Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing on the lack of religious freedom in China today.

Several years ago during a visit to the United States, Xi Jinping chose to be interviewed by a Chinese reporter living in the U.S. After the interview, President Xi asked a single question of this reporter-- not about his family and not about whether he enjoyed living in America--the one question he asked was ``Why do so many Chinese students and faculty living in the United States become Christians?''

Whatever was behind that question, religious freedom conditions in China have not improved because of it. Quite the opposite, in fact, as Xi has personally launched efforts to ``sinacize religion'' and the central government has issued commands to each provincial Party Secretary, making them responsible to bring religion in line with Communist Party ideology.

The Chinese government is an equal opportunity abuser of religious freedom. As U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom Chair Tenzin Dorjee testified, Xi Jinping's stated goal of ``sincacization'' affects all religious communities in China--Tibetan Buddhists, Falun Gong practitioners, Daoists, Muslims, and Christians.

Over the past year, the Chinese government has intensified the most severe crackdown on religious activities since the Cultural Revolution. Regulations on religious affairs issued in

February tightened existing restriction and new draft regulations are being circulated to clamp down on religious expression online. Churches, mosques, and temples have been demolished, crosses destroyed, children have been prohibited from attending services, and surveillance cameras are being installed in churches.

Xi Jinping talks about realizing the ``China Dream''--but when Bibles are burned, when a simple prayer over a meal in public may be an illegal religious gathering, and when over a million Uyghur and Kazakh Muslims are interned in ``reeducation camps'' and forced to renounce their faith--that dream is a nightmare.

Much in the news lately has been the Chinese government's targeting of Christians. The ``sinacization campaign'' has affected both state- controlled and unregistered churches--Protestant and Catholic. Clergy remain in prison and the human rights lawyers who defend religious believers have been jailed, disappeared, or tortured into silence. Xi Jinping views the fast-growing Christian churches, particularly the Protestant ``house church'' movement that does not belong to the state- sanctioned Protestant entities, as a threat to the dominance of the Chinese Communist Party. One of our witnesses yesterday, my good friend the Rev. Dr. Bob Fu, has detailed on countless occasions the Communist Party's vicious war on independent house churches.

Underground Catholics--meaning those who do not belong to the state- sanctioned Patriotic Association--have faced tremendous persecution for decades, including Bishop Su Zhimin who I met with in 1994.

Bishop Su's body bore witness to the brutality of China's Communist Party. He was beaten, starved, and tortured for his faith and spent some 40 years in prison. Yet, he prayed not just for the persecuted church, but for the conversion of those who hate, torture and kill. Unfortunately, only a couple of years later Bishop Su was arrested again and disappeared. He has not been heard from since.

Today, efforts to forcibly close underground parishes expanded this year. China's Ethnic and Religion Bureau told the state propaganda arm Global Times in April that ``activities in illegally-built parishes will be prohibited'' and underground Catholic churches were being shuttered this very summer.

Recent reports indicate that a deal has been struck by the Holy See and the Chinese government whereby the Pope will have veto power over Chinese government-approved candidates to be ordained as bishops. In exchange, seven previously excommunicated bishops, ordained without papal mandate and appointed by the Chinese government, will be welcomed back into full communion with Rome. Already, the Vatican has asked two validly ordained bishops to step aside to make way for two formerly excommunicated bishops. Cardinal Joseph Zen, bishop emeritus of Hong Kong, has questioned whether Vatican officials making these decisions ``know what true suffering is.''

The reports are that this deal is provisional and full details are yet unknown. The devil will be in the details--including the fate of underground churches and relations with Taiwan. But with all the efforts underway to forcibly sinacize religion, it certainly seems an odd time to strike a deal with Xi Jinping's China. I hope and pray this agreement will bring true religious freedom for Catholics in China--who have suffered so much to maintain their faith. We will continue to monitor the situation closely to see if force is used by the Chinese government to close all ``underground'' or unregistered Catholic churches as a result of this deal.

We heard from Dr. Tom Farr on what the implications of this deal would be and his recommendations for U.S. religious freedom diplomacy.

U.S.-China tensions are high at the moment on many fronts and the Chinese government presumably is searching for ways to reduce--not escalate--them. Taking a hammer and sickle to the cross or jailing a million Uyghur Muslims will only ensure a tougher China policy, one with widespread, bipartisan and even global support.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join those who have participated in public activities and forums this month to mark September as Dystonia Awareness Month. Public awareness events and campaigns help raise funds for improved research and treatment to one day find a cure.

Dystonia is a neurological movement disorder that causes muscles to contract and spasm involuntarily. It affects men, women, and children. Dystonia can be generalized, affecting all major muscle groups, and resulting in twisting, repetitive movements and abnormal postures. It can also be focal, affecting a specific part of the body such as legs, arms, hands, neck, face, mouth, eyelids, or vocal cords.

Dystonia is a chronic disorder producing symptoms that vary in degrees of frequency, intensity, disability, and pain depending on the type of dystonia. The inability to predict or control the movements of body parts vital to mobility and communication has a profound impact on an individual's life, and the lives of their loved ones.

I am proud to represent the Nachbar Family of Freehold, New Jersey. Janice and Len Nachbar are the incredibly devoted parents of Joanna--a beautiful, smart woman who is afflicted with dystonia. In their role as leaders of the Central New Jersey Dystonia Support and Action Group, they are active advocates on behalf of their daughter and the dystonia community. The Nachbars are just one of the thousands of families nationwide who are part of the Dystonia Medical Research Foundation which raises awareness for dystonia and provides support to patients, families, and caregivers.

Since I first met the Nachbars and learned of dystonia, I have repeatedly requested adequate appropriations for important research funded by the National Institutes of Health and the Department of Defense, and in 2015 I hosted a Congressional briefing where the Nachbars and other members of the dystonia community testified to the importance of funding and awareness for this terrible disorder.

Despite the prevalence of dystonia, awareness and proper diagnosis of this disorder is extremely limited. Many patients report that it took visits to numerous physicians over the course of years to get a correct diagnosis. Currently there is no single test to confirm the diagnosis of dystonia. Instead, the diagnosis

rests in a physician's ability to observe symptoms of dystonia and obtain a thorough patient history.

In order to correctly diagnose dystonia, doctors must be able to recognize the physical signs and be familiar with the symptoms. In certain instances, tests may be ordered to rule out other conditions or disorders. The kind of specialist who typically has the training to diagnose and treat dystonia is a movement disorder neurologist. Awareness and recognition of dystonia is crucial.

I encourage my colleagues to learn more about dystonia, how it impacts the livelihood of their constituents, and honor the important work the Dystonia Medical Research Foundation, and families like the Nachbars, do to raise awareness and give hope to patients across the country.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing at the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, which I chair.

