Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 311) recognizing that for 50 years the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has worked toward stability, prosperity, and peace in Southeast Asia, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I want to recognize Congressman Joaquin Castro and Congresswoman Ann Wagner for introducing this timely measure.

This is an important but, frankly, often overlooked part of the world. This is Southeast Asia.

Mr. Speaker, Southeast Asian nations came together 50 years ago to promote regional cooperation. Their goal was to achieve greater stability and peace and prosperity by creating the Association of South East Asian Nations. We know this as ASEAN today.

This year marks their 50th anniversary and the 40th anniversary of relations between the United States and ASEAN.

This year, President Trump will visit the region for the first time in November for the East Asia and ASEAN summits in the Philippines, and the local leadership are going to be meeting in Vietnam.

Today, ASEAN is a force for peace and prosperity in the world, and the relationship the U.S. has with ASEAN has benefited both sides diplomatically, economically, and in global security.

ASEAN is the fourth largest goods export market for the United States, and we are ASEAN's fourth largest trading partner. As the second fastest-growing economy in Asia, with a combined economy of $2.5 trillion, the importance of the ASEAN market for the United States is considerable.

Mr. Speaker, we are working with ASEAN to address security challenges and threats, especially in the fight against terrorism, with the recognition now of the emergence of ISIS fighting forces in the region. Last month, Secretary of State Tillerson voiced support for increased cooperation on border security, information sharing to track individuals, and routing out and finding the source of terror financing networks, finding their safe havens.

With so many challenges in the region today, as we look at the democratic backsliding in Cambodia, the plight of the Rohingya in Burma, it is more important than ever that we engage Southeast Asian nations in the ASEAN grouping to solve regional problems.

We must also cooperate with ASEAN on the threat of North Korea and have better coordination on maritime activities with regard to security, environmental impact, and border and fishing regulations.

For all of these reasons today, the House of Representatives reaffirms the importance of the U.S.-ASEAN partnership and recommits to continuing engagement and cooperation.

Passage of this resolution demonstrates our support for ASEAN as an institution and the United States' strategic relationship with Southeast Asian nations.

I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Missouri (Mrs. Wagner), an esteemed member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and the primary cosponsor of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

The first point I would make is I think our ranking member, Mr. Eliot Engel, makes a very strong point about the importance of engagement.

I think, as a second point, U.S.-ASEAN engagement has trended up in recent years. I think it remains strong. I think it has a bright outlook. In 2015, the U.S.-ASEAN relationship was elevated to a strategic partnership, an important step by the U.S.

2016 marked two important firsts: the first U.S.-ASEAN summit at Sunnylands, and the first ever visit of a sitting U.S. President to Laos. As an important economic and security partner, ASEAN shares the U.S. pursuit of regional stability through rules, through order, through the peaceful dispute settlement process, as our ranking member pointed out. This resolution signals our resolve to maintain and deepen our collaboration with our friends and allies in Southeast Asia.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of our colleagues here to join us in support of this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 1141) to ensure that the United States promotes the meaningful participation of women in mediation and negotiation processes seeking to prevent, mitigate, or resolve violent conflict.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 1141. Now, this is the Women, Peace, and Security Act. This is the Senate companion to the bill H.R. 2484 that the House passed earlier this session. That bill was authored by Representatives Kristi Noem and Jan Schakowsky, and I want to thank them; and I, of course, want to thank, also, Ranking Member Engel. I want to thank them collectively for their leadership on this important issue.

I also want to thank Senators Corker, Cardin, Shaheen, and Capito for working so well with us in the Senate.

I want to thank our assistant staff director, Jessica Kelch. I want to thank her for her essential work on this important legislation.

I am happy to say that, with House passage today, this legislation will go to the President's desk.

As I noted when this bill passed the House in June, this moment is really a culmination of years of bipartisan work by Members of Congress, including Jan Schakowsky and Kristi Noem. It is also the work of prior and current administration officials and the many advocates who want to see better, more sustainable solutions to ending wars, to combating terrorism, and to improving human rights around the world. What we are saying today is that women's participation is essential to confronting these fundamental challenges.

Last Congress, the Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing, part of its series of women in foreign affairs, where we heard powerful testimony about the importance of including women in the peace processes around the world.

It is an obvious point that many are aware of that, without the participation of women, peace would not have come to Northern Ireland in those discussions nor would the peace have held.

