organizations intent on the
destruction of our nation and its allies,'' Senate Democratic
Leader Ron Klein and Senator Dave Aronberg wrote in their
letter to Gov. Jeb Bush.
Denise Lasher, spokeswoman for Florida PRIDE, said
officials conducted an independent audit of the school after
the indictment was released and found no misuse of funds and
no connection between the scholarship money and terrorist
activity.
She said the school received more than $300,000 in federal
grants for computers and its free- and reduced-price school
lunch program.
``It was unfortunate that there was someone at the school
accused of doing something
illegal, but that doesn't mean the school has done something
illegal,'' she said Thursday.
But although Florida PRIDE found that all of its
scholarship money was going to the school, Hammoudeh was paid
for his services as school treasurer, and the indictment
states that school supplies and equipment were used in the
Jihad operation. It is unknown whether Al-Arian was being
paid.
Corporations that donate to the program receive a dollar-
for-dollar tax break. The program gave out nearly $50 million
in scholarships last year.
Since the program began, large corporations such as WCI
Communities Inc., Gulf Power Co., Florida Power & Light and
Verizon Wireless have donated to the program, but how much
and to which program is not public information.
Critics of the corporate tax credit scholarship program are
concerned that there is no government oversight of the
schools that take the money. In their letter to Bush, Klein
and Aronberg called for a review of the program and of the
schools.
Under the May 2001 law, the Florida Department of Education
cannot dictate curriculum or monitor how students are
progressing academically.
But Lasher insisted the schools teachers and students and
teachers are top notch academically.
Senate President Jim King, R-Jacksonville, jokingly said in
May that he could start a school for witches under the law
and receive corporate tax credit scholarships.
``The intent of this program was to help poor kids. The
intent was never to make opportunistic entrepreneurs
wealthy,'' said King, who also ordered a study of the
program.
Despite the accountability concerns, Bush remained a
supporter, saying last week that it was a ``proven success,''
based on the students receiving the scholarships.
Ahmed Bedier, spokesman for the Muslim advocacy group
Council on American-Islamic Relations, said the Tampa school
is well respected. He noted that the University of South
Florida is also mentioned in the indictment.
But USF, where Al-Arian was a professor and Hammoudeh was
an instructor, is not listed as one of the bases of support
for the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Administrators at the Islamic Academy did not return phone
calls Thursday.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Chairman, could we have an audit of the time? We will not have audits of these private schools.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens).
(Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me say to the gentleman from Virginia that I think it gives some example of the weakness of the proposal when we have to go to, well, they gave some contract and it is being investigated. The Defense Department has given out contracts that have become fraudulent.
So I do not see us privatizing our Nation's defense because of some malfeasance with one particular contract.
Let us not get into anecdotal situations. Let us deal with the reality, which is the public school system is a public good. It is important to the entire community. It is not just about educating one child; it is about what we see as the need to promote values for the entire community.
When you privatize public education, you create very parochial, selfish interests. This school in Florida in which the principals have now been indicted with these terrorist leanings, this is not some joke, this is not some example of a red herring. This is reality, in the news today about what has happened when the State of Florida provided public dollars to private institutions.
There have been similar scandals in other places around the country, and there will be, I guarantee you, because the majority will probably have its way, when this program gets set up there will be scandals here because of this program.
That is not what makes it bad, because some people will use it improperly. What makes it bad is what it says about the public spirit of our actions, which is that we would rather take 2,000 children and siphon them off into private schools, rather than repair a school system that can provide for 70,000 children, which really should be our goal.
We are going to build 1,500 new schools in Iraq at the cost of billions, but here we are scrapping on the floor of the House about $10 million for the District of Columbia, our capital city. It is a question about what our priorities are. I would hope for the District quality teachers, smaller class sizes, updated textbooks. That is what I believe the solution is, not vouchers.
Mr. Chairman, I was going to offer an amendment, but I decided due to the lack of time not to offer it at this time.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, just a factual question, on page 9, the language at the bottom where it refers to religiously affiliated schools, is my reading of this to say that this bill would allow for religiously oriented schools to utilize these scholarships that are being provided?
Mr. Chairman, is there some list of which religiously affiliated schools would be eligible?
Mr. Chairman, that is my question. I would not understand that there are any accrediting procedures for religious schools now in the District. And if there are, I would be interested in knowing that.
Mr. Chairman, so it is the gentleman's intention that there would be created, because there is none now, lists of what would be approved, accredited religious schools?
Mr. Chairman, I am not trying to be argumentative.
Well, as I would understand the facts at the moment, that is why I am asking, there is no accrediting process for religiously- affiliated schools K to 12 in the District today, and there is none that is created by your language?
So the gentleman understands that there is a list or that somewhere in this language it gives the Department authority to create such a list?
Which one is it, the former or the latter?
So are there certain religious affiliations that would be acceptable and others that would not?
Mr. Chairman, I would just like to enter into a colloquy with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) and return to my question.
As I understand the language, and I read it, it says that any religiously affiliated school could get dollars under this program and it can be controlled and connected to a religious organization and it can promote its religious purpose; and then it goes on to say it could hire any number of people who follow their religious beliefs and that they deem necessary and that they can include religious references in its mission statement and other governing documents.
All I am trying to determine is whether or not that is completely wide open, or whether there is a list of some type that either already is approved or would be approved of which religiously affiliated entities could operate schools in the District.
I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, all of the lawsuits on this matter, or at least the vast majority, have been about the Federal prison system, in which the courts have been, I would say, very lenient in determining what is a religion, and all manner of groups with any number of, I think, what most of us would consider problematic beliefs have been determined to be religions for purposes under the definition by the Federal courts. So would that be the same in terms of how this would operate?
I read the list of the educational standards, all related to education, and I think the gentleman has done a good job on that. I am just concerned about this particular issue, and I guess so that the record can be clear, your position is that there is no restriction in the authorizing language as you have written it?
I want to enter into the Record a report from California, not the earlier report I referenced from Florida, of a school that was set up under the laws of California that received millions and millions of dollars to educate children, and it has now been determined that they were funded and founded and set up by a Pakistani terrorist organization.
I want to enter this into the Record, because I think what the concern is here is that if those who believe in witchcraft, those who have antisocial racial views, any number of people who claim to be a religion can set up a religiously affiliated school and benefit through the largesse of this $10 million and pretend that they are educating children, segregate them, as I understand under the gentleman's authorizing language by sex or any other manner, hire only those who believe what they believe, discriminate against anyone else, and determine their own curriculum, that I have a concern about, even if we agree that this was the way to go, that this kind of loophole would be useful to us at this time in our Nation's capital.
[From ABC News I-Team]
Baladullah
Nov. 8.--The ABC7 News I-Team has learned that millions of
your tax dollars are headed this year, to a group that is
connected to an organization founded by a Pakistani
terrorist. You are paying for a new system of charter
schools, started by the members of an Islamic village in the
Sierra foothills called ``Baladullah.'' Dan Noyes has Part
Two of this I-Team investigation.
The ABC7 News I-Team has learned that millions of your tax
dollars are headed this year to a group that is connected to
an organization founded by a Pakistani terrorist. You are
paying for a new system of charter schools, started by the
members of an Islamic village in the Sierra foothills called
``Baladullah.'' Dan Noyes has Part Two of this I-Team
investigation.
Some of these charter schools are here in the Bay Area. We
want to be clear from the
start that this is not a story about the Muslim faith. It is
about one group of people living just a few hours from the
Bay Area, who have ties to a mysterious Pakistani sheik.
The U.S. State Department has listed Pakistani sheik Sayyid
Mubarik Jilani as the founder of a terrorist group that has
committed dozens of crimes across the country--firebombings,
fraud, and assassinations. And in a recruitment tape, Jilani
offers to train any American who will join his cause.
Sheik Jilani: ``We shall be helping Muslims wherever they
are oppressed, and we wish that you'd extend your cooperation
with us in any manner suitable to the cause.''
Jilani also established ``Muslims of America'' to help
spread his version of Islam. Late last year, the group moved
its headquarters to a village in the Sierra foothills called
Baladullah--along with the mobile homes, the airstrip, and
the U-Haul franchise.
Male Teacher: ``We move the decimal point in the divisor.
How many times to the right?''
The compound has a new charter school. It's a way for the
state to provide an alternative form of education, paid for
with your tax dollars.
Sharon Brooks, Assistant Administrator: ``We're teaching
our children because we want them to be doctors and lawyers
and judges and architects. We don't want them to be ditch
diggers.''
Student: ``The administrators would not discuss their
connection to Muslims of America or Sheik Jilani. So, we
asked their attorney about the charter school.''
Doug Hurt: ``It is one small site, it has 25-50 kids at any
given time.''
Dan: ``Is that it?''
Dan: ``How about the eleven other campuses for the
charter?''
Doug Hurt: ``What interest is that of yours?''
This year--under the name ``Gateway Academy''--the village
opened twelve charter schools up and down the state . . .
including one in Oakland and in Sunnyvale. All the schools
are chartered through the Fresno Unified School District,
where officials had expected Gateway to run just a few
schools in the area. All those satellite schools came as a
surprise.
Jill Marmolejo, Fresno Unified: ``They're running along
doing their business and then informing us after the fact, so
we told them in the future, before you open any satellites
you have to get it approved through us.''
Jill Marmolejo says it appears Gateway Academy has done
nothing illegal by opening schools across the state, but it
has put a tremendous strain on Fresno School District
inspectors. They now have to travel hundreds of miles, to
check up on the schools.
Jill Marmolejo: ``We're not specialists in Oakland, we're
not specialists in Pomona, so we're relying on them to do the
right things.''
And to do the right thing with millions of your tax
dollars. Gateway Academy reports it has 1,200 students now,
so they will receive more than $5.5 million this year. And
that's on top of more than a million they spent last year,
setting up the charter schools.
Jonathan Bernstein: ``We have serious concerns about this
group.''
Researchers at the Anti-Defamation League have been
tracking Sheik Jilani for almost 20 years, and now, they are
worried about Baladullah's charter schools. They have no
evidence that your tax dollars are headed from a village in
Tulare County . . . to the terrorist's base in Pakistan. But,
in general, the ADL is concerned about where the charter
school money is going.
Jonathan Bernstein: ``We feel like these funds can land up
in the hands of extremists.''
The lawyer for Baladullah says the people here are not
extremists. And, he denied any direct connection between the
village and Jilani--or even the group the sheik founded,
Muslims of America.
Doug Hurt: ``In that they are Muslims and they live in
America, I would say so, but are they formally connected, is
there an entity, no, not as far as I'm aware.''
But the president and treasurer of Muslims of America list
their home address as Baladullah. And the secretary of
Muslims of America--Khadijah Ghafur--is also the president of
the charter schools. That connection between the schools and
Jilani's group troubles the principal at the branch in
Sunnyvale.
Mazhar Jamil: ``I am surprised. This is the first time I
have heard anything like this.''
Mazhar Jamil has run a school on this site for six years--
he has just signed on with Baladullah's Gateway Academy. But
now, he says he has to rethink that relationship . . .
because of the ties between the schools, the village, and the
sheik.
Mazhar Jamil: ``We have no connection or desire to be
affiliated with anything like that.''
We want to emphasize that Muslims of America has not
appeared on any terrorist watch list. Sheik Jilani has, along
with his group al-Fuqra. Gateway Academy is the only charter
school in the Fresno district that has more than one
location, and most of them are outside the county.
As a result of our reports, Fresno Assemblyman Mike Briggs
plans to introduce a new bill, so that a group can open
charter schools ``only'' in the county where they live.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman would yield for 10 seconds on that point. The gentleman says here in section 9, notwithstanding any other provision of the law, the school could employ, the participating school may employ anybody that they believe----
Mr. Chairman, I have a lengthy statement talking about generally what is in this bill, really basically praising the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania…
Mr. Chairman, I have a lengthy statement talking about generally what is in this bill, really basically praising the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) for putting together a very good bill.
I would like to address briefly, though, the Davis amendment that will be coming up before this body a little bit later. I will submit for the Record a Washington Post editorial written by Tony Williams, the elected mayor of the city; Kevin Chavous, elected council member and chairman of the District's education committee; and Peggy Cooper Cafritz, the elected chairman of the school board, all supporting my amendment and the school voucher program. I will also submit for the Record a May 12, 2003, editorial from the Washington Post which sets the record straight on the history of school vouchers in Washington.
Let me just say, the idea that this is an anti-voucher city is something we need to contend with. The vote in 1981 was not on a school voucher program like we have here. It was on tuition tax credits that one could argue hurt the District budget. I think we have solved that here by bringing additional money in, and more money will be coming into the city that would not otherwise come in as a result of the appropriations process I think at the end of this.
So that was a completely different proposal. That vote was in 1981. The Washington Post, a newspaper of some renown in this town, ran a poll in May of 1998 that asked, do you favor or oppose using Federal money in the form of vouchers to help low-income students in the District go to private or parochial schools? In that poll, 56 percent of city residents said they favored the idea. If that is the idea of anti-voucher, I think that we are being misled. City opinion is split on this, but the elected mayor and the elected chairman of the school board have come to us, they are in charge of this, they are entrusted by the voters to focus on this particular issue, and they have said that they need this to help D.C. schoolchildren get the same level of opportunity that the rest of us have for kids in our districts.
Over the years I have worked hard to try to bring this city back. I have worked with my friend, the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia
(Ms. Norton), on a number of issues and we have had a number of successes. We have sponsored legislation to bring the city back to financial stability. We sponsored legislation to help the city overcome its unfunded pension liability, a major issue that people said could not be done. We have worked in assisting the economic recovery of this city with tax relief and regulatory relief for our Nation's capital. We have worked together on the D.C. College Access Act which makes college affordable to the District population that basically was discouraged from going because they had no State university system like the rest of us do in our States. I think all of these have helped. But the most difficult problem facing this city is its public school system.