Our first order of business was to note that today many Ethiopians are celebrating the start of the New Year under the Ethiopian calendar. To our Ethiopian friends who observe the new year, I wish to say ``Enkutatash''--Happy New Year.

Many of the hearings that this subcommittee holds are hearings of condemnation--for abuses of human rights, for failures of governance, and for holding accountable those who betray the public trust.

Yesterday's hearing, however, struck a different tone--one not of condemnation, but of commendation for the great strides Ethiopia has made since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed assumed authority in April of this year.

Consider where we were just over a year ago. A State of Emergency existed, and thousands of political prisoners languished in jail. A cold war standoff existed between Ethiopia and its neighbor Eritrea.

As this subcommittee pointed out in a hearing we held in March of 2017, ``increasingly repressive policies have diminished political space and threaten to radicalize not only the political opposition but also civil society by frustrating their ability to exercise their rights under law.''

In response to this, I introduced, along with original cosponsors Karen Bass and Mike Coffman, H. Res. 128, a resolution ``Supporting Respect for Human Rights and Encouraging Inclusive Governance in Ethiopia.'' The resolution set forth milestones which needed to be met, and passed thanks to the leadership of many--including Chairman Ed Royce who guided the Resolution through Foreign Affairs Committee markup and Leader Kevin McCarthy, who scheduled a vote on H. Res. 128 that passed the House unopposed and sent a clear message of Congressional resolve on the need for civil and political reform in Ethiopia.

But success of this measure was due in largest part to the efforts of the Ethiopian diaspora community in the United States, which came together to demand that egregious human rights abuses immediately cease, and that fundamental human rights must be promoted and protected for all in Ethiopia.

Indeed, one of the greatest collateral benefits brought about by passage of H. Res. 128 is the political effectiveness of the Ethiopian American community, which provided a textbook civics lesson for all of us to admire. It is thanks to their tireless efforts of contacting your congressional representatives, of making your case in a persistent and respectful manner that helped spur Congress to action.

Since assuming office, Prime Minister Abiy has begun to implement some of the very reforms that H. Res. 128 called for. He has released thousands of political prisoners, and lifted the state of emergency, for example.

But he has also reached out to the diaspora community, catalyzed an end to a schism that had plagued the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and initiated an historic peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea this past July. Indeed, it is hoped that his domestic reforms will also inspire Eritrea, which remains a repressive regime, to undertake similar internal reforms.

Just a few weeks ago, Ranking Member Karen Bass and I visited the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, where we met with Prime Minister Abiy and a broad array of individuals and groups, including His Holiness, Abune Mathias I. One impression I had--was of a profound feeling of change and optimism.

For what he has accomplished in less than half a year, Prime Minister deserves praise and encouragement. Yet we still must keep in mind that expectations have been raised, and the reforms he has begun must continue.

For example, the notorious Charities and Society Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, both passed in 2009, remain on the books and thus retain the potential to stifle legitimate civil society organizations and political speech.

Many former prisoners and torture victims still demand justice. Ranking Member Bass and I met with a group of torture victims in Addis Ababa, and what they described as having been done to them was horrific. One refrain we heard, including from the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, is that there is a need for Truth and Reconciliation in order for the country to move forward.

There also needs to be an opportunity for people who have been displaced to return home. Catholic Bishop Abaraham Desta of Meld recently brought to my attention that over two and a half million people are internally displaced and require the government's immediate attention, especially by providing education for displaced children, as the school year has already started.

The economy needs to grow to provide jobs for the many youth, including those who participated in protests and civic disobedience. Reforms in the economic sector, including liberalization and deregulation as well as an opening of economy to ethnic groups that have not been fully enfranchised, needs to continue.

It has also been said that the reforms begun by Prime Minister Abiy represent a ``once-in-a generation opportunity for Ethiopia.'' It is thus absolutely crucial that this opportunity not be squandered.

With this in mind, the United States must remain a partner Ethiopia can call upon. We collaborate on counter-terrorism measures, we support and are grateful for Ethiopia's contribution to peace keeping missions--indeed, with 12,000 troops deployed, Ethiopia is the largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions worldwide--and we must continue to encourage Ethiopia to participate in our IMET military professionalization programs.

I do believe, having met the man and had an opportunity to engage in substantive discourse with him, that Prime Minister Abiy is the right man at the right time, and is therefore deserving of our support.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel, and Mr. Deutch for all of their very excellent comments towards our good friend and colleague Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, a chairwoman in earnest who has been one of the greatest friends Israel has ever known in this Chamber.

The gentlewoman has been tenacious in her fight against terrorism, particularly as it relates to Iran, and against very considerable odds has been able to promote legislation that has made a huge difference in protecting the people of Israel from the ever-present threats, the existential threats that they face in the region. I thank Ms. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. It is so fitting that this bill is named after her.

This bill authorizes, as we all know, enhanced military cooperation between our countries; it further enshrines Israel's qualitative military edge; it authorizes foreign military financing at an annual level of no less than $3.3 billion, agreed to in the bilateral MOU negotiated under the Obama administration, but, crucially, the bill specifies that the assistance should be not less than $3.3 billion. It is a statement that it is a floor and not a ceiling, so, over the next 10 years, at least that much and hopefully more because we know the needs are overwhelming.

The bill's other provisions: it facilitates the transfer of advanced, precision-guided missiles for Israel's use and lays the groundwork for bilateral cooperation that will assist Israel in confronting an evolving landscape of threats, including from unmanned UAVs.

The many facets of cooperation supported by this bill, from international development to space exploration, are not just for Israel's benefit. They also contribute to our national security. The U.S. is safer when Israel is stronger. This bill translates that fundamental principle into practical initiatives for fruitful collaboration and mutual benefit.

It is fitting, again, that this act will be named after a great American and a great friend of Israel, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for his leadership on this legislation on the issue itself; Eliot Engel, of course, who has been a great friend, a part of this Bipartisan Task Force for Combating Anti-Semitism; and you, Mr. Presiding Speaker, you are one of the cosponsors. We have 83 bipartisan cosponsors, and this is an idea whose time has come.

I especially want to thank Leader McCarthy for making sure the bill got to the floor today, for his leadership and strong support for it.

Anti-Semitism, Mr. Speaker, is exploding. Just look around in any country in the world, look at the human rights reports that are out there, and it is a problem here in the United States as well. It is exploding.