So now it may seem obvious that women should have an opportunity to represent their communities as a matter of right; they make up half the population. And what negotiation or agreement can claim to represent women if their very participation is barred?

But our hearing also emphasized why women's participation in the peace processes is important if we care about the likelihood of the success of that process. Simply put, when women are at the negotiation table, peace is more likely.

Compelling research shows that peace agreements are likely to be reached and are likely to last when women's groups are meaningfully involved. Women peacemakers often press warring parties to move beyond mere power-sharing agreements, which benefit only a small percentage of fighters, to more comprehensive and longer term accords, which benefit the civilian population as a whole, which benefits the next generation of that country.

We have seen this play out. We saw it play out, as I said, in Northern Ireland. We saw it play out in Colombia; we saw it in Rwanda; we saw it in Sri Lanka, where women's groups have pushed for practical solutions to deescalate and resolve the conflict.

In fact, later today, I will be speaking with Liberia's President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, whom I am proud to call a friend of many, many years. Of course, President Sirleaf and the women of Liberia represent what can be accomplished when women become involved in ending conflict.

After many failed attempts by politicians, combatants, and the international community, it was the women of Liberia who forged an end to one of West Africa's longest running and most brutal conflicts. We must learn from history.

Efforts to ``keep the peace'' through policing and peacekeeping missions also benefit from women's participation, which leads to better crime reporting and higher levels of trust within the communities they serve.

And women are essential to confronting one of the greatest national security threats of our time: the spread of violent extremism around the world. When we look at who confronts jihadists and who teaches their children--if they have access to education, they can teach their children--women are truly on the front lines of this fight. They often possess unique insights into their families and communities and are capable of gathering information that men cannot, yet their input is frequently overlooked.

We must acknowledge women as partners in this fight, and that is why the legislation before us today recognizes that it is in our national interest to promote women's participation in resolving violence and conflict.

This concept has been building support for some time: the Bush administration pressed hard for women's participation in peace negotiations and the political process in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and elsewhere; the Obama administration expanded on these programs to require a governmentwide approach to women's inclusion in conflict resolution overseas; and the current administration has said that the State Department's Office of Global Women's Issues will continue to focus on these issues. I am eager to see an Ambassador nominated to lead that office.

The bipartisan legislation before us today builds on these efforts. It will continue to require a governmentwide strategy to promote women's participation, along with specific goals and benchmarks and reporting to Congress in order to gauge progress. And it also requires that appropriate State, USAID, and Defense Department personnel receive training in how to facilitate women's participation in conflict resolution, security initiatives, and efforts to protect civilians from violence and from exploitation.

I urge all Members to support passage today, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, whether we are talking about Liberia, or Northern Ireland, or anywhere else where this world is in conflict, we have watched women play pivotal roles in advocating before governments, or before combatants, or in front of politicians, to bring an end to conflict.

In recent years, we have seen armed conflicts flare around the world, producing the largest number of refugees that we have ever seen on record. Efforts to negotiate an end to these conflicts are more important than they have ever been. We know that when women are included in these discussions, we are more likely to see an enduring peace as a result.

As a witness at our hearing on women's participation explained to us, including women is not only the right thing to do, it is the smart thing to do. The legislation before us today will strengthen U.S. efforts to promote the inclusion of women in peace negotiations in order to create more sustainable agreements and more stable partners for the United States and for our allies.

Again, I want to thank Representatives Noem and Schakowsky and the bill's Senate sponsors for their bipartisan work on this measure; and, as always, Ranking Member Engel, for his leadership.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor Dr. Robert (Bob) Shillman. I have been a friend of Dr. Bob's for many years. I

have nothing but admiration and respect for his success story and his efforts to promote America's free-enterprise system.

Dr. Bob received his undergraduate degree from Northeastern University, and his master's degree and Ph.D. in Electrical Engineering from MIT. He founded Cognex in 1981, which is the world's leading provider of machine vision sensors and systems. The company grew out some work he did as a fellow with the National Science Foundation in the late 1970s, which concerned programming computers to recognize handwriting.

Dr. Bob has a passion for philanthropy. He contributes to organizations that he believes are working to make the world a better place. He also promotes the advancement of education to ensure that there are generations of engineers and entrepreneurs.