I respect my colleagues who oppose this amendment. They argue that public dollars should be reserved for public schools only. I think philosophically I believe the same thing, but I think they are misguided in this instance when they put the preservation of the institution, a failed institution, ahead of the opportunities for children that could be advanced by this. Ultimately our responsibility is to the kids, not to an institution, not to a failed, dysfunctioning bureaucracy.
What has it produced over the years? They say that we are going to put more money into public schools. We have put more money into public schools. It still has one of the highest dropout rates in the Nation. It has some of the lowest test scores in the Nation. The average SAT throughout the city, combined verbal and math, is under 800. It is a failure. Its school lunch program was just rated by the Physicians Committee on Responsibility and was given an F. They cannot even feed the kids in the public school system. Yet they say, no, that is where we want to send them, that is where they have to go. We are talking about kids whose parents cannot move to the suburbs. They cannot move to Ward 3. They are trapped in an area, in a monopoly system that is not even giving them a decent school lunch. By the way, that same system rated my county a B on its school lunch, rated the city of Detroit an A-minus, but the city of Washington gets an F on its school lunch program.
It is a system that has produced a disproportionate number of rapes, of assaults and robberies to kids in the public school system. Yet they say we want them to go to that school, a public school system, that we will just add more money, which we have done. Over $2,000 a year more is paid on a kid's education in the city than is paid in my county of Fairfax. If money were the answer, we would put money at it and solve the problem. But it is a failed institution. You cannot put, to quote biblically, new wine into old bottles. This is an old bottle and it needs fixing. It is a system that last week was found to have paid $59,000 to a phantom company that does not even exist.
For opponents of this amendment who say more money, it is the same old, same old, same old. If you do the same thing time and time again, you are going to get the same results. President Bush has talked about the soft bigotry of low expectations. We are trying to change that. These kids deserve every bit the opportunity that my kids have. The proof in the pudding here is that no Member of the House to my knowledge has sent their kids to the D.C. public school system in the last decade. The President and the Vice President, living here and given that opportunity to pick any school in the city, chose private schools.
We just want to give the same opportunities to the poorest of the poor. This legislation restricts it to kids from nonperforming schools, low-income. This is going to be, I think, a shock treatment to the public education system. Five years from now I hope we will not need this, I hope the public education will improve, but it is not going to improve without this kind of shock treatment. I urge my colleagues to support the Davis amendment.
[From the Washington Post, May 12, 2003]
Straight Talk on Vouchers
In making her case against a federally funded school
voucher pilot program, Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D) has
repeatedly said that D.C. voters are firmly opposed to the
idea. Thus, she argues, to support vouchers is to oppose home
rule. As the basis for her declaration, Ms. Norton cites the
results of an exit poll conducted in November for the
National School Boards Association. The poll, which she
supplied to this page, showed that 76 percent of the 603
voters interviewed opposed school vouchers. But as is true of
so much that stirs up this city, Ms. Norton's poll is hardly
gospel.
Let's look at the wording of the question posed in the
poll. It asked: ``Do you favor or oppose giving taxpayer-
funded vouchers to parents to pay for their children to
attend private schools even if that means less money for
public school students?'' Note the phrase ``even if that
means less money for public school students.'' That's a
loaded question if there ever was one. What majority would
favor that? It would be just as unfair if voucher supporters
sponsored a poll that asked, ``Do you favor or oppose giving
taxpayer-funded vouchers to parents to pay for their children
to attend private schools if that enables them to transfer
out of an inferior public school with low test scores?''
Imagine the responses to that question.
There is a less prejudicial way to measure public sentiment
on the school voucher question. The Post conducted a poll
based on random interviews with 1,002 D.C. adults in May 1998
that asked the following: ``Do you favor or oppose using
federal money in the form of vouchers to help send low-income
students in the District to private or parochial school?'' In
that poll, 56 percent of city residents said they favored the
idea, compared with 36 percent who opposed vouchers and 8
percent who had no opinion. Ms. Norton may be aware of that
poll as well, since the results and story were published on
May 23, 1998.
The Post's findings are consistent with the results of a
National Opinion Poll on education conducted with 1,678
adults in May 1999 for the nonpartisan, nonprofit Joint
Center for Political and Economic Studies. The center
researches and analyzes issues of concern to African
Americans and other minorities. The center's poll found that
``support for school vouchers among African Americans, which
has fluctuated in past Joint Center polls, grew by 25 percent
since 1998 with 60 percent of African American respondents
favoring school vouchers.'' But beyond polls is the question
of actual demand for school choice. Not only are parents
expressing their strong desire for alternatives, as the
popularity of public charter schools attests, but private
associations that provide scholarship assistance to D.C.
students seeking enrollment in private or parochial schools
also report strong requests for help from D.C. parents.
Shouting that support for vouchers doesn't exist in the
District won't make it so. Neither will over-the-top rhetoric
and personal invective that add little substance to the
debate.
Mr. Chairman, let me just set the record straight here, Mr. Chairman, because they talk about audits of time, there will be no audits of the private schools. That is false. The private schools that participate in this have to go through extensive recordkeeping and comparisons and will go through more when the Department of Education has written their regulations. So that is false.
There are no terrorism schools that currently would be eligible for this money as I read the legislation. So, again, that is just a red herring put up there to try to defend the existing status quo which has produced a failing school system that is depriving tens of thousands of District youngsters the kinds of opportunities that children around the rest of the country get.
I know the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) has an amendment that wants to compare with Fairfax County. Let me make a point. The District of Columbia pays more per student than they pay in Fairfax County or Arlington. If this were a money problem, they would get the money, but they have a school system that when given the money has not been able to produce textbooks on time, was under court order to repair its schools, wasted just last week $59,000 on a phantom contract to a company that does not even exist.
Mr. Chairman, let me again just say how much I have enjoyed working with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) and the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) on a number of other issues. We have a difference on one issue that we will resolve today on the House floor and then we will go on, and we will be working together on other issues tomorrow.
But this is an important issue; it is important I think to all of us. And this is not dollars to private schools; these are dollars to parents. Because what has happened to the District of Columbia over the years, thousands of District residents have moved to the suburbs so their kids could get a decent education that they could not get in the city. Thousands of District residents send their kids to private schools because the public schools in the city have failed them.
Not one Member of Congress, not a member of the city council, currently has their kids in the public schools of the District of Columbia. They are not good enough for our kids, but they are good enough for the people who cannot afford otherwise. This is a chance to equalize opportunity. That is all it is.
It has been requested by those poor families that came before our committee and testified. They said, We have been waiting for years. They said they are going to fix the system, and 9 percent of our school children are reading proficiently in the 4th grade.
That is the problem, and that is what we are trying to fix, not defend a system that is failing our kids.
Mr. Chairman, I raise a point of order against section 119 regarding sole source contracts on the grounds that this section changes existing law in violation of clause 2(b) of House rule XXI and is, therefore, legislation included in a general appropriation bill.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am offering this amendment with the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Boehner). This creates an historic opportunity for families and students of the District of Columbia. This amendment can make a huge difference in the lives of thousands of low-income children from nonperforming schools in the District. It represents a shot at a better education and, of course in turn, a better life.
The condition of the D.C. public schools, I think, is clearly documented. We have talked about this earlier today in the debate. It has concerned me since the first day I came to Congress as chairman of the District of Columbia Subcommittee. And while we have made strides in so many areas of the city since that time and some in education, the quality of educational opportunities should continue to worry all of us.
One thing is clear, I think both sides agree to this: Too many children in our Nation's capital are not getting the education that they need and that they deserve. Lower-income families concerned about the quality of safety of their children in the D.C. public schools should not have to resign themselves to sending their kids to underperforming schools where students are not adequately motivated to perform.
Over the past decade, Congress has spent considerable time and resources working with the District to reform its education system, but the ability of D.C. schools to meet key performance goals has long been plagued by financial mismanagement and a host of other problems, which means just throwing money at this problem alone is not going to solve it. Despite concerned efforts by local officials to improve the public school system, and there has been some progress, we are not getting the kind of progress in improving academic performance that ought to be available to these kids.
I have traditionally opposed Federal dollars going to private schools because I think Federal dollars ought to be targeted to the public schools. Of course, in this case, we give the dollars directly to the parents who make those choices. But for the District, which does not have a State government to rely on, as we take a look at other voucher programs around the country, cities work in concert with States. The District does not have a State. So I think we have an obligation here to answer the calls from the mayor, the chairman of the school board and the Washington Post and other advocates for D.C. children, and we have to ask this question: Would not more choices funded by new Federal dollars provide a needed alternative for low-income children attending low-performing schools?
Our committee heard testimony on this before we gave authorization authority. The mayor was asked, specifically, if he had this money for vouchers, if he could use it for something else, would he not rather use it for the public school system? He said no. He said we need this alternative as well.
It stands on its own and this is additional money that would not be available to the District of Columbia public schools were it not for this amendment. I have received calls from parents who are frustrated, angry, and distraught by their children's school situation. These parents have attended our hearings. They have danced and wept when our committee approved school choice legislation. But I think it is time to do more than just sympathize. This is a moral imperative.
The school choice debate should not be about politics or interest groups. We should have an honest appraisal of the state of affairs in our public schools and about offering an alternative for students and parents, and what is being proposed is not a mandate. It is a choice. The goal of school choice for the city is addition, not subtraction. We all want the city's education system to improve, and I hope that this is a short-term effort to do something about it. The fact is the monopoly of the D.C. public school system is harming kids, not helping them. It is time to shake up that monopoly.
This amendment expands educational opportunity to city students in underperforming elementary and secondary schools, underperforming schools. Other schools, kids do not get the aid. The choice program would be established through a competitive process, administered by the Department of Education, to ensure that the public or private entity that administers the initiative would be dedicated and capable of carrying out a top-notch program.
And there are reporting requirements, many to be written later by the Department of Education, but the legislation here, I think, has criteria that it sets out that need to be met in terms of going on to college, performance levels, tests, and the like. It would provide scholarships of up to $7,500 to eligible students to cover the cost of tuition fees and transportation expenses. It would be considered assistance to the students, not the schools. In order to assure accountability, an evaluation is conducted that would consider the impact in academic achievement attained by the program.
This legislation is a result of a lot of negotiation and consultation with city officials, elected city officials, with the administration and committees with key jurisdiction in Congress. For the first time ever, the mayor, the elected Democratic mayor of the District of Columbia, has come to the conclusion that `` . . . if done effectively, this program would provide even more choices for primarily low-income families who currently do not have the same freedom of choice enjoyed by their affluent counterparts.''
Enhancing educational quality in the city is a critical component of maintaining the positive momentum we have seen in recent years under the stewardship of Mayor Williams and the Council. It is our duty to provide resources so that the kids can have a brighter future. This is not a panacea, but it is a significant step in the right direction and, hopefully, one that will not be needed indefinitely.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. I say to my friends on the other side that we are going to disagree about this, but I think we want the same thing for all these kids, eventually. We will be working together on a number of other issues, but it is my considered judgment, having given a lot of time and thought to this, that this is probably the best thing we can offer, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Yes, that is correct.
Mr. Chairman, they have to be accredited. They have to meet D.C. standards, number one.
Mr. Chairman, the U.S. Department of Education would carry the list, it is my understanding.
Mr. Chairman, that is correct. And regardless of how this comes out, I hope we would work with the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, I think the gentleman raised the point of what happened in Florida, and we do not want that to happen. I think that is very clear.
Mr. Chairman, my understanding is that the Department of Education will carry the accredited list at this point, in terms of eligible schools. Not just any school willy-nilly is eligible.
Correct. That is my understanding.
The Secretary of Education is the one I think that would set that standard.
To my understanding, it is not a discrimination based on that, but they would have to meet certain academic performance standards. This was drafted, of course, looking at the court cases in line to make sure this met the requirements.
Mr. Chairman, I am happy to answer the gentleman's question, but let me stop at this time and make sure we can get our advocates up, and maybe we can further this discussion if time permits.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen), the chairman of the subcommittee.
I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, to my knowledge there is no exclusion of any religion, or inclusion. The Secretary of Education is the one that would be able to come forward with a list and make the determination. As the gentleman knows, there have been a number of court decisions along this line, and we feel this meets the mandate of the courts, and it has to meet a certain level.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will yield further, we leave discretion with the Secretary of Education. Let me say there have been a number of title VII cases that do deal with education, and that would be the criteria that the Department would meet. But we did not try to micromanage the criteria. They also have to meet certain educational standards, and that would really be the controlling criteria, is meeting educational standards.
That is correct. We leave that to the Department of Education.
Mr. Chairman, I understand the gentleman's concern. Every school has to meet the nondiscrimination provisions that are currently in the law as well, if that gives the gentleman some level of comfort.
Mr. Chairman, if I could ask the gentleman to let me get through my speakers and then we can continue the colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake), one of the leaders on the original underlying bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter).
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner), the chairman of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce and one of the authors of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, the fiscal year 2004 District of Columbia Appropriations bill totals $7.9 billion. Included in this total are $466 million for…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the fiscal year 2004 District of Columbia Appropriations bill totals $7.9 billion. Included in this total are $466 million for Federal payments to various District programs and projects, which I will describe shortly; $1.8 billion in Federal grants to District agencies; and $5.6 billion in local funds for operating expenses and capital outlays of the District government.
This bill, Mr. Chairman, is a product of the hard work of every member of the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia. It is the culmination of several weeks of hearings, visits to local schools and other city institutions, and meetings with elected city officials and numerous others who have a keen interest in helping the District. I want to thank each of them for their interest in the District and their input into this bill. I especially want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah), my ranking member, for his advice, counsel and support. He has been a pleasure to work with.
Mr. Chairman, I believe this bill reflects Congress' commitment to helping our Nation's capital. This is where we all work and many of us live, our home away from home. So we have special reasons to help our capital city.
How grateful I am to so many of my colleagues for their ongoing efforts, prior to my chairmanship, to assist the citizens of this great city, especially its school children to have better lives, and many thanks, as well, to a number of my colleagues who now seek support for a number of new projects to further help the citizens in this budget.