My first trip to the Soviet Union, now Russia, of course, was in 1982 on behalf of Soviet refuseniks. When I saw what that country was doing to individual Jewish men and women and families, I became committed then. I worked with Mr. Hastings on this for many, many years with the Helsinki Commission, to try to combat this ever escalating scourge of anti-Semitism. It is an age-old scourge. It is bad, and it is getting worse.

There is a persistent anti-Semitism, as I think my colleagues know, that historically has manifested itself throughout European history, from pogroms in Russia, to the Dreyfus affair, to Nazism in the 1930s, and, of course, the Holocaust right up until its modern-day iterations.

This has been joined, however, by two other streams of hate: one emanating from the world of militant Islam and one that is sometimes fomented by countries such as Iran. Strains of this new anti-Semitism can be heard in the demand of the BDS movement--boycott, divestment, sanctions--which always singles out Israel and rarely other countries like China

who engage in pervasive human rights abuse.

My friend and former Soviet refusenik, Natan Sharansky, testified at two of my hearings on combating anti-Semitism. He proposed what he called a simple test to help us distinguish between legitimate criticism of Israel from anti-Semitism. Sharansky called it the ``three Ds: demonization, double standard, and delegitimization.''

First, demonization. When Israel's actions are blown all out of sensible proportions, and when comparisons are made between Israelis and the Nazis, which is absolutely sick and pathetic, this is anti- Semitism, not a legitimate criticism of Israel.

Second, double standard. When criticism of Israel is applied selectively, when Israel is singled out, libeled, and slandered by the U.N. Human Rights Council, for example, while the behavior or other egregious violators like China, Iran, Cuba, and Syria are largely ignored, that, too, is anti-Semitism.

The third ``D'' is delegitimization. In other words, Israel does not have a fundamental right to exist.

In light of this, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive U.S. Government approach.

Mr. Speaker, there is a need for a comprehensive approach. In 2004, I offered an amendment that became law to create the Office to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, and also the amendment that created the Special Envoy. And I do call on President Trump to name that Special Envoy.

This elevates it to ambassador, so there will be additional gravitas so that this individual, whoever he or she may be, will have the ability to have direct access to the Secretary of State on the issue of combating anti-Semitism.

The bill also prohibits the position from being double-hatted. We know how that happens. All of a sudden, one person does all these different kinds of portfolios and becomes the master of none.

It also requires, as Eliot Engel said a moment ago, that, within 90 days of enactment of this act and thereafter, we need this name and we need this to be put forward so that we can get that person on the job and doing this great work.

Again, I look around at people who are getting ready to speak, Peter Roskam, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, 83 cosponsors, totally bipartisan, and absolutely needed.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing at the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, which I chair.

Chinese-made fentanyl, a synthetic opioid, is killing Americans--more than 29,000 in 2017 alone. We must hold the Chinese government accountable.

Kirsten D. Madison, Assistant Secretary of State for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs testified that China is ``a primary source of illicit synthetic drugs coming to the United States.''

Paul E. Knierim, Deputy Chief of Operations at the Office of Global Enforcement for the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), stated in his testimony that ``China is one of the world's top producers of the precursor chemicals used to manufacture methamphetamine and fentanyl, as well as the chemicals used to process heroin and cocaine.''

Ocean County, New Jersey Prosecutor Joseph Coronato, has called the China-made fentanyl sent into the United States a ``synthetic storm'' that is ``devastating.''

He noted thankfully that local law enforcement is doing something about it--like his program that allows drug abusers to voluntarily turn themselves in at a police station--more than 800 since 2017--without being prosecuted. A program that has almost certainly reduced deaths.

Still, Prosecutor Coronato noted that based on his medical examiner toxicology analysis, in 2014, 10 percent of overdose deaths had fentanyl in their systems. Shockingly, in 2018, fentanyl-related deaths have jumped to 80 percent or more.

He also told the committee that ``synthetics will become the predominate type of illegal drugs abused within the next 5 years'' and that ``in many instances'' it is being sold ``right over the internet.''

I asked both the State Department and DEA what the U.S. is doing to hold China accountable for fentanyl in the U.S. Are we using existing tools to hold bad actors in China accountable? We have tools, such as the Global Magnitsky Act, which targets corrupt officials and human rights abusers.

Recently the House passed comprehensive legislation to address the opioid crisis including the Synthetics and Overdose Prevention Act. The bill requires the U.S. Postal Service (as private carriers like UPS and Fed-Ex are currently required to do) to obtain advance electronic data (AED)--detailed info on the shipper and addressee and other data- empowering Customs and Border Protection to target fentanyl and other illegal drug shipments.

Bryce Pardo of the RAND Corporation testified that the potency of fentanyl has sharply increased the number of opioid overdoses . . . and that the drug overdose crisis now surpasses major public health epidemics of prior generations, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

Every single Congressional district in America has felt the scourge of the opioid epidemic. Don Holman, who was in the audience yesterday, lost his son, Garrett, to an overdose of synthetic fentanyl. Don's written testimony submitted to the committee, reports that the package came straight from China. His son ordered it online, not knowing of the poisonous effects fentanyl has.

Last week, I spoke at the Mercer County, International Overdose Awareness Day sponsored by Prosecutor Angelo Onofri and Robbinsville Mayor David Fried. Personal testimonies offered by survivors and recovering abusers were deeply moving.

Trenton Police Chief Pedro Medina spoke of the loss of his son, Petey, and assured the audience that there is a ``God who can help all of you.''

Advocate Mark Manning, who lost his son Christopher, spoke of his ongoing pain but urged all to work together to help the vulnerable.

And Adrienne Petta recounted the horrors of her addiction and the impact on her family--she is now a recovery specialist.

For the record, Monmouth County Prosecutor Christopher Gramiccioni's Opioids Diversion Program, steers certain low-level non-violent offenders to treatment rather than traditional criminal prosecution, and Mercer County Prosecutor Angelo Onofri's Community Addiction Recovery Effort (CARE) program which emphasizes treatment-first interventions for opioid addicts.

We must look at this as a disease. Go after those who are marketing and selling fentanyl and offer programs and assistance to those who need help.

Mr. Speaker, Senator John McCain was an extraordinarily brave and noble man--a hero a dedicated husband, father, fighter pilot, and an amazing lawmaker. He endured and overcame unspeakable horrors as a POW, and as a lawmaker never ceased working for members of our armed forces and veterans. And on matters of principle and conviction, Senator McCain was fiercely independent, always willing--even eager--to bend into the wind and not with it.

John McCain and I were colleagues on the House Foreign Affairs Committee when he was in the House. In fact we sat next to each other, and so I got to know him, and valued his intelligence and expertise. Then-Congressman McCain and I were very much in sync on supporting the administration's vigorous opposition to communism, rebuilding of the U.S. military, and its robust internationalism, as well as the re- emergence of a principled commitment to human rights and defense of democracy as core principles of U.S. foreign policy.