He no longer takes a salary for his work at Cognex, and at his request, each year the company donates that amount, along with any bonus that he may have the right to receive, to a public charity. He tells everyone that his Ph.D. no longer stands for Doctor of Philosophy, but for Doctor of Philanthropy.

Dr. Bob is a strong supporter of the fight for freedom and democracy around the world, and of Israel, our closest ally in the Middle East. He also shares our commitment to keeping America safe and strong.

I am proud to recognize all the contributions he has made to defend the Constitution and the freedoms it provides. As Dr. Bob has reminded us, he is one who has benefitted from these freedoms, and he would like to see that future generations of Americans have the same opportunities that have been afforded him.

I thank Dr. Bob for his generosity, commitment and patriotism.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of the bill (S. 371) to make technical changes and other improvements to the Department of State Authorities Act, Fiscal Year 2017, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Madam Speaker, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 317) calling for the unconditional release of United States citizens and legal permanent resident aliens being held for political purposes by the Government of Iran, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, this particular resolution calls for the unconditional release of American citizens and legal permanent residents that are being held as prisoners right now, being held in jail by the Iranian regime.

I would like to begin by thanking the ranking member and the chair of our Middle East Subcommittee--and that is both Ms. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the chair, who is with us, and Mr. Ted Deutch--for their tireless work on behalf of these victims and on behalf of the families. They have introduced this resolution along with Congresswoman Nita Lowey and Congressman Judge Ted Poe.

The reason for it, as you all know, is that Iran just continues to engage in this despicable practice of detaining people who are visiting Iran, and then they come up with fabricated criminal charges, and then these innocent people are held captive; but not just held captive, it is the brutal conditions which they find themselves in.

When we have talked to those and they have shown us what they have been through, these former prisoners in Iran, these Americans, they describe being subjected to electric shock, to forced drug withdrawal, through whippings, solitary confinement, they are denied medical care oftentimes, and routinely forced to sleep on the floor, if they are permitted to sleep at all.

Right now we have a number of U.S. citizens, Siamak and Baquer Namazi, Xiyue Wang, and U.S. permanent resident Nizar Zakka.

These U.S. citizens and permanent residents were imprisoned after being falsely accused of collaborating with a hostile government or accused of espionage. Their families are paralyzed with fear about how they are being treated.

Why is Iran so intent on holding Americans on bogus politicized charges?

It is because the Iranian regime believes it can use detained Americans as leverage to demand concessions, like ransom or sanctions relief, in violation of the International Convention Against the Taking of Hostages.

U.S. citizen Robert Levinson, he is still missing, and this is after 10 years. He disappeared 10 years ago in Iran, and Iran has not remotely fulfilled its commitment to try to help locate him.

Our committee has held multiple hearings with these prisoners' families, most recently yesterday, when family Members testified before our Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee, and we thank them for their bravery in sharing their stories.

We stand in solidarity with these citizens and with their families as we call for their release. We can't imagine the horror that one would be experiencing, but our hearts are with you, and we are committed to advocate on behalf of you and your loved ones.

H. Res. 317 calls on Iran to let these Americans, and all individuals being unjustly detained by Iran, come home. And it also calls on Iran to fulfill its many promises to help find Bob Levinson. It also urges the President to prioritize release of these captives and encourages him to take meaningful action to secure their release.

Last week, the administration called on Iran to release these unjustly detained U.S. citizens, or to face new and serious consequences. We appreciate the administration's actions so far and, with this resolution, urge continual attention to this matter until all of these prisoners have been safely returned to their families.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), who chairs the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa, the author of this measure.

I yield the gentlewoman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe). He is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would just say that the individuals that we are talking about, the Americans that are being held in captivity and their families, have been suffering for far too long. I think our country needs to take decisive action to secure their release, and I believe that we have got to make sure that Iran and all other hostile actors who would follow Iran down this road know that taking U.S. prisoners does not pay.

I again thank Mr. Engel and the gentlewoman and gentleman from Florida, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Ted Deutch, for their leadership, along with Nita Lowey and Ted Poe.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution as the next step toward bringing these innocent people back home to the United States, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3364) to provide congressional review and to counter aggression by the Governments of Iran, the Russian Federation, and North Korea, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, this bill represents a very broad, bipartisan House- Senate agreement that the United States must enforce tougher sanctions against North Korea, against Russia, against Iran.

I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for his determined and excellent work on this legislation. This is a very important bill.