When I became chairman, I wanted to get to better know this city. I did this by listening and learning, visiting children in their schools and touring the many neighborhoods that make up the city. I want to thank Mayor Anthony Williams, Council Chairman Linda Cropp, and School Board President Peggy Cooper Cafritz for the support and advice they have given me.
The Constitution, Mr. Chairman, gives Congress exclusive legislative authority over the affairs of the District, and I take this mandate seriously. The District is in a stronger financial position today than a few years ago. Much of this is due to Mayor Williams and the city council, but we cannot overlook the role Congress has played in the financial recovery as well.
The District still has a long way to go to resolve many personnel and management problems, but I believe that progress is being made. I stand ready to help in any way I can.
Mr. Chairman, the committee has carefully reviewed the District's budget request and, as reflected in the bill, has given the Mayor and City Council's priorities the highest consideration when putting this bill together.
As I mentioned earlier, the bill totals $7.9 billion of which $466 million are Federal payments to various programs and projects. This is $43 million below last year's allocation and equates to an 8.4 percent reduction.
Seventy-seven percent of these funds, or $359 million, is to continue funding of the D.C. courts, the Public Defender Service, the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency, CSSOSA. These are District functions that the Federal Government assumed financial responsibility for in the National Capital Revitalization and Self-government Improvement Act of 1997.
The remaining 23 percent, or $107 million, are for programs and projects that directly benefit the District. These include: $17 million for the tuition assistance program for the District for college-bound District students; $15 million to reimburse the District for added emergency planning and security costs related to the presence of the Federal Government in the District; $10 million for a D.C. scholarship program; $42.7 million for capital development projects in the District; dollars for the Anacostia Waterfront Initiative; and dollars for public school facility improvements.
Lastly, Mr. Chairman, I am well aware that the President's request for a school choice program in the District of Columbia, which would provide D.C. school scholarships, has stirred up considerable controversy. Personally, I have supported such scholarships for the District since they were first proposed in 1995 by Members of Congress.
There is excitement that surrounds the very successful charter movement in this city. There are 37 charter schools and 11 more on the drawing boards, more than any other city in the Nation. We have charter schools in this city.
That excitement is also apparent in those parents who strongly advocate for this new educational choice option for their children.
While we are all supportive of the District public school system and the success of the city's charter school movement, many more children can be helped by this new program.
The statistics in the U.S. Department of Education on District student performance on reading, writing, math and other core academic studies are very disturbing. The bottom line is that children in this city will be helped by giving parents more choices for educating their children. Many parents are hopeful that we will act. That is why I am happy that later today we will have an amendment to provide for the authorization of the funding I have included in this bill.
There will be much debate on this issue. And one of the arguments the opposing side will make is that this bill does not provide funding for what is called the three-pronged approach to education which the District leadership wants. While that is true, it is not my intention that this be the case when we come out of conference with the Senate.
Due to the fiscal constraints of this bill, we were only able to provide for the D.C. scholarships; but the Senate bill includes additional funding for both public and charter schools as well.
I support the Mayor's approach and will work with Chairman Young towards a conference allocation that is sufficient to address all three sectors of education in the city.
The timing of this bill, Mr. Chairman, is always of concern to the District, and rightly so, because the city's local funds cannot be spent until we pass the conference report for the bill. I am mindful of these concerns and will do everything within my power to get the District its funds in a timely manner.
In summary, the fiscal year 2000 District of Columbia appropriations bill is fiscally responsible, a balanced bill that deserves bipartisan support.
Lastly, I would like to thank the subcommittee staff, our excellent clerk Carol Murphy, Rob Nabors who works so well with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) and certainly with this chair, and Kelly Wade of my staff for their diligent and professional work on this bill.
I would also like to thank Nancy Fox from my immediate staff and William Miles from the gentleman from Pennsylvania's (Mr. Fattah) staff for their hard work as well.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, it is my pleasure to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham), the vice chairman of the committee and, in fact, a long-time member of the committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Weldon), a valued member of the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to reiterate that Mayor Anthony Williams, the chief elected officer, the mayor of this city, supports this choice option.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), the chairman of the Committee on Government Reform, who I have had the pleasure of working with and who is the architect of this D.C. parental school choice initiative in his bill.
(Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like to say for the record that the dollars for this new choice program will be given to the parents so that they can make the choice. They will not be given to the school. And secondly, I need to reiterate this is new money. This is money that came from the gentleman from Ohio's (Mr. Regula) mark. It is not being taken away from the public schools or from the charter schools.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Nethercutt), a member of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Chairman Tom Davis).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
In closing, make no mistake about it, Mayor Williams supports what we are doing today. The gentleman from Virginia (Chairman Tom Davis) has referenced the editorial in The Washington Post by Mayor Williams and Councilman Chavous and Peggy Cooper. Let me read from it:
``For those of us involved every day in urban education, there are staggering realities that keep us awake at night. Every child who graduates without basic skills or drops out altogether is on a potential pathway to public assistance, to being alienated from the full benefits of participation in society, or, worse, to a life in the criminal justice system.''
They go on. They say: ``We think that this is an appropriate investment by the Federal Government in the children of the Nation's capital. Without the resources ordinarily provided by a State, the District is more challenged than other cities in its efforts to adequately fund public education and foster innovative reform.
``Our children,'' they go on, ``have endured decades of neglect in public education. But there is hope. We have a reconfigured school board and respected superintendent.''
They say, ``Despite these underpinnings, parents still want more choices. At town meetings, community picnics, hearings and PTA meetings, we hear the same complaints: I cannot find the right setting for my child, or my child is not flourishing in this environment.''
This is a good bill, Mr. Chairman. This is about parental choice, and it is good for the students and children of the District.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, make no mistake about it, this amendment would basically take $10 million in additional funds away from the District of Columbia which it badly needs and $10 million away from an educational system, by all accounts, that badly needs additional money so that children have choices as to where they can go to school.
We know, Mr. Chairman, that the Mayor supports this voucher proposal, the President of the school board, the chairman of the Committee on Education and Libraries and Recreation of the D.C. council.
The Mayor has said on school choice, ``Despite the steady increases in local funding and other efforts to support our public schools, I have learned firsthand from hundreds of parents who feel there are no practical or easy alternatives for their children within the current systems of public education.''
On another occasion, Mayor Williams said relative to school choice, ``I was elected by the people of my beloved city and I took the solemn oath to act in what I think are their best interests, even in the face of conventional political wisdom. Today, I believe I have an obligation to represent all the children of the District.''
Mr. Chairman, in my capacity as chairman, I have met with many parents who have children in the public school system who support this choice program. They are literally desperate to have this new alternative.
The clearest evidence of the excitement for school choice is in the city's charter school movement: 37 charter schools, 11 on the drawing boards. I had a group representing the charter schools in my office just yesterday saying that they had waiting lists for their four charter schools that they run running at 300 children. So I think there is a lot of desperateness on the part of parents to find alternatives.
I make the point again, Mr. Chairman, that the $10 million in the bill are additional funds for the District above the subcommittee's allocation. The gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Regula) agreed to transfer the funding from the Labor-HHS bill, and I am grateful for his support of this initiative and the extra dollars.
Eliminating this funding puts the $10 million for the District in jeopardy of being transferred back to his committee and out of the city hands. For these and other reasons, I ask this amendment be rejected and we give the District leadership what it wants. What the mayor has asked for is these dollars and certainly has asked for additional dollars, and I have made a commitment to work in conference for the other dollars for the District school system, as well as additional dollars for the charter school movement.
Mr. Chairman, I concede the point of order.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Mr. Chairman, since I was first elected to Congress, I have supported school choice for this city, and now as Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations subcommittee on the District of Columbia, I am excited to be in a position to make this program a reality for the children and the parents of the District of Columbia, working with the gentleman from Virginia (Chairman Tom Davis) and the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Boehner).
Mr. Chairman, I ask all Members to support the Davis-Frelinghuysen- Boehner amendment and the underlying bill.
Mr. Chairman, since I was first elected to Congress, I have supported school choice for this city. And now as Chairman of the DC Appropriations Committee, I am excited to be in a position to make this program a reality for the children and parents of the District of Columbia.
The President requested funding for a Choice Incentive Fund within the U.S. Department of Education, of which a portion of the funds would be used for school choice programs in the District. Thanks to Chairman Regula, I was able to provide $10 million to expand school choice in the District. I am further pleased to report that this proposal has the full support of Mayor Williams, Chairman of the Committee on Education, Libraries and Recreation, Kevin Chavous, and President of the School Board, Peggy Cooper-Cafritz.
Throughout the year, I have worked closely with my colleague and friend, Chairman Tom Davis, who chairs the Authorizing Committee that has jurisdiction on this issue, the Government Reform Committee and John Boehner, Chairman of Committee on Education and the Workforce to advance this Presidential initiative.
We agreed to move the school choice initiative forward in our respective Committees. Chairman Davis has successfully moved the DC Parental Choice Incentive Act through his Committee. And in my bill, we have provided the actual funding.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment would unite these two initiatives together under one bill bringing us a step closer to making expanded
school choice a reality for those that so desperately want and need it.
While we are all supportive of the District Public School System, and we recognize the great progress of the city's charter schools and transformation schools, we believe that even more students can be helped by the additional option. And we are providing new dollars that add, not subtract, from either the DC public or charter schools funding sources.
What is important here is the quality and value of education for every child in this city. And the statistics from the Department of Education on District continue to show disturbing results in student performance on reading, writing, math and other core academics. The need for significant improvements is clear.
The bottom line is that these children will be helped by giving parents more choices for educating their children. Many parents are hopeful that we will act.
One of the arguments the opposing side will make is that this bill does not provide funding for the three-pronged approach the District wants. While that is true, it is not my intention that that be the case when we come out of conference with the Senate. Due to the fiscal constraints of this bill, we were only able to provide for DC Scholarships, but the Senate bill includes additional funding for both public and charter schools as well. I support the Mayor's approach and will work with Chairman Young towards a conference allocation that is sufficient to address all three sectors of education in the city.
I hope members will join with me and support of the leadership of this great city.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I thank my colleague from Pennsylvania, who has consistently stood a fervent representative of the national fire community, for bringing this issue to our attention. I understand the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) are working with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon) on a stand-alone bill to address this matter and I support his efforts.
Amendment No. 2 offered by Mr. Hefley
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the Federal portion of this bill, as the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) and I already know, is 8.4 percent below last year's level which is about $43 million. It has made it difficult for to us meet the city's priority.
Actually if we had not received the $10 million from the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Regula), our allocation would have been 10.4 percent below last year's allocation level.
This amendment, well intended, would reduce the Federal funds to the District by another 1 percent or $4.6 million. The District needs every dollar it can get for programs and priorities of the District. And I urge my colleagues to oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve a point of order on the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) who has worked in such a bipartisan fashion with the gentleman from…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) who has worked in such a bipartisan fashion with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) on this appropriation. I want to thank them both for their bipartisanship, bipartisanship without compromising their principles, but also for their sensitivity to home rule and the fact that this is an independent jurisdiction that ought to be able to speak up for itself the way jurisdictions of every Member of this House can.
I am proud how far our city has come under the leadership of Mayor Williams and City Council Chairwoman Linda Cropp and our city council. We have come a very long way from insolvency to a city now that is in better shape than most jurisdictions in the United States because of the prudence of our local leadership.
I want to talk about what this bill is about because this is not our usual D.C. appropriation where I would normally thank the President for funding my tuition access bill, and let me do it anyway, probably the most popular legislation in the District of Columbia because it allows young people to go to any State-supported institution anywhere in the United States; but nobody will remember the D.C. appropriation 2003 for anything but one issue. Members simply have to concentrate on what they are voting on.
This is a bill with a vouchers-only provision. We will hear promises about maybe in the Senate they will have some money. That bill is in huge trouble in the Senate, and of course some money has been put in for public funding when there was an uproar in the city about funding vouchers, and then the pro-voucher officials came forward and said wait a minute, we have a three-sector approach, and we will get some money for the public schools, too.
But everybody understands the public money is a cover for vouchers. It is a way to take the sting out of vouchers. This is one of the most anti-voucher jurisdictions in the United States of America. They have tried it here for 20 years, and this is a jurisdiction which sent me, their Congresswoman, time and again, back here to ask Members to veto their appropriation to keep vouchers from being attached to it until President Clinton could somehow negotiate them off.
So the people of the District of Columbia have not turned around on a dime and flip-flopped and said we want vouchers. All Members need to do is sit in my office and they will know where they stand, because the elected officials, the majority of the elected officials of the school board, the majority of the city council, have written to you to say we do not want vouchers.
What is important for every Member to know and to understand is that this is not only a vouchers-only bill so that is what Members are going to be voting on, but this will be the first time in the United States of America that the Congress of the United States has sent money to private schools, something that huge numbers of Members on the other side of the aisle have crossed to this side of the aisle to vote with us to say we will never do.
There is a reason people do not do it. They do not do it in part because two-thirds of the American people oppose vouchers, if we want to get down to particulars. But this year is the last time we would want them to do it because this is the year when if Members went home for recess, Members heard a bipartisan backlash against a bipartisan bill, the No Child Left Behind bill, because people are now beginning to pay the unfunded mandate for No Child Left Behind, and now Members
are going to vote to send money to private schools with that $9 billion unfunded mandate.
Schools are in the worst crisis that they have been in our country since World War II, the worst funding crisis, according to all of the data coming forward. What do Members have in your own districts on CNN and everywhere else? Slick, expensive ads, national TV, the opening salvo to a new nationwide drive for vouchers in every district, just as that well-funded set of forces have wanted to do for some time.
If Members pass this bill, if Members vote for vouchers, they will send a signal to every private school in the country, every organization of private schools, to every organization of religious schools, that this is the time to bring pressure to get the same kind of private school deal that the District of Columbia got, and Members can expect the same slick ads right in their district.