He vigorously defended the downtrodden, the underdog, the forgotten and disenfranchised, including the unborn. Already in these years on our committee, his willingness to do the right thing regardless of partisanship was a blessing to this country.

My wife Marie and I will always cherish and deeply respect the incomparable Senator John McCain. Marie joined me and thousands of others at the National Cathedral last Saturday to say goodbye to this great patriot and American hero. All the tributes were extraordinarily moving, including those by Meghan McCain, and Presidents Bush and Obama.

Our nation is deeply grateful for the sacrifice and service of John McCain., and our hearts and prayers are with Cindy, and with his entire family.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing at the Congressional-Executive Commission on China on the human rights crisis in the Xinjiang province of China, which I co-chair. I commend Senator Rubio for holding this hearing, as there is a dire need to shine a light on the stunning and outrageous detention of nearly one million Uyghurs and other Muslim ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.

What is clear from news reports is that Uyghurs are being detained in ``reeducation centers'' throughout Xinjiang. Those interned are being asked to renounce Islam, inform on their families for ``extremism,'' and parrot their love for Xi Jinping and the Communist Party.

Whole families disappear, children are detained, students studying abroad and soccer players are detained because of their ``foreign'' contacts. There are reports of suicides and deaths and mistreatment in these detention centers.

Human rights champion Rebiya Kadeer's whole family--sons, daughters in law, grandchildren have disappeared. The disappearance of the families of other Uyghurs has also happened--like Radio Free Asia's heroic journalists.

It is mind-boggling. The Chinese government is constructing a high- tech police state in Xinjiang. The goal is to forcibly assimilate and ``transform'' entire ethnic minority populations.

All this is being done in the name of counter-terrorism and counter- extremism. But China's repression may just create the extremism that they fear.

Over the past year, the world has started to see too many comparisons between the Nazis and the current Chinese government.

For example, Liu Xiaobo was the first Nobel Peace Prize laureate to die in state custody since Carl Von Ossietzky died in Nazi custody.

Now nearly one million are detained in what should be called concentration camps--the largest jailing of an ethnic and religious minority maybe since the Holocaust, certainly since the apartheid days in South Africa.

``Reeducation'' is certainly not a new tactic in China. Tibetans, Falun Gong and other dissidents have experienced ``reeducation through labor''--but the size and scale of what is happening to the Uyghurs is audaciously repressive, even by China's low standards.

Where is the outrage? Where is the anger? I commend the State Department and Secretary Pompeo for their public statements. But why has the Organization of Islamic Cooperation been silent? What has Turkey and other Turkic nations been doing to address this issue?

Every business, non-governmental organization, academic, and government that interacts with the Chinese government and Communist Party risks its integrity by remaining silent.

There should be a concerted effort to convince the International Olympic Committee to consider whether the Olympic goal can be accomplished in 2022 if China maintains an apartheid-like police state that targets Muslim minorities.

How can any law firm or lobby shop shill for the government of China while Uyghurs are so brutally and forcefully assimilated? Or when

Tibetans, Christians, human rights lawyers, and Falun Gong are systematically repressed?

I heard Frank Wolf say recently that in the 1980s, no firm would have dared to work for the Soviet Union--but now China's cash is too tempting to turn down even for some of my former House colleagues.

Shame. Shame. It is really a shame.

I wonder if the Congress can limit U.S. government contracts by the exact amount lobby firms receive from China, Russia, or some other authoritarian government?

That would make for some interesting business choices. Either make no profit from your dealings with China or choose to represent an increasingly repressive and authoritarian Chinese government.

No one should profit from representing authoritarian countries, particularly when they constantly seek to undermine U.S. values and interests.

Chinese officials should also not profit from their complicity in torture and arbitrary detentions. This is the exact reason the Congress passed the Global Magnitsky Act.

The Senator and I have urged the State Department to consider levying Magnitsky sanctions on officials in Xinjiang. We will continue to do so.

We urge anyone with specific and credible information about Chinese government officials complicit in human rights abuses in Xinjiang to send that information to us. We will make sure it gets to the State Department.

I also think the sanctions available in the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 should be considered, particularly broad economic sanctions targeting industries in Xinjiang that benefit China's political leaders or State-Owned Entities.

China has been designated as a ``Country of Particular Concern'' since 1999. That designation carries with it the possibility of economic sanctions. This lever should be used now because, in my opinion, what is happening in Xinjiang is currently the world's worst religious freedom situation.

Targeted and tough economic sanctions are the only way to convince China's leaders that they have a clear interest in ending repression of China's Muslim minorities.

There is also an important role for the UN here. I am glad that Ambassador Currie is here with us today. What is happening in Xinjiang are clear violations of international treaties in many respects.

According to the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, crimes of genocide are not confined to mass killing of an ethnic group; they also include ``Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group'' and ``Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.''

Personal accounts from Xinjiang's re-education camps seem consistent with these definitions. We should not be ignoring the early warning signs. Actions need to be taken to prevent crimes against humanity.

I realize that China's veto on the UN Security Council will create obstacles to any UN investigation, but we should be making them use that veto, request a briefing at the Security Council, and bring together the OIC and other Muslim majority countries to raise the issue within the UN system.

At a time when the Chinese government is seeking to gain allies through its Belt and Road initiative, it would seem the last thing they want is an international debate about their treatment of ethnic and religious minorities.

Finally, I want to commend the exemplary work of Radio Free Asia's Uyghur Service reporters. Despite threats to their families they have kept working and have provided us with an extraordinary record of events. Your courage and professionalism are admirable. Thank you.

Again, I commend Senator Rubio for holding this important hearing to shine a light on an outrageous and horrible situation.

We all need to believe in the power of light and sunshine because evil flourishes in the dark.

Mr. Speaker, we recently held a hearing on state-run doping to address the corruption and human rights violations that it produces in international sport. Athletic doping is really low--that anyone can cheat in a competition and then take any satisfaction or pride in winning is really beyond comprehension, to say nothing of the profound unfairness to the other competitors and fans and damage to the sport.

But state-run doping compounds these injustices with serious human rights violations--it naturally leads to pressuring athletes to dope, and threatening whistleblowers.

I thank Yuliya Stepanova and Dr. Grigory Rodchenkov, represented yesterday by Jim Walden, for their remarkable courage in revealing the Russian government's state-run doping program, as well. It is not only the rest of the world, but Russia itself is indebted to them. In blowing the whistle on what their government was doing to cheat in international sporting events, they acted as true patriots--for any country, it is better to lose a medal than to lose the country's honor. And this state-run doping campaign is totally unworthy of the great spiritual heritage of Russia, and takes something away from every Russian person, as it makes it impossible for them to take an honest and natural pride in their country's performance in sporting events.