These three regimes in different parts of the world are threatening vital U.S. interests and they are destabilizing their neighbors. It is well past time that we forcefully respond.

Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has invaded its neighbor, Ukraine, seizing its territory and destabilizing its government. It poses a threat to our NATO allies in Europe, as Moscow works to undermine democratic values with determination and sophistication, as U.S. intelligence agencies have made clear. This former KGB colonel attempted to interfere with our own election. Left unchecked, Russia is sure to continue its aggression.

Putin's forces continue to prop up the murderous Assad regime in Syria, prolonging a deadly conflict that has driven tens of millions of people from their homes, while enabling the use of chemical weapons and other systematic human rights abuses against the people of Syria.

The Russia sanctions in this bill are substantially similar to those that overwhelmingly passed the other body. They give the administration important economic leverage, they give it diplomatic leverage by targeting the things that matter to Vladimir Putin and that matter to his allies the most, and that is their corrupt efforts to profit from the country's oil wealth and their ability to sell weapons overseas.

To focus their impact, we clarified several provisions that could have inadvertently handed Russian companies control of global energy projects and impacted pipelines that our European allies rely on in an effort to end their dependence on Russian gas. So this strengthens the bill.

To ensure these economic sanctions remain in place as long as Putin's aggression continues, this bill empowers Congress to review and to disapprove any sanctions relief. This strong oversight is necessary, it is appropriate. After all, it is Congress that the Constitution empowers to regulate commerce with foreign nations.

Mr. Speaker, Russia has found a willing partner in Iran. The regime's Iranian Revolutionary Guard are fighting alongside Russian forces in Syria. At the same time, Tehran continues to threaten Israel by providing funding and advanced rockets and missiles to Hezbollah. Hezbollah is its leading terrorist proxy. It continues to hold Americans hostage, while developing intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons.

To strengthen the U.S. response to the threat from Iran, this bill includes provisions originally introduced by my counterpart, Senator Corker, which increase sanctions on those involved in the regime's human rights abuses and its support for terrorism, as well as its efforts on the ballistic missile program, which the Iranian Revolutionary Guard forces control.

Finally, I am proud that this bill includes the text of H.R. 1644, the Korean Interdiction and Modernization of Sanctions Act, which we passed in May. We passed it here out of the House by a vote of 419-1. These provisions, which were strengthened in consultation with the other body, expand

sanctions targeting North Korea's nuclear weapons program, but they also go after those around the world who employ North Korean slave labor.

This is a human rights abuse. It is one that operates by having a situation where the indentured workers are fed, but the check, instead of going to the workers, goes to the regime, and that money then goes into the nuclear weapons program. It is estimated that this earns hundreds of millions of dollars for the regime in hard currency.

So with every test, Kim Jong-un's regime comes closer to being able to mount a nuclear warhead on a missile that is capable of reaching the U.S. mainland. We simply cannot pass up an opportunity to increase pressure in response to this threat.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), and I just want to thank him for his good work to strengthen the bill, as he will discuss, and for his focus on pipelines that primarily carry oil and gas through Russia that compete with Russian gas and drives down the price of gas.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling), chairman of the Committee on Financial Services.

Mr. Speaker, I wanted to recognize the good work of the Democratic whip, Mr. Steny

Hoyer, and also the Republican leader, Kevin McCarthy, on this legislation and to thank them.

I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions), the chairman of the Rules Committee, for the purpose of a colloquy.

Will the gentleman yield?

Yes. Yes, that is my understanding.

That is my understanding.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), chairman of the Foreign Affairs' Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Lance), a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Budd), a member of the Committee on Financial Services.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would like to again thank my colleagues; the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel; our counterparts, Senators Corker and Cardin; the majority leader, Mr. McCarthy; the minority whip, Mr. Hoyer; as well as the leadership on both sides of the aisle in the other body. They deserve credit for their efforts.

Let me also say it is critically important that we stand shoulder to shoulder with our European allies encountering Russian aggression. That is why, in the bipartisan House-Senate negotiations, we secured important changes to improve transatlantic cooperation. So I am confident that, under the text of this House bill that we will pass today, these concerns have been addressed.

Let me also say that every time North Korea tests a ballistic missile or a nuclear device, it gets closer to having the ability to strike the U.S. mainland with a nuclear weapon.

For years, the policies of successive administrations have failed to get North Korea to change.

