Mr. Speaker, I wish to insert in the Congressional Record the following statement by Joseph Verner Reed, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations. Viewpoints: United Nations Secretary-General Kofi A. Annan will step down from his…
Mr. Speaker, I wish to insert in the Congressional Record the following statement by Joseph Verner Reed, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Viewpoints: United Nations
Secretary-General Kofi A. Annan will step down from his
position as Secretary-General when his second five-year term
ends on December 31.
The search for a successor to Secretary-General Annan
promises to create differences within the U.N. Security
Council. Russia and China back the customary procedure of
rotating the post among the world's regions, while the U.S.
and Britain are questioning the need to do so.
Since the United Nations was established in October 1945,
the post of Secretary-General has been held by Trygve Lie of
Norway
(1946-1953); Dag Hammarskjold of Sweden (1953-1961); U Thant
of Burma (1961-1971); Kurt Waldheim of Austria (1972-1981);
Javier Perez de Cuellar of Peru (1982-1991); and Boutros
Boutros-Ghali of Egypt (1992-1996). Kofi A. Annan, who is
from Ghana, has served since January 1997.
The list of candidates widely discussed in the
international press include: Aleksander Kwasniewski, former
Polish president; Vaira Vike-Freiberga, Latvian president;
Kemal Dervis, Turkey, currently head of the U.N. Development
Program; Surakiart Sathirathai, Thailand's deputy prime
minister; Shashi Tharoor, India, U.N. under-secretary-general
for Communications and Public Information and an award-
winning journalist/novelist; Ban Ki Moon, South Korea's
foreign minister; Jose Ramos-Horta, foreign minister of East
Timor and a 1996 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate; Jayantha
Dhanapala, Sri Lanka, served as U.N. undersecretary-general
for disarmament and as ambassador to the United States; Goh
Chok Tong, former prime ministr of Singapore; and Prince Zeid
Ra'ad Zeid Al-Hussein, Jordanian ambassador to the U.N. The
list is not exhaustive and the selection of a dark-horse
candidate cannot be discounted.
The BBC (February 14) reported, ``Analysts say there is
much support for an Asian leader among U.N. member states, in
line with an informal tradition that rotates the role on a
geographical basis. But Washington's U.N. Ambassador John R.
Bolton said last month that Kofi Annan's successor should be
selected on merit alone.''
There have been calls for a Woman as Secretary-General.
Woman's groups have begun lobbying for a woman to succeed
Secretary-General Annan. Their campaign has taken on new
urgency with the recent announcement that Secretary-General
Annan's deputy, Louise Frechette, appointed in 1998 partly
because she was a woman, will leave in April to return to her
native Canada.
As the campaigns move forward it is to be noted that there
are no established qualifications for the post, no search
committees, no interviews, no background checks, no campaign
rules and no forums for showcasing aspirants and their ideas.
If history is a guide, it is likely that none of the
discussed candidates will emerge the winner and that the
person who does is not being publicly discussed.
Wang Guangya, China's Ambassador (the PRC holding a
Permanent seat on the Security Council) at a recent reception
said China would support only candidates from Asia, a polite
way of saying the PRC would threaten to veto candidates from
elsewhere.
The current Chief of Staff for the Secretary-General is
Mark Malloch Brown, recently Head of the UNDP (United Nations
Development Program). He will take the post of Deputy
Secretary-General in April.
Meanwhile, the Secretary General has presented a far-
reaching report with proposals for an overhaul ranging from
setting up a 2,500-strong core of mobile peacekeeping
professionals to multimillion-dollar invesments in training
and technology.
His far-reaching report ``Investing in the United Nations:
For a Stronger Organization Worldwide,'' focuses on ensuring
efficiency and accountability in a way that reflects the fact
that more than 70 per cent of the $10 billion annual budget
now relates to peacekeeping and other field operations, up
from around 50 per cent of a $4.5 billion budget ten years
ago.