Since this hearing addressed globalized corruption in sport, I also mentioned a whistleblower who was not with us yesterday--Dr. Xue Yinxian, a Chinese doctor who worked with China's Olympic team in the 1980s and at one point served as the chief medical supervisor to the Chinese gymnastic team.

Dr. Xue claims that 10,000 athletes were involved in a Chinese state-run doping program during the '80s and '90s. They had to accept the drugs, she says, or ``face punishment or criticism.'' She adds, ``If you refused to dope, you had to leave the team.'' She has also discussed the abhorrent practice of doping young athletes--as young as eleven years old--resulting in devastating physical effects. Given the extent of the program, she concludes that all medals won by China at this time should be returned. Like too many whistleblowers, she has been forced to flee her home for fear of retaliation. She has commented, ``Anyone against doping damaged the country and anyone who endangered the country now sits in prison.''

Dr. Xue is now seeking asylum in Germany. It would be a terrible thing if her claim were to be denied and she is forced to return to China. We were also greatly honored to have had Dagmar Freitag, a German Member of the Bundestag and Chairwoman of the Bundestag's Sports Committee, with us yesterday, and I inquired into where Dr. Xue's asylum claim stands.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we voted on a number of critical pieces of legislation. One of these, which I supported, was H.R. 3030, the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2017, sponsored by my friend Ann Wagner.

This bill will strengthen our efforts to anticipate, prevent, and mitigate genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

Our Foreign Service officers are often on the front lines where there is a risk or reality of atrocity crimes. H.R. 3030 will ensure they have the right training to recognize and respond to early warning signs of such crimes. This legislation will also strengthen Congressional oversight by requiring the President to annually report on what is happening on the ground, how the United States has responded, and recommendations for strengthening U.S. response. I was proud to cosponsor this bill and I commend my colleagues for supporting it.

I commend my colleague for naming this bill after the late, iconic Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel. He spoke so powerfully about the unique, persistent evil of anti-Semitism that generated the Holocaust, warning that ``the antisemite is by definition ideologically fanatic and pathologically racist . . . an antisemite is someone who has never met me, never heard of me, yet he hates me.''

Mr. Wiesel and I worked together at the historic 2004 Berlin conference of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. There 55 participating governments committed to specific, significant actions to combat anti-Semitism. They were following the parliamentary movement to get the OSCE to fully and forcefully fight anti-Semitism. That movement originated in a Helsinki Commission hearing I chaired in May 2002 and I was proud to lead this movement together with parliamentarians from Germany, the UK, and France.

In his Berlin keynote address, Mr. Wiesel said, ``We know . . . that anti-Semitism is dangerous not only to Jews but to countries too, where it is allowed to flourish . . . When a Jew is slapped in the face, humankind itself falls to ground . . . Antisemitism is rooted in hatred; its language is a language of hatred, it doctrine is filled with hatred--and hatred by its nature, always runs overboard, crossing geographical boundaries and ethnic affiliations. It is a contagious disease.''

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Wiesel also dedicated his life to the prevention of other genocides, calling for action to prevent genocides in Bosnia,

Rwanda, and Sudan. Yet another genocide was committed after Sudan, this one against Christians, Yazidis, and other religious and ethnic minorities in Iraq and Syria by ISIS. The survival of these ancient communities depends on humanitarian, stabilization, and recovery assistance from the United States and other countries.

Last June this house unanimously passed H.R. 390, the Iraq and Syria Genocide Emergency Relief and Accountability Act, so that our aid reaches the genocide survivors and perpetrators are held accountable. The Senate has still not been given the opportunity to vote on this urgently needed legislation. I again call for the Senate to pass H.R. 390 now and send it to the President for his signature. This legislation will significantly strengthen the ongoing efforts of his Administration to directly help Christian and Yazidi genocide survivors at risk of extinction.

Another critical piece of legislation for which I voted in support was the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act, H.R. 5480.

Chairman Royce's Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act expands, and improves upon, our previous microenterprise legislation. By way of background, the Committee on Foreign Affairs has a long history in this field, dating back at least to former chairman Ben Gilman's Microenterprise for Self-Reliance and International Anti- Corruption Act of 2000. I myself introduced the Microenterprise Results and Accountability Act of 2004, and a bill that amended the 2000 legislation, both of which became law.

In keeping with a deeper understanding of how to combat poverty and maintaining a needed focus on women, Chairman Royce's bill broadens the scope from microenterprise to include small and medium enterprises. While it is important to make sure that the very poor are not being neglected, small and medium enterprises help power development and thereby empower the poor. Thus I encouraged all to support H.R. 5480 and the House voted to pass the legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I also supported H.R. 5105, the BUILD Act.

I thank my friend and colleague, Mr. Ted Yoho of Florida, for offering this critical and visionary legislation. This legislation will modernize development finance to benefit the developing world, consistent with U.S. policy objectives.

To cite one critical component, the BUILD Act serves to counteract China's strategy in Africa, which uses development finance as a means to serve China's ends, even if that means propping up brutal dictators.

I thank Chairman Ed Royce for his leadership in guiding this legislation through the Foreign Affairs Committee, and for his responsiveness to concerns I had relayed, relating to China.

In particular, I appreciate changes made to the initial draft of this bill concerning the denominating of future loans in foreign currencies.

While the International Development Finance Corporation that this legislation would create needs to have flexibility, including issuing loans in foreign currencies, we must remember it is also the long-term geostrategic goal of China, Russia, and certain other countries to replace the dollar as the world's reserve currency.

I therefore appreciate Chairman Royce's amended text, which adds, ``Foreign currency denominated loans and guaranties should only be provided if the Board determines there is a substantive policy rationale for such loans and guaranties.''

Beyond this, however, there should be a clear policy statement on the importance and overall strategic interest in retaining the dollar as the world's reserve currency. Indeed, earlier this year, China met with central bankers from 14 African nations to discuss the viability of using China's yuan as the reserve currency for the region.

This nonetheless underscores the urgency for creating an International Development Finance Corporation, which the BUILD Act accomplishes, while underscoring the need for policy guidance that loans in foreign currencies not be used to undermine reserve dollar dominance.

I further voiced support of H.R. 4819, the DELTA Act, introduced by my friend and colleague Mr. Jeff Fortenberry of Nebraska, of which I was a cosponsor.