Why?

Because diplomatic pressure has been applied only in spurts. It has been lifted prematurely for North Korean promises that have never materialized.

So we need leverage, and leverage comes from real sustained pressure. That is why I have authored tough new sanctions to crack down on the regime, to shut off the regime's access to the hard currency it needs to fund its nuclear program, and we have included that in this bill.

These sanctions passed in this House in May by a vote of 419-1, and it is time for the other body to pick them up. By including these North Korean sanctions in the legislation, we ensure that our colleagues do so.

We cannot afford any more delay, and that is why I worked with the other body to make small changes to the North Korean sanctions in this bill, to ensure swift passage in both Houses. I am confident this bill, including the North Korean sanctions bill, will soon become law.

Let me say that congressional engagement in foreign affairs is strongest when we all speak with one voice. I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of the bill and join us in sending a clear message to Vladimir Putin, to Kim Jong-un, and to the radical regime in Tehran that efforts to threaten the United States and to destabilize our allies will be met with a united American response.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, as Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I would like to take a moment to express my appreciation for an exceptional individual who has served this House with distinction for the last 18 years, Mr. Edward A. Burrier.

Edward first started in my office interning at the Africa Subcommittee, which I then chaired. At the time, he was still in college at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg, Virginia. Each day he would make the long commute from Fredericksburg, just to volunteer.

He then took a job in my personal office in 1133 Longworth where he met his future wife, a fellow junior staffer, Gretchen. While I may have been unaware about their early dating, I was pleased to have the opportunity to attend their memorable wedding in Adare, Ireland in 2006. They now have a young son, William, and it has been a pleasure watching them grow personally and professionally.

Edward eventually rose to the position of Committee Deputy Staff Director of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Over the years, Edward was essential in achieving so much, including efforts to prevent the proliferation of MANPADS to terrorists, and major legislation sanctioning the regimes of North Korea and Iran, which are dangerously pursuing nuclear weapons programs. He found a niche in tracking international rogues, some of who are now behind bars for gun-running and creating mayhem, in part because of Edward's efforts. He also produced important reports, including the path-breaking Gangster Regime: How North Korea Counterfeits United States Currency, still relevant today. And he wrote for me hundreds of Foreign Intrigue blog entries, some of the most captivating foreign policy writing in Washington.

Everything he worked on became better. In the last Congress, the Committee succeeded in having 24 bills become public law. That's a big number, and an impressive record. In short, Edward has been involved in all the major foreign policy issues of the day, helping to make our country safer and more prosperous.

Over my time in Congress, I have been fortunate to have had several long-serving staff members. Edward has been part of this group, central to much of what I have been able to accomplish. Most recently, he helped manage what I believe to be the best committee staff in Congress.

Edward is cool, calm, and collected. He is a genuinely good person.

Edward was one of the most talented, competent, and dedicated staff members in the House. His skills and excellent judgment will serve him well as he transitions to a top position at the Overseas Private Investment Corporation. His many friends on the Hill, both Republicans and Democrats, wish Edward continued success.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2200) to reauthorize the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the right word for the type of slavery we see today, the type of human trafficking that is slavery, is to focus on the fact that this is indentured servitude. This is human slavery, and traffickers around the world increasingly exploit over a million individuals--I am talking about women and children--in sex trafficking for commercial gain.

According to credible estimates, if we add to that those who are engaged in forced labor, that number that are actually enslaved is some 20 million. It is a coercive, multibillion-dollar industry that destroys families, destroys communities, strengthens brutal criminal networks, and tramples human dignity.

This plague is really global. It is not limited to the developing world. At a regular meeting of the Human Trafficking Congressional Advisory Committee I set up in southern California

nearly 4 years ago, I have met with brave survivors who endured forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation in my home State of California.

I think of Angela Guanzon locked into her abusive workplace, sleeping on the hallway floor. I think of Carissa Phelps being sold on the streets of Fresno at the age of 12 by a very violent pimp.

Meeting them and having them testify showed me and many others that the horror of trafficking lies not in statistics, but in stolen lives. In the words of the great abolitionist, Frederick Douglass, enslavement is such an affront to human conscience that, in his words, `` . . . to expose it, is to kill it. Slavery is one of those monsters of darkness to whom the light of truth is death.''

Exposing the harsh reality of human trafficking to international daylight is a central tenet of the legislation here that we are reauthorizing today.