``Our current rules and regulations were designed for an
essentially static Secretariat, whose main function was to
service conferences and meetings of Member States, and whose
staff worked mainly at Headquarters,'' the Secretary-General
said as he presented the report in the General Assembly Hall.
``Today thanks to the mandates that Member States have given
us, we are engaged directly in many parts of the world,
working on the ground to improve the lives of people who need
help.''
In the 16 years since the cold war ended, the Organization
has taken on more than twice as many new peacekeeping
missions as in the previous 44 years and spending on
peacekeeping has quadrupled. Over half of its 30,000 civilian
staff now serve in the field--not only in peacekeeping, but
also in humanitarian relief, criminal justice, human rights
monitoring, supporting national elections, and in the battle
against drugs and crime.
The Secretary-General's comprehensive reform blueprint was
called for in the Outcome Document adopted by national
leaders at last September's World Summit in New York. It
builds on a package of reforms Mr. Annan launched last year
to enhance ethics and accountability and address weaknesses
exposed by the Indepdent Inquiry on the Oil-for-Food
Programme as well as evidence of sexual exploitation in
certain peace eping operations.
In the report, the Secretary-General urges Member States to
seize the moment for change. ``This is an opportunity, which
may not occur again until another generation has passed, to
transform the United Nations by aligning it with, and
equipping it for, the substantive challenges it faces in the
twenty-first century,'' he writes. ``It is a chance to give
Member States the tools they need to provide strategic
direction and hold the Secretariat fully accountable for its
performance.''
While the report identifies a number of areas of potential
cost savings and efficiencies, the primary financial message
is that it is time to reverse years of underinvestment in
people, systems and information technology to address
operational deficiencies and ensure that the UN can reach the
level of effectiveness expected by Member States.
The Secretary-General said that although the UN had made a
number of major organizational changes in recent rears to
keep up with the increasing expectations of Member States,
these efforts had only addressed the symptoms, not the
causes, of the Organization's shortcomings. ``It is now time
to reach for deeper, more fundamental change,'' he said.
Along these lines, the proposals encompass a revamped
version of how to recruit, contract, train, assign and
compensate staff, with an emphasis on bringing conditions for
field-based personnel up to par with those at other UN
agencies operating in the field. This will include proposals
for converting 2,500 existing short-term peacekeeping
positions into a new flexible and mobile core of dedicated
specialists who can be deployed rapidly in urgent
peacekeeping and special political missions.
``Increasingly complex mandates require staff with
different skills,'' the Secretary-General told the Assembly.
``We need to be able to recruit and retain leaders, managers
and personnel capable of handling large multidisciplinary
operations, with increasingly high budgets. ``As things
stand,'' he added, ``many of our staff, especially the field
staff who serve with great idealism and integrity, often in
situations of hardship and danger are demoralized and de-
motivated by lack of opportunities for promotion, and by the
frustrattons of dealing with a bureaucracy that can seem both
excessive and remote.''
The report calls for consolidating reporting to address
logjams associated with the current system, where over 100
senior UN officials are directly answerable to the Secretary-
General. It also proposes the formal delegation of
responsibility for management policies and overall
operational matters to a redefined post of Deputy Secretary-
General to help free the Secretary-General to focus on
political and policy issues.
The report also proposes significant investment to overhaul
the Organization's information and communications
infrastructure by replacing current antiquated, fragmented
technology systems with an integrated global platform that
should be led by a dedicated Chief Information Technology
Officer.
Separately, the report identifies significant opportunities
to realize cost savings and efficiency gains, recommending
that the Secretariat explore options for alternative service
delivery, including the potential for relocating core
functions from Headquarters to lower cost duty stations and
possible outsourcing of less central functions such as
printing.
One area where investment could yield substantial savings
is procurement, where the report outlines change that would
improve transparency and realize up to $400 million.
A number of the proposals fall under the direct authority
of the Secretary-General, who said he intends to immediately
carry them out. But most of the fundamental changes,
particularly with regard to budget and personnel issues,
require approval from Member States.