There is much in this bill to recommend it--from prioritizing anti- poaching and wildlife trafficking efforts in the greater Okavango River Basin, to helping preserve the majestic elephant and other endangered species, to providing sustainable livelihoods for local communities.

One other aspect of this bill which I highlighted was that it enables us to partner with, and coordinate efforts with, the countries of Botswana, Namibia and Angola.

Botswana and Namibia in particular are two countries which are often overlooked, but which have made great strides in recent years towards becoming responsible partners. Both are, in the context of Africa, good places in which to do business, and should be commended for their efforts in improving governance. Their partnership in the greater Okavango initiative underscores this trend.

Angola is a nation which, after decades of civil war followed by strongman rule, is beginning to tackle corruption under new President Joao Lourenco. While it remains to be seen how far and how quickly Angola can go toward becoming a reliable partner and a country in which to do business, its inclusion as a DELTA Act partner country is a sign of confidence in the future.

I urged my colleagues to support the DELTA Act, and it also passed the House yesterday.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 3030, the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2017, sponsored by my friend Ann Wagner. This bill will greatly strengthen our efforts to anticipate, prevent, and mitigate genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

Wherever there are atrocities being committed, or at risk of being committed, our foreign service officers are also often serving on the front lines. What H.R. 3030 would ensure is that they have the right training to recognize and respond to early warning signs of such crimes.

This legislation will also strengthen Congressional oversight by requiring the President to annually report on what is happening on the ground, how the United States has responded, and recommendations for strengthening the U.S. response.

I commend my colleague for naming this bill after the late, iconic Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel. He spoke so powerfully about the unique, persistent evil of anti-Semitism that generated the Holocaust, warning that ``the

antisemite is by definition ideologically fanatic and pathologically racist . . . an antisemite is someone who has never met me, never heard of me, yet he hates me.''

Mr. Wiesel and I worked together at the historic 2004 Berlin conference of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). There, 55 participating governments committed to taking specific actions to combat anti-Semitism. In 2002, I led the original Congressional push to place combating anti-Semitism at the top of the OSCE agenda, and I was proud to lead this movement once again in 2004, together with parliamentarians from Germany, the UK, and France--and Mr. Wiesel.

In his 2004 Berlin keynote address, Mr. Wiesel said, ``We know . . . that anti-Semitism is dangerous not only to Jews but to countries too, where it is allowed to flourish . . . When a Jew is slapped in the face, humankind itself falls to ground . . . Antisemitism is rooted in hatred; its language is a language of hatred, its doctrine is filled with hatred--and hatred by its nature, always runs overboard, crossing geographical boundaries and ethnic affiliations. It is a contagious disease.''

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Wiesel dedicated his life to exposing the insidiousness of anti-Semitism and working to prevent other genocides, including those in Bosnia, Rwanda, and Sudan. Named for him, the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act offers new ways for us to strengthen our fight against genocide, and I am proud to cosponsor this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I recently held a hearing addressing the persistent and too-often underestimated threat to global public health posed by tuberculosis. This brutal, contagious disease killed 1.7 million people in 2016, the most recent data available-- making it the deadliest infectious disease in the world--killing more than both HIV/AIDS and malaria combined.

TB is devastating for many people globally, but it impacts the people of Africa--especially southern Africa--disproportionately.

In 2016, 44 percent of all TB deaths occurred in the Africa region-- in spite of accounting for only 25 percent of all new TB cases. Africans die at a rate of 72 per 100,000 infected, compared with 35 per 100,000 in Southeast Asia and 13 per 100,000 in the Eastern Mediterranean region. Those infected with HIV/AIDS are particularly vulnerable to TB, and nearly three-quarters of those co-infected with HIV and TB in 2016 lived in sub-Saharan Africa.

Thankfully, most cases of TB are curable if patients are diagnosed and adhere to a proper treatment regimen. However, millions of newly infected people go undiagnosed and without treatment each year, and the global spread of Multiple Drug-Resistant (MDR) and Extensively Drug- Resistant (XDR) TB, which emerges when patients receive inappropriate or incomplete treatment, poses an even greater and more costly threat. In 2016, roughly 490,000 people developed MDR-TB and an additional 110,000 new cases were resistant to the most effective treatment.

Not only is treating MDR and XDR TB a grueling process for the patient, it also costs far more to treat than the ``garden variety'' of the disease. One study by the Stop TB Partnership estimated that drug resistant TB could kill up to 2.5 million people annually and cost the global economy $16.7 trillion if left unchecked.

The dangerous potential of a drug resistant TB outbreak is evident in the South African mining sector, where exposure to silica dust, crowded, poor living conditions and high HIV prevalence create an incubator for disease and heighten the risk of contracting TB. Further complicating the problem, approximately 40 percent of mine workers are migrants who frequently move across borders and don't receive consistent medical treatment from public health systems in the region that do not coordinate sufficiently. This further increases the risk of MDR and XDR TB infections.

I am encouraged to see that the U.S. funding for combatting TB increased to $261 million in 2018, which is $20 million more than what was allocated in 2017 and more than $82 million higher than the Administration's request. This shows that my colleagues are taking this threat seriously, and I commend them.

But we must not stop there, or become complacent.

The WHO anticipates a $7.4 billion budget shortfall for the Global Plan to End TB if the international community does not significantly increase funding. We must encourage our international partners to step up to this challenge, and take the opportunity of the U.N. General Assembly High-Level Meeting on Ending TB this September to do so; but even more, we must explore more innovative and holistic approaches to eliminating this disease. We must work from a regional perspective and increase coordination among health systems; we must pay special attention to the mines in South Africa; we must redouble our efforts to diagnose and treat every person infected with TB; and we must pull out all the stops when it comes to preventing MDR and XDR TB infections.

We also must encourage to World Health Organization to stop being overly bureaucratic when it comes to battling TB. There are bottlenecks in the WHO approval process for new treatments and new diagnostic tests which need to be fixed.

I was eager to hear from our distinguished witnesses, who helped us understand where we are in this fight against TB and what more we must do to eliminate it once and for all.

Mr. Speaker, we recently had a hearing on the egregious human rights violations in Tibet. This hearing, again, reminds us of the dire and worsening situation of the Tibetan people inside of China. We very robustly welcomed Dhondup Wangchen to the United States.

We were glad for him to join us and that he is finally reunited with his family. What an unbelievable irony that at a time when China is buying Hollywood, buying access to universities, and buying companies to influence product, that a man who speaks so eloquently about another product of the Chinese government--repression--would find himself so horribly mistreated.

As Chairman Rubio said, Mr. Wangchen was one of the key focuses of this Commission for a very long time.