Mr. Chairman, many Members have heard from our mayor. He is my good friend, and will continue to be my good friend, even on an issue like this. We will continue to work closely on the issues affecting our city. He has pressed this Congress, but he has not successfully pressed the elected officials of the District of Columbia or the people of the District of Columbia.
We have the letter from the council chair and Members have the letter from the parents' association. Perhaps Members saw the hundreds of D.C. residents, led by ministers and rabbis who fanned out all over this Congress on Wednesday to say do not do vouchers in this city. We are not to be your pilot. Do not experiment in the District of Columbia, experiment in your own States. The city has a situation here which is not cost free. We are undergoing $40 million in cuts, another $25 million will go out if 2,000 students exit if the schools are funded on a per-pupil basis. D.C. has a $50 million unfunded No Child Left Behind mandate right now. All of our elected officials should be down here trying to get that money the way Members of Congress have.
The District of Columbia wants Congress to respect their alternatives. We are ahead of virtually every district in this Congress on alternatives. We have our own charter schools, the largest number in the United States per capita. They have long waiting lists. Those are the chosen options of our people by our people. We have 15 transformation schools for the poorest children in the District of Columbia, the first breakthrough in Stanford 9 scores in the history of the city. That breakthrough will no longer occur unless the funding that the city has put in continues. And then, of course, a child in the District of Columbia can go out of boundaries; something that Members' districts have yet to do or have finally been mandated to do, we have been doing for decades.
Members do not want vouchers in their districts. They have been voted down on the floor. I represent this District of Columbia. I am here to tell Members you do not want them in your district, and we do not want them in our district. This is not a Democratic or Republican issue, it is not because a huge majority, almost two-thirds of the American people, oppose vouchers; and why would Members think it would be any different in the District of Columbia? It is no different.
Mr. Chairman, Members should not forget where their constituents stand when they cast their vote today. I certainly have not forgotten where mine stand.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment promises to be perhaps the first of three voucher-only votes in this body at this time. The first will be on this bill to remove or strike the funding for vouchers; the second would be the Davis bill, which will try to legislate vouchers onto this appropriation; and, of course, if vouchers remain in the bill, the third would be the vote on the bill itself.
The $10 million in this bill is not a lot of money, and that is really not what this controversy is about. It does not look like a lot until you look at where it comes from and where it is going and what will follow as a result of our vote.
First of all, first let us look at where the money is coming from. This money has come straight out of education. It took a vote in the Committee on Appropriations transferring money from the Labor-Education appropriation over to the District appropriation in order to fund this bill. It came straight out of education for this bill.
So we already see that this is not new money, as has been claimed, that this is money straight out of education, and that is where voucher money always comes from, because there is only one pot of money. Different folks may designate that pot, but there is only one pot of money, and that is where this money is coming from. It is coming from it for the first time, if you vote for this bill and against my amendment.
If you indeed vote to allow vouchers to remain in this bill, it will not go unnoted. I do not know where you were at recess, but I know that every State in the Union is crying about unkept promises for Federal money. The biggest unkept promise is special education, which is taking down education systems in entire States, including the District of Columbia. We promised 40 percent. We have not come close to that.
Then, of course, there is the backlash against the No Child Left Behind bill. That was a bipartisan bill. We are losing folks everywhere because of that unfunded mandate, because there are going to be children that are not going to be able to graduate from high school because the funding to help them prepare for the tests is not there.
As long as there are mandated costs on our States and school districts, it is simply impossible to justify diverting a single dollar of public money to private schools.
Now, I know that there are Members here who voted in committee for vouchers for the District who have never voted for vouchers generally on a Federal bill, because you can do anything on the District of Columbia. You can savage their public schools, as if
your States, I would say to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), did not have such schools in Southern Virginia, as if California, Mrs. Feinstein, did not have the L.A. School District in it. And yet these folks will not vote to have vouchers so that those school districts, sometimes rural, sometimes big city, can have the same treatment as the District of Columbia.
The District of Columbia schools have improved, but you will not find me an apologist for the D.C. government and its problems or for the D.C. school system. I am proud of the fact that scores have gone up for the last 3 years. I am very proud of the transformation schools, where, with extra services for parents and children alike, we now see a breakthrough that no private school and no public school has ever accomplished. These are the poorest children in the District of Columbia. They have the least conscious parents. They have got foster parents, sometimes they have got no parents at all or hardly any parents; yet we have been able to break through because we provided a lot of extra services for the parents and for the children alike.
Private schools and religious organizations will not see a vote for vouchers for the District of Columbia as a vote that can be contained here, and they are going to try to do all they can to make sure it is not contained here. The pro-voucher forces have shown how well-funded they are. They have been into your States, sometimes two or three times, to get on the ballot; and you have turned them back every single time. Not a single voucher referendum in the United States of America has passed. But they keep coming back, because they have got a lot of money, and you see that money on television ads as I speak.
If you want to fund vouchers, do it the way the Washington Scholarship Fund did it. Fund the vouchers through private funds. Do not displace those private funds with public funds.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Virginia is not only a good personal friend, he is a good professional friend, and he has always been a good friend of the District. More often than not we are on this floor arguing on the same side, fighting for what the majority in the District wants, including the majority of the members of the council and the majority of the elected members of the school board. This happens to be an exception, but we are going to keep on working together because we are so close.
It is ironic, I must say to my good friend though, that he has got a legislative rider on here. He made two points of order today. He is regularly on the floor opposing Committee on Government Reform riders, but he has taken this bill to the Committee on Rules in order to allow himself to put a rider on this bill. This bill legislates on an appropriations bill.
But I really want to use my time not to rehash the arguments we have heard, but to make some corrections based on what I have heard.
My good friend from Virginia earlier said during the debate that the District spent more than Arlington and Fairfax, and some others have gotten up to say that we spend more than any other State. I keep hearing that. It keeps being said. It is false.
I want to read from an official schools document: ``Despite differences in student needs, even with Federal funds included, the D.C. public schools spend less per pupil than Arlington or Alexandria, and not much more than Montgomery or Fairfax.''
Remember, Montgomery and Fairfax spend a whole lot of money on children that are not at all disadvantaged, and huge numbers of mine are severely disadvantaged.
The gentlewoman from Pennsylvania said that our schools would actually be better off without these 2,000 children. Actually, we will lose $25 million in combined Federal and local per-pupil funding because schools are funded on a per-pupil basis, and that is in addition to the $40 million that the schools are already being cut this year.
It certainly is not true that we are saying to our children, and I would certainly never say it, Hey, wait until the schools are fixed. Indeed, we applaud the options that are available to our public schools; the largest number of charter schools in the country, the transformation schools, which have seen a breakthrough in test scores that no public or private school has ever done for our most needy children, our out-of-boundary possibilities for our children.
I applaud especially the work of the Washington Scholarship Fund. That is for now. The Washington Scholarship Fund, which with private money as I speak is doing exactly what this bill will do, but probably will not do it if this bill passes, because Federal money will replace their private money that they have been using, much to their credit, to send our children to local private schools.
We want our own choices. That is all we are asking. You take your choices, the ones you have in your districts. Leave us to our own choices. Do not accuse us of giving no choices to our children.
The most important thing I could say at this time, though, would be to correct the notion that the so-called three-sector approach, which developed only after there was great criticism of vouchers in the District of Columbia, somehow amounts to an equivalence of funding for the charter and public schools with vouchers.
Please hear me on this: this Davis bill has 5 years of authorization for vouchers. What happens for the public and charter schools is this year, on a one-time-only appropriation, we throw some money at the public schools in order to ease the way for vouchers.
I was able to get money for our charter schools, a great deal more than this last year, without having to pay a price in vouchers. Next year I guess we will have to come begging at the table because, unlike the voucher money, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) had the opportunity to add public schools in a bill I offered in committee that would have put us on the same footing, but we are not on the same footing. We have got 5 years of vouchers, one-time-only money for the public schools, in this appropriation. That is the most problematic money the Congress ever has to offer.
We have been demonizing the public schools of the District of Columbia. Be my guest. But if you expect that sending our children to private schools will correct their problems, then you need to look at the GAO study of 10 years of experience in all the schools that have used vouchers. What they have found is there is no significant difference between the children using the vouchers in their performance on tests and the children who are in the public schools.
Thirty-seven States have turned down vouchers. If you vote for the Davis amendment, you are voting for a private school voucher and a voucher only. We do not think that that vote will pass silently into the night. We believe that a vote for vouchers anywhere in the country, especially in this economic climate, will be heard and felt throughout the country, and especially in your own districts.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I simply want to close for my side with one word. Opposition to private school vouchers is one of the few bipartisan policy issues remaining in our country today. You will seldom find an issue where almost two-thirds of the American people are in agreement. And what they believe, according to all the data, is that money from the public Treasury should not be siphoned off to private schools. Diversion via the Davis amendment would begin that process for the first time in U.S. history. I ask my colleagues to think about the momentous nature of this vote and to vote against the Davis amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Chairman, this committee used to be a drudgery. If you asked somebody to serve on the D.C. committee, you had to pull them out from…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Chairman, this committee used to be a drudgery. If you asked somebody to serve on the D.C. committee, you had to pull them out from under the bed to get them to come to work. I would say that thanks to the ranking member, the chairman, and the work that the committee has done over the past few years, it has gotten to be one of the better committees.
I think if one looks at what has been done in a bipartisan way, and, yes, we do have some differences, but in a bipartisan way, with the help of a Mayor that is business-oriented, Mayor Williams, who I think has done a good job, I think we can be proud of the committee and the output of this, with a couple of exceptions.
I have volunteered to stay on the committee all these years I have been in Congress because I have an education background and I had several goals. One was to help the education system in Washington because it had some of the highest cost and lowest productivity. Any Member that would go out into the city will find some very dedicated, very good teachers in Washington, D.C. I know the ranking member and the chairman have both gone out into the community, as I have, and visited some of these schools. You would be amazed at the differences since the committee has started to work.
The Mayor has gone through a pretty tough bureaucracy; and like all bureaucracies, sometimes you cannot get the things done that you want even though you are the leader of a city. So I laud the Mayor for the work that he has done. Even though in some cases very slow, he has plodded through it. He has kept true to his word. He communicates, and I thank Mayor Williams for that.
Another area was the waterfront. But there was a whole area in which pilings had been left from the 1940s that were corroding into the Potomac River. The Anacostia River had the highest fecal count of any river in the United States. It was not just pollution that was killing the fish. There is such a high fecal count because every time it rains that raw sewage goes into the Anacostia River. Fish were dying because of the bacteria. There was so much bacteria it ate the oxygen and the fish suffocated. That is how bad it was. We still need a
national program to help the Washington, D.C. sewage system. Without it, we will not clean up our rivers, and it will be a health hazard to Washington, D.C.; and I look forward to working with my colleagues on doing that as well.
If my colleagues will go down now they will see a marina in progress. Half of it is done, and the other half, all the pilings that were leaching creosote into the water, are gone and the new docks are coming in. Guess what? That is revenue to the city because that is leased land. Instead of being a drain, instead of being a deficit, it will be a revenue producer for the city.
My goal is to make the waterfront like a San Diego, where I live, or a San Francisco wharf and waterfront where people can go down with their families and enjoy the waterfront and water that is clean instead of polluted like it even still is today. And again I want to thank the ranking member.
We differ a little bit on economic scholarships. I personally think my colleagues would be surprised that, yes, I support vouchers, as some call them, or economic scholarships, whatever you want to call them. But I only support them if the community wants them. I do not think the Federal Government should mandate it. The community must itself want them, because in some areas there may be transportation costs far exceeding the cost of moving a child to another area. There may be a certain school that, a private school, that does not take IDEA children. And those costs may be apples and oranges.
In many areas across the country vouchers do work. In my opinion, Washington, D.C. is a classic. I know the gentlewoman opposes it, but the Mayor supports it, the city supports it; and I think the people that in some cases where their children are trapped, where a mother of a child that wants to learn is out there and wants to get out of the quagmire that they live in but yet are trapped in a school that does not produce, they deserve the opportunity. The first goal is to bring that school up to level, I agree, with public education. But in the meantime, let us not let that child get left behind. Let us work with that child.
I think my colleagues know my heart is in the right place, even though they may disagree with me on the issue. But I think it will be a good program.
Mr. Chairman, I again want to thank the ranking member and the chairman and the members on the committee. It is starting to be a very good pleasure to work with this committee.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, Mayor Williams did another thing. The highest incidence for prostate cancer is among African Americans, and the highest incidence in the United States is in Washington, D.C. The mayor worked with our committee and chairman and ranking member, and on a sleet, rain-driven night, we packed the house in a town hall meeting on prostate cancer for African Americans because it had never been done before. The mayor has agreed to do another meeting, and we plan on doing that.
Mr. Chairman, I have good friends on both sides of the aisle and both sides of this position. What does me hurt is the partisanship, some of the partisanship, not from all Members, that I hear from Iraq to the White House politics to the rest of it on an issue.
If we disagree on this issue, that is fine. I personally truly believe that this gives some of our children an opportunity to get out of schools that are crime- and drug-ridden and are being left behind. Not many, if any, Members of Congress, either the House or the other body, have their children in D.C. public schools. Most are in private schools. And yet there are some that would deny poor children, poor families to have the same rights that Members of Congress and other people that are affluent have. I think that is wrong.
The other fallacy is that we are cutting public spending. We are not. Look where we have come from. When many of us dedicated ourselves to improving education, the roofs were so poor they were controlled by the fire department in D.C. Schools had to be delayed. We improved that. We put forth charter schools. We put forth a summer school where we had thousands of children volunteer to go to summer school in D.C., not because they had to, but because they did not want to be left behind. And there is another phase of that that we disagree on. But please do not say we are trying to damage education, because we believe from the bottom of our hearts that this is helping children.
Take a look at the board of education. They had a board of education appointed by Marion Berry where one of the members was in charge of finance and never had an accounting course, never finished high school, but was put there because of a political appointment.
