Mr. Speaker, will the gentlewoman yield? Mr. Speaker, I would ask, how much was the New York delegation asking, does the gentlewoman recall, for the help of the 9/ 11 victims? So that was over 10? So that would be about 200 million a year…
Mr. Speaker, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I would ask, how much was the New York delegation asking, does the gentlewoman recall, for the help of the 9/ 11 victims?
So that was over 10?
So that would be about 200 million a year that you are short. I wondered if the gentlewoman was aware that in this bill there is $61 million for the State of Washington and the Weyerhaeuser Timber Corporation to do a kind of experiment in how to save trees by cutting them down, and none of the other States were allowed to participate in this, including New York State where they have major timber and pulp. So all through this bill
there are special little interests gifts. Think of the Weyerhaeuser Timber Corporation and how badly they need an extra $61 million as compared to the people of 9/11.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to address not just this bill but all the things that the bill either ignores or demeans by suggesting that these charitable acts will solve some of the major problems in our country.
The bill suggests that it is going to spend $13 billion, when any reasonable assessment would suggest that it is a $23-billion bill because it sunsets the tax deduction in the second year, and we know that as night follows day, the next request will be to make it permanent, and I think it is rather deceptive to suggest to the public that it is, in fact, 13 when it is arguably substantially more, if one believes that the bill does the right thing to begin with.
The bill ought to be noted for what it does not do. What it does not do is deal with 12 million children whose parents will not receive a tax credit, which the President supports, the other body supports, and for some reason, my Republican colleagues in this House feel that because their parents pay little or no income tax, while they may pay substantial payroll taxes, they ought not to receive this money.
So many of the parents who are such low income, including the parents of 250,000 or more children who are children of our brave troops who will not
receive this money, many of those same families will be importuned and given $6 a month in tax deduction for contributing to various causes. One imagines the United Crusade or whatever.
Many of us suspect that that will not generate very much charitable giving, and it would seem to me to be much more direct to deal with tax credits for families under $25,000 a year who have children to raise wherein health care is limited, wherein there is no help for housing or clothing or school subsidies which we have talked about on this floor. So, again, this bill is notable for what it does not do.
Then it has a certain amount of arrogance in what it does do. For example, it is almost cute, there is a college housing project, as it is called, in this bill, and what that basically does is help Delta Kappa Epsilon and Phi Beta Kappa and Kappa Kappa Alpha. It is a gift to fraternity and sorority houses on college campuses.
Now, I have no quarrel with fraternities and sororities; but they are, indeed, private social clubs; and it seems to me that we are taking the first step in giving taxpayer dollars to private clubs that have every right to restrict their membership by race, by religion, by ethnicity, or any other reason. And there is no quarrel, but we have never before in the history of our Tax Code of our country given taxpayer dollars to golf clubs or tennis clubs or any other types of clubs.
And then we are going to go and have an experiment, and this is an experiment for a very limited group of Americans. We are going to give $61 million to create experiments to show that by cutting down trees we are going to save trees. Now that may work, but if it works, it is only going to work in the State of Washington because the $61 million in experiments cannot be used in any one of the other 49 States.
I noticed that the two distinguished sponsors of this bill are from Tennessee. To my knowledge, there is a timber industry in Tennessee. What is so shabby about the timber industry in Tennessee that we cannot help them do an experiment in ecological management of our forests? There happens to be a timber industry in California where the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means resides. Why would we not like to help preserve the redwoods in California with some of this money, or the State of Oregon or the State of Maine? Why is it that only one State gets to participate in this experiment? And I might add it adds up to one timber company, the Weyerhaeuser timber company, which is owned by a very rich family, so we maybe could say it is only one family that participates. That is not right. It is not the proper thing to do.
If these programs are good, in every other experiment, we let people apply and we try and award these not as pork and a reward to some individual politician, but we try to reward them to the program which shows they have the most potential for benefiting the most Americans. That is the way a democracy ought to work; and in this new administration which tends to interpret democracy any way that the Attorney General chooses on that particular day, we seem to be redefining in this bill how we should apply charity and what are charitable organizations, how we should apply the largess of the Federal Government with rifle-shot approaches to individual corporations.
Mr. Speaker, this is a bill that is fraught with help for individual companies and individual interests; and it is most notable, as I would like to repeat once again, for what it does not do. It does not help those 12 million children in low-income families who most need assistance and which this House has repeatedly turned its back on due to the Republican leadership's refusal to bring up the child tax credit extension.
So it is with heavy heart, Mr. Speaker, that I say that charitable giving here has been politicized to the extent that under the guise of helping low-income people with $6 a month, we are giving humongous rewards to fraternities and sororities, to the Weyerhaeuser timber company in the State of Washington, and to people who arguably do not need that charity today.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), the author of our proposed Democratic substitute, who can speak to the issue of how we might pay for this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kleczka).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Washington State (Mr. McDermott).
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott).
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).