He is one in a long line of heroic dissidents and former prisoners of conscience who have testified before this Commission. The Chinese government may not like our efforts, and that is an understatement. They do not like light being shown on their human rights abuses, but nothing good happens in the dark. We need to accelerate what we are doing to bring focus and scrutiny to their abuses.

We are looking at Tibet from all angles, as a human rights issue, as a critical matter of diplomacy, and as a geostrategic concern. Too often human rights and human rights diplomacy are discounted or ignored as a secondary concern in bilateral relations. That has been a bipartisan failure by a number of White Houses and State Departments.

They are too often viewed as problems, and not of real interest to the United States. I believe that sells out the dissidents, and sells out the best and the bravest women and men in China and anywhere else where we practice that kind of subordination of human rights to other concerns.

It is abundantly clear that we are in direct link between China's domestic human rights problems and the security and the prosperity of the United States. There is a link.

The health of the U.S. economy and the environment, the safety of our food and drug supplies, the security of our investments and personal information in cyberspace, the academic freedom of our universities and the civility of a specific region will all depend on China complying with international law, allowing the free flow of news and information, complying with its WTO obligations and protecting the basic rights of Chinese citizens, including the fundamental freedoms of religious expression, assembly and association.

Losing sight of these facts leads to bad policy, bad diplomacy, and the needless juxtaposition of values and interests. It also sends the wrong message to those in China standing courageously for greater freedom, human rights, and the rule of law.

There is the issue of corporate capitulation referenced by our distinguished Chairman. As Mercedes Benz pulled an advertisement on Instagram with the Dalai Lama and a quote, ``Look at a situation from all angles and you will become more open.'' Like Delta and Marriott before it, Mercedes shamelessly apologized even though Instagram is blocked in China.

I remind my colleagues that back in 2006, I began a series of hearings where we had Google, Microsoft, Cisco and Yahoo. I had them take the stand and swear in. It was an eight-hour hearing. And they were not only censoring all things on their platforms, Google especially, but they were also aiding and abetting the propaganda of the Beijing dictatorship, all for profit--all for profit.

Now we see others following that terrible and dangerous precedent of years ago. It has been unabated, and now it's continuing even in a more shameless way towards Tibet.

The administration's national security strategy rightly identifies China's foreign influence operations as a strategic threat. It is imperative to counter China's global influence operations and efforts to export its authoritarian model, and globally.

I chair the Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations Subcommittee. We had a hearing in March on the influence of China in Africa. We have had these hearings before, but it is getting worse. The bad governance model of Beijing is being accepted by some, particularly dictatorships like Zimbabwe. So we need to bring a light there and compete with that influence that is being subjected, or imposed, I should say, on Africa.

As China increasingly flexes its economic muscle, the result will be more apologies, sadly, accommodation and self-censorship.

Corporate America needs to get more of a backbone. It needs to stand for fundamental freedoms. Yes, make a profit, but do so in a way that does not violate human rights. And it is not just companies that have capitulated, but universities and Hollywood, and nongovernmental organizations, and even whole countries.

As China's Belt and Road initiative expands, so will demands that countries be silent about human rights abuses, silent about religious persecution, and silent about the Chinese government's repeated failures to abide by its international obligations.

Where is the UN? I have raised it over and over again. The Human Rights Council, even at the Periodic Review, it is a very short look and scrutinizing--Israel gets unbelievable focus at the United Nations on all things related to human rights; China, not even a slap on the wrist.

We should not be silent about the abuses faced by the Tibetan people and religious leaders. The China Commission's political prisoner database contains records on 600 known Tibetan political and religious prisoners. Forty-three percent of those detained are monks, nuns and religious teachers. Almost all were imprisoned since 2008.

The Tibetan people have a right to practice their religion, preserve their wonderful culture, and speak their language. They have a right to do so without restriction or interference. The Chinese government, of course, does not agree. To them, their faith and culture are problems to be solved, not a heritage to be preserved and protected. To them, the Dalai Lama is an agitator and a revolutionary, not a world-renowned and respected voice for peace and harmony that we know him to be.

The Chinese government wants the Tibetan Buddhism that is attractive to tourists for photo-ops, and not one that is strongly embraced and revered by the Tibetan people. Allowing greater religious freedom is an essential part of dealing with the grievances of the Tibetan people, but China's answer is always the same: control, manage and repress, incarcerate, and torture. It is counterproductive and it violates China's international obligations.

Finally, in our dealings with the Chinese government and officials, Members of Congress and the administration should affirm the peaceful desires of the Tibetan people for greater autonomy and freedom within China. We should stress that China's policies create needless grievances and their repression of Tibet only hurts China's international prestige. It brings dishonor--dishonor to Beijing.

We should demand open access to Tibet by journalists and diplomats, and we should raise the cases of prisoners of conscience with Chinese officials. U.S. leadership on these issues is critical because our allies in Europe and Asia can often be bullied by Chinese threats of economic boycotts. We must demonstrate that Tibet matters, human rights matter, and that religious freedom matters to U.S.-China relations.

And, again, I thank Chairman Rubio who has been a stalwart in speaking out on behalf of human rights all over the world, including and especially in Tibet.

Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing on human rights abuses and targeted killings in the Anglophone region of the Republic of Cameroon. We explored the roots of this emerging crisis, and U.S. policy options for addressing human rights violations and instability in the Anglophone region, which affects not only stability in Cameroon, but also in the region.

The increased tempo of government repression is fueling secessionist sentiment, leading to instability in the country in advance of presidential elections scheduled for October. Cameroon's political stability is of great importance to the U.S. because the country plays a critical role in American counterterrorism efforts against Boko Haram in the west and central Africa.

We also have ongoing concerns about 85-year-old strongman Paul Biya, who has either served as Prime Minister or as President since 1975 and who seems disconnected if not at odds with many of the people he is supposed to serve--particularly the English-speaking minority.

As the U.S. is involved in training and equipping Cameroonian security forces to strengthen regional capacity to combat terrorism, it is necessary to re-evaluate further counterterrorism cooperation with Cameroon to ensure the protection of Cameroonian civilians and respect for civil and political rights--including the most fundamental of rights, the right to life.

Understanding the history of Cameroon--or, rather, ``the Cameroons,'' as the choice between the singular and plural form is fraught with significance--is necessary for understanding the present crisis.

While it is a country of great African ethnic diversity, the main dividing line is linguistic, reflecting a colonial past which saw the French-speaking region gain independence from France in 1960 and union with the southern portion of the former mandate territory of British Cameroon the following year.

The country that was formed was the Federal Republic of the Cameroon, and the national flag that was adopted had two stars, signaling to the world the union of two coequal states under one constitution. English speakers were always a minority, however, and the political and constitutional basis under which they entered into a union eroded over time.