We changed all of that. We have a Mayor, we have a superintendent, we have an active, professional school board, and our schools are improving. Yes, we have got a long way to go, and we have got to work together on both sides of this issue; and I dedicate myself to working with the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) and the ranking member on that. But please do not say that we are trying to damage education. We disagree on the value of this particular amendment. I personally believe in many areas it will work.
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Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I have been in public life 30 years. I used to strongly oppose vouchers because I believed the arguments that we have been…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I have been in public life 30 years. I used to strongly oppose vouchers because I believed the arguments that we have been hearing in opposition without really frankly thinking them through. And then I opposed vouchers because I did not want to lose the support of the Connecticut Education Association and the local education associations because they opposed the concept of allowing our young people to have choice. But it started to really bother me because I felt that my opposition was based more on politics than on sound educational judgment.
I really believe that it is important to give choice to parents. I really believe that you have a better public education system if you give choice to parents. I really believe that the argument that we would be taking away from the public schools does not add up. If you do not have students in a public school, you do not have the expense of having those students in a public school to have to provide an education for. And every voucher system I have seen and every choice system I have seen spends less on the student in a private setting or parochial setting than it spends if they were in the public school system. So the school systems in the public sector gain from it. They do not have to educate that student at a cost greater than the amount of money that is being given to the private or parochial school.
Another factor that impacts me is that I always hear politicians, of which I am one, and proud to be, talk about the need to make sure that we do not
have choice in public schools and a number of them send their kids to private schools. I have never quite understood this issue between rich and poor. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle sometimes say that we on the Republican side of the aisle want to focus on the wealthy and not those who do not have wealth. Yet we are giving those who do not have wealth an opportunity to do what rich folks do, but somehow then it is not allowed. I strongly oppose taking this money out. I strongly oppose the Norton amendment.
I strongly support what the gentleman from Virginia has done. I am very proud of what my chairman has done. He recognizes that in Washington, D.C. the government, the Federal Government, functions like a State functions. We have an obligation to improve the school system in Washington, D.C. We spend a fortune on schools in Washington, D.C. We give hundreds of millions of dollars to the Washington school system. We are not shortchanging the Washington school system as is implied by some. We are merely saying, why not try out $10 million extra dollars, and they are extra dollars, they would not be in the budget unless they were for this program only, and see its impact.
I have come to the conclusion that the opponents of choice, the supporters of the Norton amendment and the opponents of the Davis amendment, fear one thing. They fear that it is going to work. They fear that their arguments against this program simply will be found to be fallacious.
I have another sense. It is such a small amount relatively, why not give it a chance? Let us say I am wrong. Let us just say others of us are wrong. But the bottom line for me is I believe in accountability, I believe in choice, I believe in contrast, I believe in having different models in play to see how they work and what works. And I would like for the poor people, those with the least amount of resources in Washington, D.C., to have some of the same choices that some of the wealthy folks in Washington, D.C. have. Oppose the Norton amendment. I support strongly the Davis amendment. I thank him for offering it.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to Congresswoman Norton's amendment.
We all know too many kids in our Nation's capital are not getting the education they need and deserve. Many students in the District lack basic language and math skills. Standardized test scores remain stagnant for D.C. public schools, and the average SAT score is more than 200 points below the national average. Additionally, the National Assessment of Educational Process just released a study which showed the District's school children were ranked as the worst readers in the country.
The D.C. Choice Program would provide scholarships of up to $7,500 to eligible students to cover the cost of tuition, fees, and transportation expenses. These scholarships are assistance to the students, and not the schools. And because all funding for the scholarship program comes from new funds, no public, private or charter school will be drained of its funding.
It is time to give parents of these children what every parent wants--the opportunity to give their child the best education possible.
I urge my colleagues to vote against this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of Chairman Davis' amendment to a School Choice program in D.C.
Too many kids in our Nation's capital are not getting the education they need and deserve. There is little doubt that D.C. public schools are in serious crisis, but it is not a crisis by a lack of resources. D.C. public schools spend more per pupil than surrounding school districts in Virginia and Maryland. Clearly, alternatives to increased funding should be tested. By promoting a competitive model, all schools will be forced to improve academically, provide better quality services, and create an administrative structure that operates efficiently.
I oppose directly spending federal tax dollars on private schools. But, just as I support providing Pell Grants to college students for use at the university of their choice--public or private, including religious schools--I also support school choice programs that provide parents with similar choices for their elementary and secondary school children.
Opponents of school choice argue such a proposal could drain public schools of money and students. I think they're dead wrong, but there's a simple way for us to see. Why not establish a handful of demonstration projects that will help determine whether school choice improves our education system? If the projects are unsuccessful, we will terminate them. But if the programs are successful, they can and should be expanded.
The D.C. Choice Program would provide scholarships of up to $7,500 to eligible students to cover the cost of tuition, fees, and transportation expenses, if any. The scholarship would be considered assistance to the students and not the schools. In order to ensure accountability, an evaluation would be conducted that would consider the impact and academic achievement attained by the program.
The goal of school choice in the District of Columbia is to be an addition, not a subtraction. We all want the District's education system to improve, and this amendment will provide what every parent wants--the opportunity to give their children the best education possible.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to H.R. 2765, the District of Columbia Appropriations for 2004. I oppose the bill because of the Davis, Frelinghuysen/Boehner amendment that seeks to authorize a…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to H.R. 2765, the District of Columbia Appropriations for 2004. I oppose the bill because of the Davis, Frelinghuysen/Boehner amendment that seeks to authorize a school voucher program in the District of Columbia.
Proponents of the amendment contend that it will afford options to parents who want to improve the quality of education that their children will receive by providing $7,500 in funds for students to attend private elementary or high schools in the District. The proposal and the amendment are flawed because the District would have a program forced upon it. The members of the city council are opposed to the provision. The residents of the District are overwhelmingly opposed to this measure. Furthermore, I agree with the detractors of the proposal that the funds being proposed could be better used to fully fund public education programs in the District.
The impetus for the amendment is based on a parochial attitude by the authors that they know what is best for the students, families and residents that rely on the DC public education system. This provision undermines the principles of ``home rule''. I urge my colleagues to support the Norton amendment to strike down this harmful and ill- conceived provision designed to de-fund the DC school system and undermine support for public education.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I too am from the State of Michigan and, yes, our State did turn down the voucher proposal as did this United States Congress and other States around the country. Over 90 percent of America's children go to public education. If this Congress really wanted to fix public education, we could do that. I support the Norton amendment because it is about home rule, about the people of each jurisdiction deciding as Michigan did, as this Congress did for the country, that they did not want vouchers.
I support all forms of education, but public money for public schools. That is what our Constitution says and that is what most State Constitutions say, as well as our country. If we really wanted to help the D.C. public schools, let us help all 70,000 students. How do you pick 2,000 out and say, okay, we're going to do it for you but not for you 68,000. If we, the United States Congress, are overseers for Washington, D.C., unfortunately, why not take all 70,000? How do you pick 2,000 of what some have described as one of the worst systems? I do not know about that, either, if it is the worst system. What is worse and what is bad is that this Congress, this United States Government, does not fund public education adequately where 90 percent of America's children attend.
Education is the difference between success and failure in a person's life. The budget is $2.2 trillion; $800 billion of it is discretionary. If we had the commitment for these 2,000 children, just think what we could do with the 70,000 with that $750 billion discretionary budget that we have. Do not fool ourselves. There is only one pot of money. When you take money from this end, as we are doing for the 68,000, it does not make it better. It destabilizes public education.
I am a teacher. I am a parent. I have been in institutions of higher learning. I know when children, and you all know them, are bright, wide-eyed and bushy-tailed at 3, 5 and ready to go, they can be taught. All children can be taught. Someone said earlier, some kids are not teachable. I do not believe that. I think God created all of us equal and that all children can be taught in adequate schools that have trained teachers and the technology of today. And the commitment from not just the city, not just the State but, yes, this United States Congress should do what is right.
I want to congratulate the gentlewoman from this District. She fights very hard and in very difficult circumstances as this United States Congress does not allow her to represent her people who have spoken, irrespective of what the Mayor does, and I respect his opinion, but many people in the D.C. District and its city council and its school board have spoke loudly, they do not want vouchers. If you are going to save this District, they say save all 70,000 of us and help us in that vein.
In Michigan, we voted down vouchers. Other jurisdictions voted down vouchers. Public money for public schools. Let us teach our children. Give them the opportunity they need to succeed in this world. They do not need to be 2,000 against the 68,000. In D.C. if you are going to have a United States Congress, let us do it for all 70,000. How do you pick 2,000 out of that? I think it is despicable. I think the people of D.C. have spoken. What we must do as a United States Congress is reinforce our children and provide for them the best education that they can have wherever they go to school. In Taiwan, they spend 70 percent of their Federal budget on education. In the United States we spend less than 2 percent of our Federal dollars on education. There is something wrong with this equation. It is not the D.C. community, it is not the District that is bad, it is not that the children are not performing. It is that this country has not made the commitment yet to God's children in this country to give them the very best that we can offer.
I commend the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia. I hope this Congress will support her.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the amendment, hopeful that we will pass the Norton amendment and not engage in what I think…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the amendment, hopeful that we will pass the Norton amendment and not engage in what I think most charitably can be described as a giant cop-out. It saddens me that we have reached a point in this Nation's history when so many people simply want to throw up their hands and suggest that the only way that we can solve the problems facing public school education in the United States is to send more and more children to private schools, forgetting that what has separated the United States of America from other countries throughout the world is the fact that our forefathers made a commitment to public school education, deciding that children, regardless of financial status, would have free access to a quality public school education.
I serve on the Committee on Government Reform. I listened to the debate there, and I am listening to the debate here. It is very similar, where once again the proponents of this voucher measure suggest that the only way to give parents in Washington, D.C. choice is through private school vouchers. Mr. Chairman, that is simply false. And if my colleagues do not believe me, all they have to do is look at the D.C. public school Web site, where it talks about the out-of- boundary policy, the out-of-boundary application process, discretionary transfer, is for parents or guardians who wish to apply for permission to enroll their children in D.C. PS schools other than their neighborhood school.
The Washington Post, May 20, 2003: ``Throughout the Washington area there are multiple options for parents seeking alternatives to traditional neighborhood schools.'' The Federal No Child Left Behind law stipulates that if a neighborhood school underperforms for 2 consecutive years, parents may transfer their child to another school. D.C. is doing it the way it should be done, by offering parents a choice through the public school system.
I can say that that is the way it is to be done because I come from a city, the city of Houston, that improved its public school system by using public school choice and other measures, a city where in the 1980s many wanted to throw up their hands and say you cannot afford to send your child to the Houston Independent School District; you have to send your child to a private school so that they can get an adequate education. But some community leaders, thankfully, were not willing to accept that argument. They were not willing to simply cop out and throw up their hands. They decided we had to do something about our public education system, so they did implement programs like public school choice and charter schools and called for more local control.
So much improvement has been seen in the Houston Independent School District, so much improvement that a Republican President, George Bush, decided that the superintendent who had overseen most of that improvement, Rod Paige, should serve as the Secretary of Education in his administration. And private school vouchers had absolutely no role in the improvement of Houston public schools.
Then we hear the argument that moving money out of the D.C. public schools and into a private school voucher program will have no real impact; that money does not really play a role in the performance of public schools. How ludicrous is that? Schools, teachers, books. Everybody realizes they all cost money, a lot of money. And there are no private schools that I am aware of who are asking for less money. They are constantly asking the parents of their children for money, and they are constantly calling on private foundations for more donations.
So let us not pretend this voucher bill is not going to have a profound financial impact on D.C. public schools, and let us also not pretend, let us also not pretend that this voucher measure is just about D.C. schools. Because I have listened to that argument as well; that this is a D.C. problem and let D.C. try this because it will not impact anyone else. If I truly believed that, perhaps I would not feel so passionately about this measure, but I do not.
I do think this will start us on a slippery slope. And I hate that argument because it is used and abused here. And there is no one in this Chamber who cannot look at a mole hill and see a mountain instead and suggest that with every issue we are starting down a slippery slope. But in this particular case I do believe that is what we are looking at. I think the proponents of vouchers in this Nation, seeing that they had failed in passing vouchers in any sort of broad-ranged manner, want to do it on an incremental basis starting with D.C., and trying to gather some favorable statistics, like you can always do, and then spreading it from State to State, city to city, until finally we have more and more children enrolled in private schools.
Mr. Chairman, that brings me back to where I started, a cop-out, a giant cop-out, the wrong road to go down, a path that I hope we will not start on here today.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, we stand here today with the opportunity to join Mayor Williams, the President of the D.C. School Board, the chairman of…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, we stand here today with the opportunity to join Mayor Williams, the President of the D.C. School Board, the chairman of the city council's education committee, and numerous parents who are all excited about the opportunity for Congress to provide $10 million in an innovative pilot program for education in D.C.
Educational equality for all of our children regardless of their family's income is a fundamental principle of the American education system. However, too many low-income families find themselves in a position where they are unable to send their children to the school of their choice simply because they are poor. Families living in poor neighborhoods are unable to make the education choices that many of us can afford to make for our own children when we buy a house in a suburb with high-performing public schools or send our own children to private schools.
The D.C. choice pilot program offers hope and empowers parents and students in the District of Columbia by giving them the opportunity to select a school that meets their educational needs while the competition school choice brings will improve the overall educational atmosphere for the parents, teachers, and administrators who continue to work to improve the public school system within the District. This debate today should be about doing everything we can to better educate all of our children.
In 1996 and 1997, the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations of the Committee on Education and the Workforce embarked on a project called Education at a Crossroads. We went around the country. We talked to parents, we talked to teachers, and we talked to administrators.