In the late 1990s, under the leadership of Congressman Chris Smith, the author of today's bill, the Foreign Affairs Committee initiated the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, which became law in 2000. That law created the annual Trafficking in Persons Report and the country tier rankings that put the issue on the radar screens of world governments for the first time and every year thereafter.

I was proud to have supported that legislation. It created the possibility of sanctions against the worst offenders. It also established law enforcement and other domestic initiatives to combat trafficking within the United States, which have been refined in the multiple reauthorizations that have followed.

The law has produced notable successes. More than 120 countries, in fact, have now enacted antitrafficking laws, and many are improving their prosecution and conviction of those who are involved in trafficking. Countless lives have been improved and have been saved as a result.

In the TIP Report released 2 weeks ago, 27 countries were upgraded to a higher tier, and that is progress. But sustained pressure and scrutiny are needed. Enacting a law is not the same thing as enforcing it, and, unfortunately, 21 countries slipped to a lower tier in last year's report.

I am proud to be an original cosponsor of H.R. 2200, the Frederick Douglass Trafficking Victims Prevention and Protection Reauthorization Act, which continues and updates our fight against human trafficking. It extends until 2021 the current authorizations for our international and domestic programs, which expire at the end of September. It also contains multiple reforms and refinements to U.S. programs, and it strengthens the annual TIP Report and tier rankings.

I am pleased that this bill incorporates the text of a bill of mine, H.R. 1625, the TARGET Act, which I introduced earlier this year and the House passed in March. This important provision turns the tables on international traffickers by authorizing the State Department to offer and publicize bounties for their arrest and for their conviction.

I again want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Bass) for introducing this strong, bipartisan bill. I also want to thank the other seven committees of referral for the input and assistance they provided on the portions of the bill within their jurisdiction.

H.R. 2200 is a critical contribution to the cause of human freedom and the cause of human dignity. It deserves our unanimous support.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC, July 10, 2017.

Hon. William M. ``Mac'' Thornberry,

Chairman, House Armed Services Committee,

Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Thornberry: Thank you for consulting with the

Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from

further consideration of H.R. 2200, the Frederick Douglass

Trafficking Victims Prevention and Protection Reauthorization

Act of 2017, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to

the House floor.

I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure

does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of

your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives

on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I

would support your effort to seek appointment of an

appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any

House-Senate conference on this legislation.

I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 2200 into the

Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill.

I appreciate your cooperation regarding this legislation and

look forward to continuing to work together as this measure

moves through the legislative process.

Sincerely,

Edward R. Royce,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith). He is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, and, of course, he is the author of the original Trafficking Victims Protection Act. He is also the author of this bill today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 2 minutes to the gentleman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman

from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would just mention, Mr. Speaker, that 20 years ago, human trafficking was unknown, I think, to most Americans and there was little public awareness of the severity of what we are calling here today modern-day slavery.

Seventeen years ago, Congress led on this issue by passing the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. We had very strong bipartisan support, and the rankings, the sanctions, the programs created by that law have been instrumental in building the momentum and awareness that exists out there today. And with each reauthorization, those laws have been fine-tuned, they have been strengthened. This bill continues that tradition. It is time to recommit ourselves to this noble fight against slave-like labor and sexual exploitation of underage children.

I have asked some of the victims why it is that so many of these criminal gangs move from drug running and other kinds of activity into this kind of behavior, and part of the response is: Because, you know, in a drug war, a gang member can get himself killed, but it is a lot easier to exploit a 14-year-old underage girl, it is a lot easier to be in that kind of business than it is in the more dangerous business.

We have got to overcompensate for this reality by passing legislation which allows these additional tools to be used to close down these criminal syndicates and to create real deterrence for those gang members who consider going into this line of work.

So I thank Mr. Smith, Congresswoman Karen Bass, and all my fellow cosponsors on this bill. It deserves our strong support.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, the reason we are here today has to do with the drought in California that, frankly, could have been solved had we been allowed to move forward with the storage that we need. Because the process now is one of watching the rains come, watch the water run out to the ocean, and we do not have the ability to block the red tape that prevents us from building the storage that would hold that water so that we can use it during the drought.

What was the consequence of us not being able to address that? And why is it so important that we pass the GROW Act here that David Valadao from the Central Valley has introduced?