In 1972, then-President Ahmadou Ahidjo abolished the federal system of government and created a unitary ``United Republic of Cameroon.'' The flag was not changed until 1975 to reflect this new imposition of monist rule, when the two stars gave way to one. In 1984, President Biya again revised the Constitution, which changed the country's name to the present ``Republic of Cameroon.'' The current Constitutional iteration dates back to 1996, and on paper, at least, restores a certain degree of federalist autonomy in response to Anglophone demands.

The reality is, however, different.

In 2016, the central government triggered a crisis by appointing French-speaking teachers and judges in the Anglophone areas.

To English-speakers, it felt like an occupation. Certain Anglophone activists declared independence of a ``Federal Republic of Ambazonia'' in 2017, which had led to a heavy-handed response by the military. Security forces have reportedly burned down villages, arrested and killed protesters in Anglophone areas, though it also must be noted that French-speaking teachers have been targeted by English-speaking separatists.

As Congress, we need to address whether we can continue to cooperate with Cameroon's security forces, given the reported abuses, and if so, how.

As the International Crisis Group--which is supplied one of our witnesses--has emphasized, the Cameroonian government's use of the military against its English-speaking citizens has exacerbated the situation. Indeed, our U.S. Ambassador to Cameroon Peter Barlerin has criticized Cameroon's actions and has expressed his concerns about the government's use of disproportionate force.

The Anglophone crisis casts a shadow upon the upcoming presidential elections. The credibility of the election, slated for October, is already under question as the government has yet to make serious preparations. It is assumed that strongman Paul Biya will run for re- election, but given his age and frequent absences abroad it is uncertain who will succeed him eventually.

There are also growing humanitarian concerns attributable to the Anglophone crisis. An estimated 160,000 people have been displaced within Cameroon, and over 21,000 Cameroonians have fled to neighboring Nigeria as refugees.

The continued malign presence of Boko Haram in northeastern Cameroon, attacking people in both Cameroon and in Nigeria, is a further complication which has led to an estimated 96,000 Nigerians fleeing the other way to Cameroon. Congress must then also weigh the need to assist Cameroon in its fight against Boko Haram.

Given all these spillover factors, we can see that a failure to solve the Anglophone crisis is not purely a domestic affair, but a regional one which implicates U.S. security interests.

Mr. Speaker, today we held a markup on various important measures. I'd like to express support of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Democracy and Accountability Act, H.R. 6207, of which I am the proud sponsor, along with our lead Democratic cosponsor, my good friend and ranking member of our subcommittee, Rep. Karen Bass.

I would also like to thank Chairman Ed Royce and Ranking Member Engel, both of whom are original cosponsors, for scheduling this bill for markup so soon after introduction.

A sense of urgency with regard to the DR Congo is not misplaced.

As many of you know, the DRC is a strategically-located, resource- rich country which, unfortunately, has been misgoverned for most of its history.

H.R. 6207 supports the humanitarian and accountability efforts of civil society groups pushing back against civil strife and political repression. In particular, it acknowledges the role of the faith community and the Catholic Church, which educates and heals the Congolese people through its schools and hospitals while upholding the need for the rule of law and respect for constitutional principles in the DRC.

H.R. 6207 also supports a free and fair electoral process in the DRC which is long overdue. It is in our national security interest to support the Congolese people's call for democracy and accountability. Plus it is the right thing to do.

Notably, H.R. 6207 puts human rights violators and corrupt actors in the Democratic Republic of Congo under notice, codifying existing tools that allow us to sanction bad actors.

I urge my colleagues to join us by cosponsoring H.R. 6207.

I am also proud to be a sponsor of H.R. 1697, the Israel Anti- Boycott Act.

This Act will help protect Israel from unfair and punitive boycott efforts fomented by biased international organizations.

I commend my good friends Peter Roskam, Juan Vargas, and Lee Zeldin for introducing this critical bipartisan measure to protect Israeli and American sovereignty and economic interests. I would also like to recognize our Chairman Ed Royce's work to amend this bill to bring it to a full committee vote.

The notoriously anti-Israel agenda of the UN Human Rights Council in recent years has developed into a dangerous assault on Israel's economy. Pursuant to a March 2016 UNHRC resolution decrying businesses that operate beyond Israel's 1949 Armistice lines, the Human Rights Council in recent years has carried out an insidious blacklisting effort that is tantamount to economic warfare against the State of Israel.

Earlier this year the Council announced that it had compiled a list of 206 companies that it believed ought to be boycotted because they operate outside Israel's old boundaries. Of these 206 UN-blacklisted companies, 143 are based in Israel and 22 in the United States. Clearly it is right to protect these companies from damaging boycotts and to stand by our stalwart ally, Israel, the only democratic country in the region.

This legislation directs the President to amend U.S. commerce and foreign trade laws to prohibit American companies from knowingly complying with boycotts targeted at American allies. I urge my colleagues to support this measure to deliver badly-needed protection to American and Israeli companies whose legitimate business should not be manipulated to serve a hateful, anti-Israel political agenda.

I further urge my colleagues to support H.R. 5898, the UNRWA Accountability Act, another bipartisan measure introduced by David Cicilline and Lee Zeldin.

For years the United States has been the world's largest donor to an organization that amplifies a Palestinian curriculum which propagates anti-Israel and anti-Semitic animus while entrenching conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. By conferring refugee status to successive generations of displaced Palestinians, UNRWA contributes to a ballooning population of aggrieved people who in turn are manipulated by those seeking to maintain pressure upon Israel.

United States aid to UNRWA must conform to United States' interests in securing true peace for Israel and the Palestinian people. This means applying real oversight and scrutiny to UNRWA's policies. It also means identifying alternatives to UNRWA if its mandate is at odds with our interests. This legislation requires a report that will help Congress conduct this critical oversight. This bill has my full support.

I would like to thank Representative Norma Torres for introducing H. Res. 944. This is a simple, compassionate resolution that expresses solidarity for the people of Guatemala who lost their loved ones and their homes to the terrible volcanic eruption of Mount Fuego on the third of June.

I am proud to be the lead Republican cosponsor of this resolution, for which Ms. Torres, along with her staffer Clay Boggs, deserve the credit.

I also want to note as an aside, that Congresswoman Torres and I have at times found ourselves on different sides of policy debates, including toward Guatemala.

What is important, however, is that when disaster strikes, we put aside our differences and unite in solidarity with those who suffer. Indeed, we have received thanks from people in Guatemala, and I am sure Ms. Torres has as well, who note with appreciation this bipartisan coming together to support the Guatemalan people.

I urge my colleagues, Republican and Democrat, to join us.