To help ensure momentum for this agenda through the end of
his term and to help equip his successor to follow through,
the Secretary-General also proposes creating a Change
Management Office that would seek to work closely with Member
States to drive the implementation of the reforms.
In the report, Mr. Annan cautions against complacency,
stressing that the proposals must mark the beginning of a
process that will be carried over the next several years.
``One of the weaknesses of the old culture is precisely the
view that a report or a vote in itself represents change,''
he notes. ``In practice, reports and votes enable and
authorize change, but change itself is the long march that
follows.''
Last week the international community took an important
step forward in the fight for global human rights by way of
the General Assembly voting to adopt a new Human Rights
Council.
The new Human Rights Council represents a significant
improvement over the old, discredited Human Rights Commission
because it includes a number of new provisions and
characteristics that will significantly strengthen the UN's
human rights machinery and prevent human rights violators
from participating in the Council.
The President of the General Assembly, Jan Eliasson, has
done a masterful job of diplomacy, as demonstrated by the
broad support that exists among governments and non-
governmental organizations.
His proposal was made considerably stronger through pledges
by a large number of countries.
These recent pledges will help ensure that countries with
dubious human rights records will not be elected to the new
Council and that countries under Security Council sanctions
are prevented from participating in the Council.
The new commitments significantly enhance the proposal and
set the stage for additional efforts to strengthen the new
body as it is formed and made operational.
Countries committed to human rights must know that
leadership and diplomacy can continue to improve the Council
as it gets up and running and into the future.
While this unfortunate that the United States found itself
virtually alone in New York and was unable to join consensus,
it is
a positive sign that the United States did not abandon the
Council altogether.
Result of the GA resolution on Human Rights Council: 170 in
favour; 44 against (U.S., Israel, Marshall Islands, Palau);
and 3 abstained (Venezuela, Iran, Belarus).
Building on these principles, the U.S. should participate
actively in the next phase of the Council, exercising
leadership and summoning enlightened diplomacy to advance the
Council and the cause of human rights.
The creation of this new Council--which was mandated by
world leaders in last September's summit at the UN--also
fuels the momentum in the ongoing reform process at the UN.
The Secretary-General attended the World Economic Forum in
January of this year and addressed the Plenary Session:
``A New Mindset for the United Nations''
``Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends:
``Some of you may remember me coming to Davos nine years
ago, as a freshly minted Secretary-General.
``Since then I have attended all but three of your annual
meetings--including the memorable one in 2002 when you came
to show confidence in New York, after the attack on the World
Trade Center.
``So I did not hesitate one minute, Klaus, before accepting
your kind invitation to come here once more, at the beginning
of my last year in office. And I was also very happy to
accept the title you suggested for this session--`a new
mindset for the United Nations'.
``Why? because it expresses something I have striven to
achieve throughout these nine years, and something in which
Davos itself has played a part.
``In 1999, when I came here and called for a `global
compact' between the United Nations and the private sector,
many of my colleagues in the Secretariat--and many
representatives of member States--would hardly have been more
shocked if I had proposed a compact with the Devil.
``It is the mindset that I have been seeking to change
throughout my time in office--the mindset that sees
international relations as nothing more than relations
between States, and the United Nations as little more than a
trade union for governments.
``My objective has been to persuade both the member States
and my colleagues in the Secretariat that the United Nations
needs to engage not only with governments but with people.
Only if it does that, I believe, can it fulfill its vocation
and be of use to humanity in the 21st century.
``That's why, in the year 2000, I used the first words of
the UN Charter, `We the Peoples' as the title of my report
setting out the agenda for the Millennium Summit, at which
political leaders from all over the world came together to
assess the challenges of a new century, and adopted a
collective response, known as the `Millennium Declaration.'
``And that was why last year, in my report called `In
Larger Freedom', I urged governments to accept that security
and development are interdependent, and that neither can be
long sustained without respect for human rights and the rule
of law.