Now, people say that we have to focus on improving public education, and we are doing that; and we are investing significant dollars both at the Federal level and at the State level to make that happen. But I still remember the father who came to me in New York City and said, they are just embarking on another 5-year plan. He had a 7- or 8-year- old son with him. He said, you know, a few years ago they embarked on a 5-year plan, and I had hoped that my son would be going to a better school. The schools are now as bad if not worse than what they were 5 years ago. And now they are embarking on another 5-year plan, where we are not guaranteed or we do not really know what this 5-year plan will bring, but I do know what it will mean for my son. If it is no better at the end of this next 5-year plan than it was at the end of first 5- year plan, the product that we will lose is my son. My son will have been in schools that did not help him learn what he needed to learn to compete. Please give me the opportunity to send my son to a high- performing school.
In D.C. last summer we had the opportunity to meet with the parents of the D.C. scholarship program who are enthused and excited about the opportunities that they had had to make decisions for their children, to get them in a school that enabled their children to get the education that they needed, and they saw dramatic progress. I laugh about the accountability, saying we have to put in the accountability standards so that these schools will be accountable to an education department down on Independence Avenue. All we have to do is look into the face of the parents in New York City, in Cleveland, in Detroit, or in Washington, D.C. and you can see that the accountability that we need is not to a bureaucrat in Washington, not to a bureaucrat in one of our State capitals. The accountability that we need is of a school district to a parent. A parent sees and knows what is happening with their child each and every day.
This is about giving D.C. the chance to experiment with this change so that low-income children in our Nation's capital can get a better education now, which we all know is a critical predicate for their future success in life. It is exactly what the parents in the park told us last summer.
This debate has been sidetracked by political ideology, and in the process we are further condemning the students in the District of Columbia to an education system that has left a majority of its students nonproficient in reading and math. It has left these students behind.
I urge Members to support the D.C. appropriations bill and to oppose the Norton amendment on this legislation. Many parents in D.C. cannot afford any other choices for their children, and we have the opportunity today to make $10 million available, and allow 7,500 families who are on the waiting list for this possibility to truly choose what will work for their children.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Norton amendment. There has been a lot of conversation today about whether this $10 million…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Norton amendment. There has been a lot of conversation today about whether this $10 million somehow takes money away from the public school system. There has been a lot of discussion about whether making an investment in vouchers drains resources away. I think that is the wrong focus, with all due respect to some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, because regardless of whether we are taking money away from one pot and putting it into another, let us make no mistake about something that we are doing: We are taking and subtracting credibility from the public school system.
If we have a vouchers game anyplace in this country, we are implicitly saying to that community that the public school system is not good enough. What is the consequence of saying that? I happen to have come primarily from the public school system in Birmingham and Montgomery, Alabama. There are some of us who remember a time in this country when the public school system had a very unique role. It was, number one, the one instrument that we had that brought people together from different classes and different walks of life. You could have someone who was the son of a CEO at a bank sitting next to someone who came from the wrong side of the railroad tracks. The public school was once a civic institution in this country.
For a variety of reasons that are beyond the scope of this debate, that kind of civic pride in our schools has been drained away. For a variety of reasons, we have lost confidence in the public school system in this country; but the challenge is what do we do about it.
The proponents of vouchers tell us we can simply give people a chance to opt out. The proponents of vouchers say we can simply allow people to walk away from the system and that we can treat our public schools like a failed Wal-Mart or a failed BP or a failed Shell gas station; if it closes down, people can go someplace else.
Mr. Chairman, I would submit we are a stronger and a better country if we continue and we sustain our exclusive public investment in a public education system. I do not think that we can drain away a commitment from the vast public purpose of education in this country without having an enormous consequence to where we stand as a Nation.
It is true that we are 13th in the industrialized world in math and science scores. We rank number 15 in civic scores. The problem is that we are not making the kind of investment, either in terms of resources or in terms of community commitment, in our public schools that they deserve. Make no mistake about it, if we endorse this back door, if we open up this back door to vouchers, we are degrading and we are cheapening our public schools.
I have heard a lot of attacks from the other side of the aisle about how bad the public school system is in D.C., and I would venture that a lot of the speakers, if they were asked the systems in their cities, would probably come forward and launch the same kind of attacks. The families of this country are listening. The people who are struggling to teach in our schools may be busy right now, but they hear about these kinds of debates. And we ought to understand something: Teaching is an enormously honorable profession. Public education is an enormously honorable civic endeavor. But you do not walk away from civic endeavors, you do not create a private back channel to civic endeavors.
I urge my colleagues to support the Norton amendment because it is a very important symbol. I agree with the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Bell) that
this is an effort, it is the beginning of a slow effort to introduce vouchers into the public mainstream. It will be D.C. today. Next year, it will be a request that we have 5 target cities around the country, and then it will be a request that we have 10 target States around the country. This is very much where the administration wants to go.
The problem is that I am not prepared to abandon our public school system until we have made a stronger and better commitment. As one of the speakers on this side said earlier, only 7 percent of the money that goes into education comes from this budget and this appropriations process. We cannot let this system go anywhere in our country until we have done more and made a stronger and better commitment.
Mr. Chairman, I ask my colleagues to oppose vouchers for D.C. and to keep the credibility of the D.C. school system intact and to keep the civic institution intact.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. I am pleased to be here for this debate, and I was pleased to hear the gentleman from Illinois recognize the primacy of our involvement…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
I am pleased to be here for this debate, and I was pleased to hear the gentleman from Illinois recognize the primacy of our involvement here, that the Constitution does grant the U.S. Congress authority to move on matters such as this for the District of Columbia.
I have found it interesting to listen to the debate and to listen about this amendment in particular. This amendment is based on the premise that no one in the District of Columbia wants to have a voucher to travel to anything other than a public school, and we have heard that argument again and again and again from the other side, nobody wants this program.
On this side, polls are quoted. There were 57 percent, 60 percent, 75 percent, various numbers of people who want to see this program move ahead. I say the only way to settle it is to offer them, and if it is true as the gentlewoman who offered this amendment proposes, that nobody wants these vouchers, then nobody will accept them, nobody will take them. An affirmative action has to be taken for a voucher to be used. They are imposed on no one. They simply have to be used by a parent. So if it is the case that nobody wants them, that the parents of the District of Columbia do not want to have vouchers, this appropriation of funds will have no effect because the money simply will not be spent. But if it is, as is the case as we maintain, that there are parents who do want them, then they will be used. So it is up to the parents.
I found it strange in the hearings leading up to this on the bill that I offered, and then later on the bill that we had before us, both times those on the other side of the aisle stood and said parents in D.C. do not want vouchers, and each time the parents lined up at the back of the room said otherwise. Parents, lined up outside in the hall, said otherwise. I say if my colleagues really believe in choice, that parents ought to have that choice, then let us put this to the test, allow this to go forward. If it is the case that parents do not want them, they simply will not be used; but if they do want them, they will. So it is up to the parents in the District of Columbia.
I applaud those who have helped put this bill together and to put it on the floor today.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman mentioned how we feel about accountability. The ultimate accountability is portability, the ability to move to a different school if you do not like the school you are attending now. That is the ultimate accountability and that is what this provides.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield, I would advise him that in reading the bill he will see that there are extensive reporting requirements in the bill.
Mr. Chairman, I would submit that this is real accountability. Portability is the best accountability.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
There has been a discussion about who wants these vouchers. Is there anybody who wants them? I can tell you I just left a meeting in the Rayburn Building, just a few yards away, where there are a few dozen D.C. parents who want these vouchers, who are waiting, pleading, hoping that the vote is right today. One of them gave me this letter written by a little girl named Lapria Johnson. She is 8 years old. She was born as what they call a drug baby. Her mother took drugs while she was pregnant. Lapria was born and her grandmother was told that she would never read.
This is a letter that she just wrote: ``My name is Lapria and I go to Holy Temple Christian Academy. The Washington Scholarship Fund is the only way I can read. I am 8 years old. I have a lot of problems I was born with. Public school said I could not read. I read and my math is great. My handwriting is not so good. But I have an A in reading and an A in math.''
I can tell you that her handwriting is better than mine and she is one that will benefit from this. There are kids all over like Lapria that will benefit from this if we will simply let them. We need to let them.
Washington Scholarship
My name is Lapria and I go to Holy Temple Christian
Academy. W.SF. is the only way I can read. I am 8 years old I
have a lot of problems I was born with. public school said I
would not read. I read and my, my math is great my
handwriting is not so good but I have A in reading and A im
math
Lapria Johnson.
Mr. Chairman, first let me thank my good friend from Pennsylvania for yielding me this time and his generosity. In my congressional district, the Third District of Maryland, I represent 110 District…
Mr. Chairman, first let me thank my good friend from Pennsylvania for yielding me this time and his generosity.
In my congressional district, the Third District of Maryland, I represent 110 District of Columbia residents. They live at the Oak Hill detention center, a maximum security campus in Laurel, Maryland, approximately 30 miles from Washington. It is located on more than 600 acres of Federal land adjacent to the National Security Agency. The facility was originally constructed 50 years ago. Few renovations have been made since then, and the campus is now in a severe state of neglect and disrepair, littered with partially-boarded abandoned buildings that are frequently broken into and set afire. Roughly half the children at Oak Hill have been convicted of crimes and sentenced to a term there, and the other half are detainees awaiting trial. Their average length of stay is more than 8 months.
A 2001 mayoral commission recommended closing Oak Hill and placing youth offenders in a network of residential treatment facilities, community-based group homes and other less restrictive settings. I support the commission's recommendations, including the closing of Oak Hill. Some progress has been made toward that goal, including beginning construction of a pretrial holding facility in northeast Washington that should reduce by 50 percent the number of children housed at Oak Hill.
July's four-part series in the Washington Post documented a near complete breakdown of the community-based rehabilitative care system that now exists for the District's youth offenders. The District needs to develop an appropriate community-based system for its juvenile offenders.
In addition, because the District of Columbia has only one residential treatment center which is plagued by alleged physical and sexual abuse, the city must send many of its children to lengthy stays out of State. Currently 400 District children are in residential treatment centers, some as far away as Arizona, at a conservative cost of $25 million a year.
Mayor Williams recently acknowledged that his juvenile justice system is in a state of serious dysfunction and has pledged to take corrective measures. But he was also quoted as saying, ``There hasn't been an embrace, at the agency level, of the issue. There hasn't been the sense of urgency.'' I would tell the mayor that there is a sense of urgency for both the District of Columbia and in my district in Maryland.
I recently had the opportunity to meet with the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) and Deputy Mayor Carolyn Graham, and I subsequently visited Oak Hill. There I met with youth services administrator Gayle Turner and her staff and I toured the facility and surrounding grounds. I was impressed by the progress we were making. As a result of our initial discussions, they were moving in the right direction: toward razing the dilapidated structures that are beyond rehabilitation and toward developing proposals to make more cost- effective and more appropriate use of the land. That is why I was disappointed that both of the individuals I met with positions were terminated and no longer are there.
Today's debate is about funding the District of Columbia, but this issue involves more than appropriate funding levels. This is about the best course of treatment of these children, the best way to ensure the safety of our communities and the most appropriate use of Federal land.
Mr. Chairman, as the representative of the community surrounding Oak Hill, I look forward to working to help improve the state of juvenile justice services for the District of Columbia. I might also point out that the Federal land on which Oak Hill is located is a prime site for expansion of NSA and for the State of Maryland and Anne Arundel County to develop environmental, recreational and economic opportunities.
I hope to continue working with the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), with the members of the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia, and with Mayor Williams and the city council to develop the right solutions for all involved.
Mr. Chairman, I stand in strong opposition to the provision in the District of Columbia appropriation bill authorizing $10 million in funding for school vouchers. Having worked as an elementary…
Mr. Chairman, I stand in strong opposition to the provision in the District of Columbia appropriation bill authorizing $10 million in funding for school vouchers.
Having worked as an elementary school teacher, a school psychologist, and having served on a school board of the largest school district in the State of California, I have seen firsthand the need to strengthen standards in our public schools and to demand more from our teachers and our students through better accountability and adequate resources.
However, voucher programs that divert precious funding away from the public school system, and particularly here in D.C., would do exactly the opposite.
First, vouchers lack accountability. Private schools funded by vouchers are not subjected to the same standards established by the Leave No Child Behind Act.
Second, vouchers can discriminate. Private schools have the ultimate say in deciding which students they want to enroll, and they can screen out applicants based on any factor without obeying Federal antidiscrimination laws. The children that need to be focused on are not going to be admitted in these private schools. Trust me when I say that.
Finally, vouchers simply do not have a proven record of success. There is no discernible difference in achievement between students and voucher programs and students in public education program. Every time vouchers have appeared on the California ballot, they have been voted down. Senator Feinstein's support of this provision is not reflective of the will of the people in California in this regard.
So how else could we use this $10 million? We could use it to improve the public schools which are already facing a $40 million budget cut.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
I rise in the strongest support of the Norton amendment. I have listened very closely for the last hour and a half and I have heard very few people who are in opposition to this amendment support public schools. I heard them admit to the disaster that public schools are here in Washington, D.C. We invaded Iraq and it is costing us a billion dollars a week. The White House is going to come here and ask for multibillions of dollars in just a few days. Why does this coalition that is in so much support of the vouchers here, that will only address 2,000 students out of 70,000, not ask that we put money into what you consider a broken school district? We are going to go and build up the school system in Iraq, the health care system, the infrastructure, and you will not do that for the Washington, D.C. schools, where the seat of government operates? I am appalled. And you want to cut and run.
We already know that the D.C. schools are suffering from a $40 million budget cut and a $100 million shortfall. Why do you not argue and support more money to fix all the schools, because we indeed will leave all of our children behind. Two thousand students going into private education is ludicrous. If you really believe that education is the way and you have that commitment, then argue for additional dollars for the D.C. school district. The Mayor is only one person. The city council has a letter on hand that says they do not support the D.C. voucher program. And why? Because it will siphon money away.
Do not treat us like we cannot add and subtract. If we take $10 million to put into the private sector, that is $10 million away from the public schools. I urge my colleagues to support the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia who has worked so hard, who is the heart and the soul of this district and cannot even vote. So we must vote for her. Let us save our schools. Let us save all of our children and not cherry-pick 2,000 children for private education and send those public dollars into the private sector.
