Providing For Consideration Of H.R. 513, 527 Reform Act Of 2005
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I rise to support the rule and to support the underlying bill. Mr. Speaker, it was just 4 years ago that the Congress passed a Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act, and the purpose of…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I rise to support the rule and to support the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, it was just 4 years ago that the Congress passed a Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act, and the purpose of that legislation was to ``eliminate'' hundreds of millions of dollars of unregulated soft money and the influence that wealthy donors had on the electoral process. However, the 2004 election cycle clearly demonstrated that BCRA was unable to deliver on what it promised.
In fact, the great irony of all of this is that while soft money to political parties was eliminated, wealthy donors found a new avenue to fund their candidates and to have more influence than they had ever had under the old rules. In 2004, we saw George Soros and Peter Lewis inject more than $20 million each, each of them injecting more than $20 million into the election process. So, so much for eliminating soft money.
Overall, federally focused 527s raised and spent over $550 million. Now, by contrast, George W. Bush and John Kerry combined to spend $655 million on their entire Presidential campaigns. The numbers are strikingly similar. The only difference is the Presidential candidates had to file with and abide by the rules of the FEC. The 527s did not.
The Presidential campaigns were accountable to the voters. The 527s were not. And instead of the political parties providing key support for their candidates, 527s began to act as surrogate political parties. Essentially what happened here is the political parties were outsourced. Political parties were outsourced. The 527s ran TV ads, they operated Web sites, they ran phone banks, they mobilized the get- out-the-vote efforts, all with money not regulated by the FEC.
In fact, the 527s proved so significant that MoveOn.org actually sent an e-mail to all of their supporters after the 2004 election and said this about the Democratic Party. This is what MoveOn.org said: ``Now it's our party. We bought it. We own it, and we're going to take it back.'' So, so much for eliminating the big dollars and big money.
Often I hear my Democratic colleagues complaining about the Swift Boat Veterans For Truth, another 527. Well, today, my Democratic colleagues have an opportunity to strike back. All of this activity was conducted with less oversight than when the political parties were able to accept soft money. And it is abundantly clear that something must be done. We need to do something to level the playing field that has shifted in favor of the unaccountable 527s. Right now, we have numerous groups operating under the cover of shadows, moving money back and forth in hopes of convincing voters to support a particular candidate.
Mr. Speaker, prior to my service in this House, I had the great honor and privilege of serving for 8 years as Michigan Secretary of State, and I was responsible for enforcing the campaign finance act in my State and increasing voter participation. My administration was very honored with the highest grade in the entire Nation by the NAACP for being on the forefront of campaign reform. We were honored with the Digital Sunshine Award for our program to provide voters with more information on who was trying to influence the outcome of the election process.
So I have had some experience with this issue, and I believe transparency is always the key. It is always the critical element.
I do believe that if we do not act now, the nauseating ugliness, negativity and hyperpartisanship that we saw in 2004 will only intensify in 2006 and 2008. We must protect our democratic electoral process and keep those who seek to influence our votes accountable. I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.