``That report was intended as the blueprint, not only for a
far-reaching reform of the United Nations itself, but also
for a series of decisions that would enable humanity to
realize the aims of the Millennium Declaration, particularly
in the light of new challenges that had arisen since.
``How far the blueprint will be translated into reality,
remains to be seen. But in the meantime the United Nations
has not stood still. Far from it! This has been a decade of
rapid change. Let me give you a few examples.
``When I took office there was a widespread perception,
based on the tragic events in Bosnia, Somalia and Rwanda,
that UN peacekeeping was a failed experiment, and that
henceforth this task would have to be handled by regional
organizations.
``Peacekeepers, especially in countries where conflict is
still raging--where there is literally no peace to keep--
continue to face immense challenges. Even so, today we have
85,000 people serving in 16 UN peacekeeping operations,
spread across four continents. Most of these operations are
not static observers of a truce, but active participants in
the implementation of peace agreements, helping the people of
war-torn countries make the transition from war to peace.
``Certainly, in many parts of the world regional
organizations play an important role, and so they should. But
most often they do so in partnership with the United Nations.
The UN has become, in effect, the indispensable mechanism for
bringing international help to countries recovering from
conflict--and member States have now recognized this by
agreeing to set up a Peacebuilding Commission, within the UN,
to manage this highly complex process.
``The last decade has also seen growing use of United
Nations economic sanctions. These are now used to influence
or restrict the activity not only of recalcitrant States, but
also of non-State actors, such as rebel movements or
terrorist groups. At the same time, the Security Council has
developed more sophisticated and humane types of sanctions,
aimed at individuals rather than whole societies--travel
bans, for instance, and the freezing of bank accounts.
``The same philosophy of punishing individuals rather than
communities has driven the work of the UN criminal tribunals
for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia--one of which was the
first international court to convict people of genocide
(including a former prime minister) and of rape as a war
crime, while the other has become the first to indict and
try a former Head of State.
``This in turn has led to further innovations, including
the mixed tribunal in Sierra Leone and, of course, the
International Criminal Court. The latter is not an organ of
the United Nations, but the UN convened and serviced the
conference, which adopted its Statute in 1998.
``Over 100 States have now ratified the Statute--which
means that the Court's jurisdiction is now recognized by well
over half the UN's membership.
``Another way the UN has changed is the increasing focus on
human rights--which is reflected in the recent decision by
member States to strengthen the office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights. That office is now a dynamic
operational entity, which deploys and supports hundreds of
human rights workers around the world. And I hope that within
the next week or two we may see agreement on a corresponding
change at the intergovernmental level, with the establishment
of a more authoritative Human Rights Council, to replace the
now widely discredited Commission.
``One more example of change: the United Nations has
responded to the growth of international terrorism. Even
before `9/11', the Security Council had imposed sanctions on
Al-Qaida, and set up a special committee to monitor its
activities. Immediately after the attack, the Council went
much further, with its historic resolution 1373, which
imposed stringent obligations on all countries, established a
list of terrorist organizations and individuals, and created
the Counter-Terrorism Committee to monitor member States'
compliance and help them improve their capacity to enact and
implement anti-terrorist legislation.
``In short, I believe the United Nations is proving itself
an increasingly flexible instrument, to which its member
States turn for a wider and wider array of functions.
``For instance, within the last five years the UN has been
asked: to shepherd Afghanistan's transition from the anarchic
wasteland of the Taliban and the warlords to the nascent
democracy--still struggling, but hopeful--that it is today;
to help establish the Interim Government of Iraq, and to help
organize the referendum and elections there--as it has
supported democratic elections in half the world's nations
over the last 12 years; to verify the withdrawal of Syrian
troops from Lebanon and carry out, for the first time ever, a
full criminal investigation into the assassination of a
former prime minister; to coordinate global relief efforts
after the tsunami, and again after the earthquake in Kashmir;
and to take the lead in raising global awareness, as well as
funds, to protect the world's peoples against avian flu.