I strongly urge my colleagues to support the Norton amendment and remove the funding for vouchers in D.C. that will only shortchange our teachers, our students, and our schools. Let us improve all of the system.
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Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) for his hard work in support of the city, and I particularly…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) for his hard work in support of the city, and I particularly want to commend him for caring. I have enjoyed working with him over the past year, and I have been able to clearly discern that he is very interested in improving the city. It is America's city. I think we all have a vested interest in making sure that we make Washington, D.C. a better, healthier place to live, better, healthier place to educate their kids.
I want to address the school choice issue that we are going to be debating in more detail later, just to make one very, very important point. I really want to commend the chairman and, as well, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) for their hard work. One of the things that has always bothered me is that wealthy people in America have school choice, but poor people do not. Many of those families in poor neighborhoods cannot afford a private option. Unfortunately, many of those types of situations are in the District of Columbia.
I have wanted for years to be able to seriously look at this issue, go into some of the poor neighborhoods in America, give the parents the option. And really when we have a marketplace, when parents have an option, I think quality improves. We know that in the consumer sector with consumer goods, it is good to have companies competing with each other. I think the reason higher education in America is the best in the world, our colleges and universities, is because there is a real marketplace. We can send our kids to any college. And the hope with the public schools and school choice is that the public schools will rise with the other schools when they have to compete for students, but we need to get good data.
The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) have crafted some very good language that will help us look at this issue. I think it is very, very appropriate, and I want to address one very important thing. We are going to hear this over and over again. This pilot, this $10 million study that we are trying to do, is going to take money away from public schools, that it is going to take money away from public education.
The budget for the District of Columbia is $1.1 billion to educate their kids, and this money is a plus-up. If this amendment is defeated, they are not going to get the extra money. The real debate is not taking money away from public schools. I have been hearing that on the radio. We are not taking money away from public schools. We are putting an extra, actually from the Labor-HHS allotment, we are taking money from that committee and moving it over here so we can once and for all try to study this issue.
Despite what I think are very good intentions, and if school choice is so bad, like so many people on the left keep claiming, let us discover that.
I think the opposition to this issue has nothing to do with the arguments being put forward. It is about power and who controls where your kids are going to school. If this study shows that it works, if parents like it better, academic performance improves, these are all of the parameters the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) and the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner) are going to be following, along with the Secretary of Education is going to be following. If it actually shows that it works and it is good for the District of Columbia, it is good for the kids, it is going to erode the power of one of the most powerful groups in this country, and that is the teachers union, and that is the opposition to this.
To say this is going to move money from public education, if this gets killed, you do not get the money. That is really what it boils down to. We need to study this issue because kids are failing and they are failing unnecessarily and we need to do more for them.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the Norton amendment and in support of the bill. I want to begin by thanking the gentleman…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the Norton amendment and in support of the bill. I want to begin by thanking the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and my colleague and friend, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), for really taking the initiative. He did not have to do this, and he is doing this. This is very, very important.
I have five children. I am a product of public schools. All of my kids have gone to public schools. I worked for probably only one of a few Members of Congress, Congressman Pete Biester, who had a child in the District of Columbia schools. There are no Members in this body that I know of that have any of their children in District of Columbia schools. Many are in private schools, many are not here, but they are not in the District of Columbia schools.
My daughter Virginia taught in the D.C. public school system. She worked for 4 years at the Community of Hope up at 14th and Belmont. She can tell Members what the conditions of the public schools are. I think as the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) said, if D.C. needs more money, offer the amendment and we will support it. But for these 1,000 children, that is their opportunity to get out. Everyone knows, Members know if you had not had that opportunity to have that education, you may not have gotten out. All of us on both sides of the aisle may have been in that condition. It is a way out.
I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), but particularly Mayor Williams for his leadership. I went to John Bartram High School, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) knows where that is, on 67th and Elmwood Avenue. Education was my way out of there.
My dad was a policeman with a sixth-grade education. Education got me my way out. Why is it not good for those 1,000 families that are going to get their children out of there? Sometimes going into the schools, as the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Hoekstra) discussed, and in talking to the parents, they tell us their kids may be beaten up and they may have problems. Let us help the schools. Offer the amendment and do what you can.
I want to commend also Senator Feinstein and Senator Byrd. Senator Byrd is a statesman, and I commend him for his leadership. He understands. I also commend Mayor Williams because it is tough to break sometimes with your party. I know sometimes we get locked in over here and we do not want to leave, but he did. I commend Kevin Chavous for the leadership to break with the city council and do what he did. They have provided the leadership for 1,000 boys and girls.
If you are a father and you know your kids are not getting an education, if you are a mother and you know they are not getting an education, do not tell them, wait, we are going to improve the schools next year, we have a 5-year program, because if they are 7 and 8 and 9, we may lose them.
This is not to expand a program all over the country. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) has probably done more to help the District of Columbia, working with the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), than any other Member of the House. This is to help. This is to help 1,000 parents to have an opportunity to educate their children.
I strongly urge defeat of the Norton amendment, and I again thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis) for their leadership, because in 1,000 homes this year and 1,000 homes next year, they will really make a difference, and help some of the kids to be educated. Come back next year and offer the amendments to beefup the District of Columbia schools. I give my commitment. I will support it; but let us today support this bill to help those 1,000 kids.
Mr. Chairman, this Member wishes to add his support for the District of Columbia appropriations bill for fiscal year 2004 (H.R. 2765) and would like to comment on what is probably the most…
Mr. Chairman, this Member wishes to add his support for the District of Columbia appropriations bill for fiscal year 2004 (H.R. 2765) and would like to comment on what is probably the most controversial provision of the measure--the appropriation of $10 million in Federal funds for a scholarship program that would allow certain low-income District of Columbia parents to send their children to private schools.
Although this Member does not support school vouchers because they have the potential to do great damage to many public school
systems, this Member believes that the District of Columbia warrants special consideration.
The District of Columbia has one of the most troubled public school systems in the United States. School choice would offer hope to parents and students by giving them the opportunity to select a school that meets their educational needs, while the competition school choice brings would improve the overall educational atmosphere for the parents, teachers, and administrators who continue to work to improve the District of Columbia public school system.
School children in the District of Columbia have been trapped in failing schools for too long. Providing funding for a school choice program would provide certain low-income parents residing in the District of Columbia with the financial means needed to enroll their children in higher-performing schools in the District of Columbia. In addition, the funds these students receive could also be used to pay for transportation, fees, and tuition costs.
The House of Representatives has used the District of Columbia appropriations bill to provide school choice proposals for District of Columbia students in the past. In fact, both the fiscal year 1996 and 1999 District of Columbia appropriations bills, as passed by the House, contained language permitting the use of funds for a scholarship program (although the language was not enacted into law). This Member has supported these efforts in the past and believes it is essential that this appropriations bill contain similar language allowing for a District of Columbia scholarship program.
This legislation would not establish a voucher system; it is a system of scholarships. In a voucher system, the public school money would go with the child to the private or public school that the parents choose for their child. However, under this scholarship program, if a student receives a scholarship and decides to go to a private school, no funds would be taken from the specific public school that the child was attending. Therefore, the Washington, DC, school system would lose no money if low-income children choose to attend private schools with the scholarship money.
Opponents of the scholarship program claim that the District of Columbia public school system overall would lose money under this plan. However, the District of Columbia Mayor, Anthony A. Williams, has indicated he will lead to hold District of Columbia schools harmless, meaning that the public school system will keep more than $16 million in local per pupil aid for the 2,000 children they will no longer have to educate. This idea is briefly mentioned in the September 3, 2003, Washington Post editorial, entitled ``Washington's Children Deserve More Choices,'' written by Mayor Williams; Mr. Kevin P. Chavous, a member of the DC Council and Chairman of its Education Committee, and; Ms. Peggy Cooper Cafritz, President of the DC Board of Education. The article says, ``. . . our public schools will not be penalized financially for the loss of students to private or parochial schools.'' This Member has confirmed the Mayor's ``hold harmless'' provision with staff at the Government Reform Committee and the Education and the Workforce Committee.
Mr. Chairman, in closing, this Member urges his colleagues to support
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. (Mr. JACKSON of Illinois asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
(Mr. JACKSON of Illinois asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the gentlewoman's amendment. With 42 public charter schools and 15 public transformation schools, the 70,000 children of the District of Columbia have school choice, with the most extensive set of alternatives to traditional public schools in the country. For this reason the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) simply believes that any additional public funds should be used to enhance and expand these publicly accountable schools.
The central question before us is whether or not we believe, as a Congress, that every child should have access to an equal high-quality education. Who among us does not believe in this? I have introduced House Joint Resolution 29, a constitutional amendment that crystallizes this premise and that ensures that every child in the United States has access to an equal high-quality education, an idea I think and hope all of us will support.
If we believe that every child in America deserves a high-quality public education, then why are we here today considering that only 2,000 of 70,000 children in the District of Columbia public school system should have an equal high-quality education? If we believe that every child should have access to high-quality education, we should support the gentlewoman's amendment. The District of Columbia has serious problems that need real solutions.
Article I, section 8, clause 17 of the Constitution gives Congress responsibility over the District of Columbia. They do not have a State legislature or a governor to which to redress their grievances. That responsibility includes all of the children of the District of Columbia public school system, not just the 2,000 children that the voucher program in this bill addresses.
Article I, section 8, clause 1 of the Constitution gives Congress the power to provide for the common defense. Yesterday, we found out that the common defense includes $60 billion for another appropriations supplemental bill which includes building schools in Iraq. If we can find the resources to rebuild schools in Iraq, I know we can find the resources to rebuild the schools for all of the children of the District of Columbia and their public school system.
It is clear, Mr. Chairman, that if the proponents of this $10 million set aside for vouchers truly think they will improve the education system in D.C., they would probably also try to fix a broken arm with a Band-Aid. In January 2002, President Bush signed a bill that was supposed to ensure that no child was left behind. If this $10 million is included in this bill, we are ensuring that 68,000 D.C. kids are left behind.
At a time when the No Child Left Behind Act is underfunded by close to $9 billion nationwide and is underfunded by $50 million in the District, does it make sense to try to make up this shortfall with only $10 million that will subsidize private schools and not fix some of the core problems plaguing D.C. public schools?
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I urge and support the gentlewoman's amendment. If the gentlewoman's amendment fails, I urge my colleagues to vote against the passage of the D.C. Appropriations bill. If this Congress genuinely believes that every child deserves the right to a public education of equal high quality, then we should fight for it as a fundamental right for every American. A separate and unequal education system in the District of Columbia and between the States is indeed unacceptable for every American.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, as a member of the House Committee on Government Reform chaired by my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, as a member of the House Committee on Government Reform chaired by my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Tom Davis), I was privileged to hear the debate in its entirety on the subject we address here today, and that is help for the children in the failing District of Columbia public school system.
I do not think anyone in this Chamber, in any capital city, can honestly say that the district schools are good. They cannot because they are not. It is not a question of whether or not the D.C. school system is failing. It already has and everybody knows it. If we are going to ensure the education of the children in this city, we need to provide funding to give at least 2,000 children a way out and an option and a chance to attend a school where they can achieve. That is the very least this body can do for them.
I was in that committee room that day and watched the anguish on the faces of the mothers and grandmothers who were present, and I watched them crying during and after the hearing. They made me more determined than ever to help provide them and their children a way out of this failing school system. One of the young fellows who was there, a 6- year-old named Alonzo Stallans, drew a picture during the hearing that he gave to me a couple of days later. It says, ``A good education, a good future,'' in only the way that a 6-year-old can do it.
He gets it, but not everybody in this Chamber does.
I have had visits from those mothers and grandmothers of these young folks, the most recent yesterday, and they have high hopes that we will do the right thing and pass the legislation for these great young kids. If we do, and we must, we will be giving them a chance at life that most of us were given when we were their age.
What we do here today will change the lives of these young people forever in a very positive way. I hear my colleagues talk about money and fully funding the education system. Let us talk about that for a minute.
If money were any indication of the success of a school system, the boys and girls in Washington, D.C. would be receiving the finest education in America with test scores higher than any students in America. But that is not happening. In fact, the opposite is true. More money is being spent in D.C. per student than anywhere in America and the test results are the worst.
That is an absolute travesty.
These kids need and deserve a way out of this school system. The legislation we pass here today will do just that.
Frankly, I think parents and grandparents know what is best for their children, not the bureaucrats who roam the halls on Capitol Hill.
My wife and I knew what was best for our son and, frankly, he has done great in life.
Parents and grandparents know what is best for their kids. They want out of a school system that has failed them and their kids. Today we are going to fix that. And, frankly, the sooner the better.
We have heard special praise for three people today. I want to do that again. They are D.C. Mayor Anthony Williams, D.C. Council Education Committee Chairman Kevin P. Chavous, and D.C. Board of Education President Peggy Cooper Cafritz for stepping up to the plate and leading the charge for this legislation. That is true leadership. And true leadership on this floor today means that we pass this legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I urge all of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to give the D.C. kids a good chance at a successful life by voting for this very worthwhile piece of legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. I rise in support of the Norton amendment, and I strongly oppose private school vouchers. No matter the location, the type of program or…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
I rise in support of the Norton amendment, and I strongly oppose private school vouchers. No matter the location, the type of program or the amount, vouchers are a bad idea for our children. The Committee on Government Reform approved this amendment by a one-vote, razor-thin margin. Both Republicans and Democrats voted against the D.C. voucher, and I thank my colleagues for their opposition to D.C. vouchers.
Serious concerns were raised about this amendment during committee consideration. I share those concerns and believe it is important that this information be shared with the public.
We know that vouchers drain millions from public education. Any extra money should be invested into D.C. public schools and other public schools nationwide that deserve the majority of our children. Investing in public schools helps us hire more highly-qualified teachers, purchase supplies and books, and repair our schools. Vouchers are not the solution.
Vouchers eliminate public oversight for taxpayer dollars. Unfortunately, as illustrated in Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Florida's voucher programs, vouchers eliminate public oversight, public accountability and have led to cases of fraud and fiscal mismanagement.
