Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. The Kucinich amendment would require the President to direct the U.S. representatives to the United Nations and other international organizations…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The Kucinich amendment would require the President to direct the U.S. representatives to the United Nations and other international organizations to commence negotiations on an international treaty banning space-based weapons. Though the U.S. and the former Soviet Union long dominated the use of space, currently many states are investing in space assets and have developed or are developing the ability to use space peacefully.
Serious multilateral discussions about rules of the road for space are needed. This is especially important for the United States, as we own and operate the vast majority of satellites orbiting today, and space has become critical to U.S. economic, scientific, and military interests. Continuing the peaceful use of space will require refined international laws for space-faring States. The legal framework addressing the weaponization of space is far from comprehensive.
The international community, including Russia, China, Canada, and the EU, support creating a ban on weapons through a treaty to ban weapons from outer space. The United Nations has called for peace in space.
For nearly a half century, the cooperative and peaceful uses of space have yielded immense benefits to humans worldwide. Despite Cold War tensions and the technical capability to do so, no nation has deployed destructive weapons in space or destroyed the satellites of another nation.
The policy of preserving peace in space has not only been an international policy, Mr. Chairman, it has also been a national policy. The National Aeronautic and Space Act passed in 1958 stated that it ``is the policy of the United States that activities in space should be devoted to peaceful purposes for the benefit of all mankind.''
Yet despite any amendment to law or consideration by Congress, the policy of preserving peace in space changed significantly, behind closed doors.
Why this policy has changed is a mystery. No other country has taken any steps to develop space-based weapons. Space assets of the United States have received no national security threats. Our national security threats are far from outer space. They are on the ground. Yet, with little public debate, the Pentagon has already spent billions of dollars developing space weapons and preparing plans to deploy them.
The Air Force has recently sought President Bush's approval of a national security directive that could move the U.S. closer to fielding space weapons. This new policy would alienate our friends and mobilize our potential enemies.
Moving forward with plans to weaponize space would create an arms race in space. It would be counterproductive to U.S. national security to give potential adversaries reasons to accelerate development of space weapons technology. Pursuing space weapons would also bankrupt our Nation
with a hefty price tag of up to $1 trillion according to published studies by leading weapons scientists, physicists, and engineers. The financial repercussions of a space-based weapons system would trickle down to every sector of our society: our national security, economy, health care, education, social services, and foreign policy.
It would be very easy to prevent the inevitable catastrophe that would result from an armed race in space. The United States, the only country moving forward with plans to put weapons in space, despite any national security threat, would need to stop in its tracks and work with other nations to negotiate an international legal framework for the peaceful use of space.
Support the Kucinich amendment to commence negotiations for an international treaty banning space-based weapons. This country should not make of the planet Earth a death star. We need to support international cooperation for the peaceful use of technology in space. Support the Kucinich amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I have the right to close. I will continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
If the gentleman had the opportunity to read the amendment, he would see that it has to do with commencing negotiations on an international treaty banning space-based weapons. The U.S. Space Command has a program called Vision 2020 which really is about U.S. domination of space.
Now, the American people ought to know whether their Members of Congress are prepared to spend up to a trillion dollars so we start the next arms race in outer space. This is apart from the issue of protecting our Nation with antiballistic missiles. It is a whole different debate. This is about taking the arms race into outer space. And what I am asking for is for an international treaty where all nations would agree we should not do that.
But some in this Congress want to take weapons to go to outer space so the United States can control the world from outer space. Mr. Chairman, that is simply nuts. And what I am suggesting is that we ought to be talking to other nations about eliminating an arms race in outer space to protect future generations. You know, a long, long time ago in a galaxy far, far away people were not talking about killing each other. We should be talking about a treaty to ban weapons in space.
Mr. Chairman, with all due respect to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), the author of the amendment, what protects American citizens in this country and around the world is this country's adherence to the rule of law and this country's abiding by international law.
Wherever we have seen violations of international law if they are endorsed by the United States, it jeopardizes the security of American citizens everywhere. I think that is the point of those who are challenging this amendment which would unfortunately seem to gloss over the torture that has occurred at various places of detention.
We certainly have a right to secure this country and to make sure that American citizens are safe. But the only way we can do that effectively is to make sure that we show respect for the law and to make sure that we show condemnation, not just of terrorists, but condemnation of torture.
I think this amendment, while I certainly respect the dedication of the
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher) to the American people, I think that we need to challenge the underlying assumption, and that is that torture should not be tolerated.
Mr. Chairman, at a time when we should have an exit strategy for our troops, this amendment provides Members of Congress with an exit strategy for themselves, from responsibility for Iraq.
This amendment states that we should withdraw our troops from Iraq only when the Iraqi forces are able to combat the insurgency and only when the government of Iraq is stable, at peace, and is not a threat to its neighbors.
We all know that we are light years away from both of these requirements. This amendment will keep us in Iraq forever.
Furthermore, this amendment is essentially flawed because it fails to address the correlation between the U.S. presence in Iraq and utter chaos and civil war-like state that country is in. The U.S. presence in Iraq is fueling the insurgency and has turned Iraq into a training ground for the insurgents. The insurgency is growing stronger by the day, and attack tactics are becoming more advanced. An article published in New York Times on June 22 described how Iraqi rebels are refining bomb skills and pushing the GI toll even higher. Improvised explosive devices are now sufficiently sophisticated enough to destroy armored Humvees.
This means our soldiers are more vulnerable and casualty rates will go higher than ever.
In May there were 700 attacks against American forces using improvised explosive devices, the highest number since the invasion in 2003. Furthermore, not only is the insurgency in Iraq becoming stronger, but according to a CIA assessment, the insurgency will also spread to other countries in the region.
Another article in the New York Times has described a new classified CIA assessment that the Iraqi war is likely to produce a dangerous legacy by dispersing to other countries this conflict. According to the assessment, Iraq may even prove to be an even more effective training ground for Islamic extremists than Afghanistan was in al Qaeda's early days.
Mr. Chairman, it is time for us to face the facts about Iraq. It has been a disaster. We are there for all the wrong reasons. We are there based on lies. It is time for us to get out. This legislation will keep us there. Vote against it.