Well, the consequences were one of having thousands of jobs disappear. The consequences were having dead crops plowed under in hundreds of thousands of acres of farmland that had been left idle. The consequences were that billions of dollars were lost in the State. And, frankly, the State of California produces 400 commodities that are one- third of the country's vegetables. It is two-thirds of this country's fruit. It is two-thirds of the nuts produced. The industry brings in $47 billion. When this happens, the consequences are felt by the farmers and by the people across California, by those thrown out of their jobs.

This is an incredibly important industry not only in California, but for the entire country. So, for years, we haven't gotten the water we paid for or contracted for.

But not to let us go forward with the additional storage and to put roadblocks in front of that, to absolutely block commonsense solutions, this has got to stop. This is why this legislation needs to be made into law.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res 397) solemnly reaffirming the commitment of the United States to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's principle of collective defense as enumerated in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Speaker Ryan and Minority Leader Pelosi. I want to thank Leader McCarthy and Minority Whip Hoyer for their leadership on this important resolution and, of course, Ranking Member Engel, who has also been a strong supporter of the NATO alliance.

Mr. Speaker, in 1949, 12 free, democratic nations bound themselves together in an unprecedented defense alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These founding members acted in the aftermath of the Second World War to promote peace in Europe, to promote their freedom, and to face the threats they saw emerging on the horizon. Now, more than six decades later, this alliance has been the cornerstone of transatlantic security, and it has attracted other freedom-loving democratic nations to join its ranks.

Of course, article 5's principle of collective defense has been key to the success of the alliance, and we will not forget how the United States has benefited from that principle as NATO members unanimously elected to come to our support after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.

Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, cyber attacks, nonconventional attacks by terrorist groups against our people, these are threats that NATO's founders could not have anticipated, yet they are the challenges that we must act now to address. We are stronger, no question, when we act together.

Now, Moscow's strategic objective is to break apart the NATO alliance to boost Russian geopolitical influence in Western Europe. In light of this, it is even more important that NATO members meet the standard of investing 2 percent of their GDP on defense. We appreciate the few who already meet the minimum requirement: Estonia, Greece, Poland, and the U.K. At the administration's urging, others have stepped up their game, such as Latvia, Lithuania, and Romania, but others have further to go.

This resolution calls on NATO members to meet these commitments while also reaffirming our commitment to NATO and to the article 5 provision for collective defense.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in support of this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), who chairs the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as a coauthor of this resolution, I also want to thank the other coauthors, including Steve Cohen of Tennessee, who has been a leader on NATO issues.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, let me say, for the advancement of our own security, the promotion of our values, and

a strong statement of support for our friends and allies, I urge my colleagues to support passage of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 351) condemning the violence and persecution in Chechnya, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and

include extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the ruler of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, rules a dictatorship of medieval brutality. Those who challenge or simply displease him often disappear in that country, or they are murdered outright.

His latest campaign of persecution is aimed at gay men and women, and those perceived to be gay, who have been abducted, tortured, and even killed, with many others that are forced to flee the country. When the Russian newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, reported these atrocities, his spokesmen dismissed the accusations, saying that such people ``don't even exist in the republic,'' and then threatened the journalists who brought the story to light.

Caught unaware by the unexpected publicity, Chechen authorities have choked off independent sources of information. We do not know the exact status of this campaign or its many victims, but there is no doubt that the situation there for sexual minorities in general has long been, and remains, oppressive.

Disturbing reports indicate that Kadyrov has now turned his focus from abducting and torturing gay men and women to pressuring their families to murder them through so-called honor killings of these men and women. This is despicable.

Vladimir Putin deserves some of the blame here. Chechnya is a constituent republic of the Russian Federation, of which he is the President. As such, he has a sworn responsibility to ensure that the Russian Constitution is fully implemented, which, at least on paper, professes to guarantee basic rights for all citizens. Russia is also a signatory to many international agreements that formally commit it to protecting a broad array of human rights.

Yet the Russian Government's response has been largely dismissive, if not two-faced. Kremlin spokesmen have called the reports phantom complaints, yet also recommended that victims report grievances to the Chechen authorities accused of carrying out the attacks. And, of course, there has been no criticism of Kadyrov in the Russian state- controlled media--barely even a mention of the issue.