Vouchers contradict the accountability reform required by the No Child Left Behind, such as the hiring of highly-qualified teachers and the annual testing and public reporting on student performance. These standards are not required by private schools that accept federally funded vouchers, creating a double standard regarding Federal funding and education.
I would be glad to hear from proponents of vouchers to tell us why we should not have accountability when public dollars follow these children to private institutions. I would love to hear from the other side to tell us why we should not have better accountability.
I offered an amendment in the Committee on Government Reform in good faith, asking that the same standards that apply to all of our public schools also apply to these vouchers. I would love to hear their response.
I urge my colleagues to respect the right of D.C. residents to make decisions of their own in their city. The majority of D.C. elected officials and residents oppose vouchers. The official position of the D.C. school board and city council is to oppose vouchers. If the residents of the District of Columbia wanted vouchers in D.C., their local governance, the school board or city council could create such a program.
Some in this body have suggested that D.C. residents need our permission or Federal money to create a voucher program. That simply is not true. D.C. residents do not need the permission of this Congress. Nor do they need the Federal purse to create a program. D.C. residents just do not want vouchers.
I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Reclaiming my time, Mr. Chairman, I might respond that we also need accountability of public dollars. When those dollars follow those children to those private institutions, we should also hold them accountable
and have benchmarks. Show us where test scores have improved, show us where reading levels have gone up, show us where dropout rates have been lower. That is the kind of accountability I am suggesting.
No, there are not. No, there are not. Now, we discussed this when Secretary Paige came to the committee, and he suggested that we do strengthen the language in the bill to have real accountability.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I stand in support of the elimination of these funds and that we put these funds into public schools. Public schools is…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I stand in support of the elimination of these funds and that we put these funds into public schools. Public schools is where we need a fix. We need to fix our public schools. We do not need to take money and resources away from public schools. We want to make sure that every child has an opportunity to learn, that every child is given the same tools that they are given somewhere else.
The answer is not to take those privileged kids and put them into private schools. It is not going to change the system. And many of the kids who are in the public schools will not have an opportunity to go and use a voucher system. What happens to many of
those other kids in that area? Have we really fixed it?
I have heard us say, well, our schools are failing, the system is failing. Well, it is our responsibility to fix it. It is our responsibility to train teachers. It is our responsibility to motivate the students. It is our responsibility to make sure that no child is left behind.
Let me state that it is a shame when we go to school and a lot of our children are not learning. There are many of our children that are learning and those who are not. It is our ability and our responsibility to make sure that those students have an opportunity to progress. They want to do the same things that everybody else wants. Let me state that if we take those funds away from public schools, what is going to happen? We take those $10 million and we have kids to which we say we want to prepare them for the 21st century, and they are not prepared because they do not have the tools or instruments because we have taken funding away. This is wrong. This is wrong for the District of Columbia. This is wrong, and it will probably happen to other portions of the States.
Is this what we want? No.
We want to invest in public education. We have good teachers who are out there. We need to give them the funding. We need to give them the tools. We need to give them the motivation. We need to give them the support. They need to know that we stand behind them, that we want to fix the schools, that we just do not want to take the easy answer. Like our parents always said, if you have a difficult time, it is time to get involved and do something about it. Do something that is going to help the schools, not run away. This is just running away from the problem, it is not fixing our school systems.
What happens? As our President said, I want to make sure that we leave no child behind. We are going to leave more children behind because what happens to the student if a student is expelled? Do you think that student is going to be accepted at a private school under the voucher system? Do you think that parents can then take that child and put him into a private school under the voucher system? No. They are only going to take the top of the crop. And what happens to this school system? We still have the responsibility to fund it. We still have the responsibility to make sure the infrastructure is there. Who pays for that? We as taxpayers pay for that, and we are taking money and resources from our schools.
Let me state that this is bad legislation. It is terrible legislation. It should not even be up before us right now. We should be making sure that we spend more money on education, therefore, we should eliminate the funding.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to oppose the voucher provisions that poison this D.C. Appropriations bill and to support the Norton…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to oppose the voucher provisions that poison this D.C. Appropriations bill and to support the Norton amendment. If we pass this bill without the Norton amendment, we will be approving vouchers at the Federal level. We will be paving the way for the demise of our public education system, and we will be hampering our students' ability to succeed.
In short, we will undermine what is really one of the fundamental pillars of American democracy, a top-quality free public education that is a fundamental right for all American children. Privatizing public education is not the American way and you know it. It is wrong to be redistributing Federal money to private schools when public schools are facing teacher shortages, record-high student enrollments and dealing with subpar facilities and infrastructure. And yes, we must help rebuild schools in Iraq, but we must also invest in our own public schools in our own country.
This bill will also compromise the civil rights of our students. Even though vouchers would provide public money, private schools are not bound by civil rights provisions that govern our schools. Private schools can discriminate in admissions and employment on the basis of religion. Moreover, if we do give this money away, we lose the ability to account for the spending of that money. If voucher schools do not adopt academic standards, provide highly qualified teachers, or administer the assessments required of public schools, we have no recourse under this proposal.
Perhaps this explains why there has been so little success with voucher programs. Every serious study of voucher programs has found that vouchers do not improve student achievement. Objective studies funded by the Wisconsin and Ohio legislatures have found that voucher students perform no better than comparable students in other public schools.
The bottom line is that for every dollar we put into vouchers, we will be draining, draining, our public schools of the very life blood that makes it possible for us to have schools at the highest possible level, schools that educate all young Americans. And we will be putting lots of dollars, $10 million for the District, and that is just a start. If we ever went to a national voucher program, of course, which this sets the stage for, one estimate claims that it could cost about $73 billion. And that is just wrong. Instead of diverting money to private and religious schools, we must demonstrate a stronger commitment to safer schools, smaller classrooms, higher standards, technology and more accountability of all. That will benefit the public school system and it will not bankrupt it. We must put resources into our low-achieving schools so that they become high-performing schools. So I urge the Members to vote for the Norton amendment, and I thank her for her leadership. And I urge the Members to vote against the bill if it retains, however, the voucher provision which jeopardizes the future of public education.
This bill, with the voucher provision, really could be the beginning of the end of public education not only in the District of Columbia but in our entire country.
Again, I thank the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) for bringing this forward, and I urge support of her amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment and in support of the $10 million that is being appropriated to the D.C. public…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment and in support of the $10 million that is being appropriated to the D.C. public schools.
The reason that this money is being given to the system is so that we can improve the system. School choice has been shown to improve an opportunity for a child. Each child who has been suffering through the terrible school system of Washington, D.C., is really imprisoned in that District. This money will give these children an opportunity to learn, and I believe that is what schools are for.
Unfortunately, the D.C. public schools have been in crisis, and it is unfair to force children who live in D.C. to be subjected to a terrible education or a lack of an education. Statistics show that a very high percentage of students drop out. They also show that the D.C. schools are ranked lower than every other State in reading or every State in reading and math scores. Students score on the average of 220 points below the national average on the SATs. Seventy-six percent of D.C.'s fourth graders perform below grade level in math and only 10 percent read proficiently by the fourth grade. These problems persist, despite spending more than nearly every school District in the Nation, at least $11,000 per pupil.
It was stated earlier that we were promoting parochial self-interest if we promote school choice in D.C. If parochial self-interest is parents wanting their children to get a real education, then I am all for that, and this is what this will do. It will allow these parents to find a better way to educate their children. If their child is currently in the D.C. schools, their opportunities are really not limitless the way they should be. School choice offers them more opportunity. It will also offer the children who stay in the public schools more opportunity, and it really is dismaying to me that the opponents of school choice do not see this.
Problems in many inner city school districts, such as D.C., are caused largely because of overcrowding too many children in a classroom. For example, school choice will take a number of children out of the public school system. This is true. They will go to schools that are now empty or at least in need of more students. That will allow smaller classes in the D.C. schools. It will encourage the D.C. schools to improve, in fact give them more opportunity to do so, with fewer students and the same amount of money.
So it will relieve overcrowding in the D.C. public schools. It will help the children because the children will have an opportunity to go to a school where they will learn, where they will feel safe in many cases where they may not now.
It is unfair for us, and I think completely irresponsible for us, to waste the learning year of the children who happen to be in these schools now and say, well, we are going to fix the public schools, but if it takes 6 to 12 years to fix them, what happens to those children who are still in the public schools? Nothing good. We need to give them an opportunity to learn now, elsewhere if that is where they need to go, in a place that is more suitable for their education, while we work on and fix the D.C. public schools.
I support this appropriation. I support school choice for D.C., and I hope that we will oppose this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) and…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) and to oppose the ill-conceived Davis amendment to add vouchers to the District of Columbia appropriations bill.
Mr. Chairman, not only have the citizens and many leaders of Washington opposed vouchers, but the House has also made certain that our own districts would not have mandated vouchers imposed in its public schools.
I find that very interesting, Mr. Chairman, considering what the last speaker just said. Basically the implication was that there should be local control. It is clear here that we are trying to impose our will on the District of Columbia when we cannot even do it.
We do not accept vouchers in our own districts. Why should we do it here? I think we have to be very candid and honest with ourselves to begin to ask the question, why are we doing this?
In fact, we rejected voucher proposals in the No Child Left Behind legislation in the IDEA bill. The Record of this House reflects that voucher amendments have been soundly defeated for years by this House. So I find it interesting that some in the House want to impose a voucher program for D.C., but clearly it is not something that they want for their own districts.
You have heard many Members on the other side of the aisle say that vouchers will help low-income children in Washington, D.C. They may believe the hype that accompanies the debate on vouchers for our Nation's disadvantaged children. But this is what we do know about vouchers: Vouchers drain money away from public schools and leave the remaining children with even less resources, schools like the ones in my district where in one school there were 13 computers for 1,300 children. Where children, just a year or so ago, were reading out of books where Jimmy Carter was still the President. These were honor students. And situations where children can go through
high school without ever looking through the lens of a microscope.
Another thing that we know about vouchers is that vouchers do not improve student achievement. I wish they did, but they do not. And let us not be fooled by that. Vouchers offer false promises of choice because private schools have the ultimate decision on which students they enroll.
Of its 42 public charter schools and 15 public transformation schools, Washington, D.C. has the most wide-ranging set of alternatives to traditional public schools in this entire country. Public school choice is the real choice and the only choice program we should support in this House.
Mr. Chairman, I know that every Member of the House wants to provide the best education possible for our children. I believe that investing adequate funds in public schools with access to technology, up-to-date textbooks, and highly-qualified teachers is the correct choice.
The District of Columbia should not be used as an experiment for public school reform.
I urge my colleagues to support the Norton amendment and vote against the Davis amendment. An experimental voucher program in Washington, D.C. will leave too many children behind and harm the city's public schools.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment. It is very interesting that this committee would say that the mayor and the chair of…
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment. It is very interesting that this committee would say that the mayor and the chair of the school board of the D.C. school systems want this money. What mayor and what chairman of a school board would not want more money? But the reality is that this $10 million should perhaps be going towards adequately funding public schools. Perhaps it should be going towards teacher training so that the teachers in the classroom are better trained to do what they need to do. Perhaps the money should be going towards special education.
But I stand here from a community, the city of Cleveland, that was the test case in the Supreme Court for vouchers. And I stand here capable and able to tell you that an independent study from Indiana University reported that the children in voucher schools are doing no better than the children in Cleveland public schools. I stand here to say to you that instead of parceling out $10 million here and $10 million there, we ought to fund public education at a level that every child in the United States of America is getting a decent education. We ought to be saying to parents across this country that we want you to have the opportunity to fund education in public school systems.
Now, the reality is we keep talking about parental choice. Even in the Cleveland school system case, there was only a choice. All children who did not go to public schools and took a voucher went to Catholic schools. There was no choice. It was either public school or Catholic school. And it is clear in the language of the Supreme Court case that parents ought to have a choice. Let us get real in Congress. Let us get real. Let us talk about funding public education where all children have an opportunity to get a decent education. Let us talk about taking money and improving the building systems. Let us talk about taking money and reducing the teacher-student ratio. Let us talk about making real, making real this piece that we talk to children about, the importance of education, the importance of doing well.
By doing this $10 million voucher program for the D.C. school systems, we are leaving out so many other children that ought to have a decent education. The reality is in these United States the way we fund education based on property taxes does not, in fact, make it fair.
The Supreme Court of Ohio found that the way we fund education in the State of Ohio is unconstitutional because it means that if you live in a community where the property tax is high and the dollars are allocated for property tax for schools, that children in some parts of the State get a better education than children in the other parts of the State.
I say this morning, our job is to defeat this voucher program for the D.C. school systems, to support the amendment of my colleague, the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) and to support a strong public education for all children.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H.J. Res. 29 Introduced in House (IH)]
108th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. J. RES. 29
Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States
regarding the right of all citizens of the United States to a public
education of equal high quality.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
March 4, 2003
Mr. Jackson of Illinois (for himself, Mrs. Christensen, Mrs. Jones of
Ohio, Mr. Hinchey, Mr. Payne, Mr. Rush, Mr. Towns, Mr. Thompson of
Mississippi, Mr. Lewis of Georgia, Ms. Jackson-Lee of Texas, Ms.
Norton, Mr. Owens, Ms. Millender-McDonald, Ms. Watson, Ms. Kilpatrick,
Mr. Clay, Mr. Kucinich, Ms. Lee, Mr. Davis of Illinois, Mr. Acevedo-
Vila, Mr. Conyers, and Mr. Fattah) introduced the following joint
resolution; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary
_______________________________________________________________________
JOINT RESOLUTION
Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States
regarding the right of all citizens of the United States to a public
education of equal high quality.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House
concurring therein), That the following article is proposed as an
amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be
valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution when
ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States:
``Article--
``Section 1. All citizens of the United States shall enjoy the
right to a public education of equal high quality.
``Section 2. The Congress shall have power to implement this
article by appropriate legislation.''.
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