``What all these activities have in common is that they
involve the United Nations not simply in relations among its
member States, but also in the lives of their peoples. To
carry out such tasks, we must engage not only with
governments but with all the new actors on the international
scene.
``That includes the private sector, but it also includes
parliamentarians; voluntary, non-profit organizations;
philanthropic foundations; the global media; celebrities from
the worlds of sport and entertainment; and in some cases
labour unions, mayors and local administrators. And it
includes less benign actors such as terrorists, warlords, and
traffickers in drugs, illicit weapons or--worst of all--the
lives and bodies of human beings.
``That is why I have repeatedly urged all the organs of the
United Nations to be more open to civil society, so that
their decisions can fully reflect the contribution made by
groups and individuals who devote themselves to studying
specific problems, or working in specific areas.
``It is also why I myself have cultivated contacts with
scholars, with parliamentarians, with practitioners of all
sorts, and with young people--seeking to learn from their
views and also encouraging them, whatever sector they work
in, to use their talents for the public good and to keep the
global horizon in view.
``It is one of the reasons why I have worked constantly to
make our Organization more transparent and comprehensible to
the public, and thereby more genuinely accountable.
``And, of course, it is why I launched the Global Compact,
to which the international business community--including some
of you in this audience--has responded with such enthusiasm
that it is now the world's leading corporate citizenship
initiative, involving more that 2,400 companies, in nearly 90
countries.
``This new mindset must also extend to the domain of
international peace and security--so that we think of
security not only in conventional terms, focusing on
prevention of war between States, but also as including the
protection of the world's peoples, against threats which, to
many of them today, seem more immediate and more real.
``One of those threats is the threat of genocide and other
crimes against humanity. I called the General Assembly's
attention to this in 1999, warning that such mass atrocities
can never be treated as a purely domestic affair. Being
rightly called crimes against humanity, they demand a
collective response from humanity, which should be organized
and legitimized by the United Nations.
``More recently, the High-Level Panel that I appointed in
2003 has identified a broad range of threats, including:
poverty, infectious disease and environmental degradation;
conflict within States, as well as between them; the spread
of nuclear, radiological, chemical and biological weapons;
terrorism; and transnational organized crime.
``My `Larger Freedom' report built on this re-definition of
global security, drawing it together with the detailed
recommendations of the Millennium Project for achieving the
Millennium Development Goals by 2015--which in itself would
rescue many millions of people from the threats of poverty
and disease.
``But my report also included a third dimension: human
rights and the rule of law. Without these, any society,
however well-armed, will remain insecure; and its
development, however dynamic, will remain precarious.
``Member States took the report as their starting-point in
negotiating the outcome of last September's world summit. I
won't say that that document fulfills all my hopes. But it
does contain many important decisions--from the creation of a
Peacebuilding Commission and Human Rights Council, through
the commitments to advance the Millennium Development Goals,
to the acceptance, by all States individually and
collectively, of the responsibility to protect populations
from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes
against humanity.
``Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
``The United Nations cannot stand still, because the
threats to humanity do not stand still. Every day the world
presents new challenges, which the founders of the UN 60
years ago could never have anticipated. Whether it is a
looming crisis over Iran and its compliance with the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, continuing atrocities in Darfur, or
the threat of an avian flu pandemic, people all over the
world look to the United Nations to play a role in making
peace, protecting civilians, improving livelihoods, promoting
human rights and upholding international law. I have worked
long and hard to transform the United Nations so that when
called upon, as we are every day, we will deliver what is
asked of us--effectively, efficiently and equitably. That
is the true objective of the changes I have sought to
bring about, and it will be the true measure of my success
or failure.
``And my successor--since I understand several members of
this panel may be interested in the position--need not worry.
Changing the mindset of the United Nations, so that it can
both reflect and influence the temper of the times, is a
never-ending challenge. There will be plenty more work to do
in the years and decades to come.''
I have worked for three Secretary Generals and been at post
for some 20 years. I am honored to have worked for the House
of Peace. As we approach the new era of a new Secretary-
General I say it is time for renewal.