That is why this resolution is of such importance. By shining a light on these crimes in this dark corner, we seek to give hope to those who otherwise may have none at all. And we say unequivocally, to Kadyrov, and to Putin, that these atrocities are in plain view, and that their cowardly and evasive responses are not fooling anyone.

I want to thank Chairman Emeritus Ros-Lehtinen, the author of this resolution, and Ranking Member Engel for their leadership on this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), the chairman emeritus of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and, of course, the author of this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, as an original cosponsor of this bill, I, again, thank Chairman Emeritus Ros-Lehtinen. I thank Ranking Member Engel, as well as Representatives Darrell Issa, David Cicilline, Chris Smith, and Gerry Connolly for their important work on this resolution.

The abduction, torture, and targeted killings that we are seeing in Chechnya are an affront to the core universal values that all nation- states must strive to protect. The U.S. has a long history of speaking out on behalf of persecuted minorities, and that is what we are doing here today.

We cannot end injustice everywhere, but we can expose it. We can bring it to the world's attention and, in so doing, give hope to its innocent victims.

I ask all Members to speak clearly and to speak unanimously in condemning this violence.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to welcome President Moon of South Korea to the United States of America as he makes his inaugural visit here later this week. President Moon's trip comes at a critical time for America's strategic relationship with South Korea, and I look forward to welcoming him to Capitol Hill.

The friendship between our two nations, which was forged during the Korean war, has withstood the test of time and so many challenges. The people of South Korea have persevered in the face of incredible adversity and succeeded in building a modern, prosperous nation.

Today, we stand together in defense of democracy, freedom, and prosperity. And the strength of our friendship is now more important than ever as we face growing challenges in the Asia-Pacific region.

As the President begins his visit, let's also recognize the contributions of Korean Americans to the relationship between our two countries. The close bond that many Korean Americans have for South Korea, the country of their heritage, creates a strong sense of community that extends across the Pacific Ocean. This is the keystone in the bridge of our alliance.

Mr. Speaker, I welcome President Moon, and I look forward to our meeting.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2484) to ensure that the United States promotes the meaningful participation of women in mediation and negotiation processes seeking to prevent, mitigate, or resolve violent conflict.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material in the Record on H.R. 2484.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Women, Peace, and Security Act,

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from South Dakota (Mrs. Noem), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means and the author of this important bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time to close.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, from Liberia to Northern Ireland, to, frankly, all over the planet, we have watched women play pivotal roles in pushing their governments, in pushing combatants and politicians to bring an end to conflict.

In recent years, we have seen armed conflicts flare around the world, producing the largest number of refugees on record. Efforts to negotiate an end to these conflicts are more important than ever. We know that when women are included in these discussions, we are more likely to see an enduring peace.

As a witness at our hearing on women's participation explained: ``Including women is not only the right thing to do, it is the smart thing to do.''

The legislation before us today will strengthen U.S. efforts to promote the inclusion of women in peace negotiations in order to create more sustainable agreements and more stable partners for the United States and for the U.S. allies.

So, again, I want to thank Representatives Noem and Schakowsky for their bipartisan work. I also want to particularly thank the staff on both sides of the aisle who have worked so hard over the past couple of years, including Jessica Kelch, Cassandra Varanka, Brittany Comins, Elizabeth Cunningham, and Janice Kaguyutan. We appreciate all of your good work.

Mr. Speaker, with that, I ask for an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 304.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to make the point: I am from the State of California, and that has long been the innovation capital for new ideas in America, for high-tech, and a place where a person with an idea and hard work and a little startup capital can grow a business.

We have had a major problem with respect to our community banks and our credit unions, the smaller ones, and that is they are going out of business at a very fast, rapid clip. A large percentage of them are struggling under this Dodd-Frank legislation that was passed in 2010.

Now, I think the legislation was well-intended, but to put all the regulatory burden and these costs on these smaller institutions has ended up with this one-size-fits-all regulation that makes it very, very difficult for them to give credit to entrepreneurs across our State.

I think that many of the provisions have been injurious, then, not only to the community banks, the credit unions, the smaller ones, but to the small businesses, to the borrowers, and to the savers that rely on these institutions.

We do need to make adjustment in this, and the Financial CHOICE Act will provide, I think, much-needed relief to the community financial institutions in a responsible and proactive way. I think that the premise is straightforward, which is a banking institution has to be strongly capitalized and well-managed to get the off-ramp from Dodd- Frank.