Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the distinguished service and impactful leadership of Justice Kenneth C. Holder. His 41- year legal career is defined by his commitment to the public good and his overwhelming compassion for the people he served. He approached the law with the belief that the justice system should uplift communities and create lasting, positive change throughout Queens.

Born in London to a Jamaican mother and Guyanese father, Justice Holder lived in Canada and Jamaica before eventually settling in New York. His path across countries and cultures ultimately led him to the borough he would serve so faithfully. Justice Holder earned an undergraduate degree from Lincoln University, the nation's first degree-granting Historically Black College and University (HBCU) and later attended the University of Toledo School of Law.

Justice Holder began his legal career as a Queens Assistant District Attorney and rose to become Chief of Narcotics Trials. He did far more than carry out prosecutions, he worked to change the system itself. Recognizing the need for compassion-centered alternatives within the justice system, he helped establish Queens County's first Felony Drug Treatment Court. He secured $6 million in federal funding to support the initiative and chaired the team responsible for its rules, regulations, and protocols. His leadership built a program that offered thousands of individuals battling drug addiction a real opportunity for rehabilitation, dignity, and a path forward.

In 2006, Justice Holder was elected to the Queens County Civil Court. He was later elected to the New York State Supreme Court in Queens in 2008 and reelected in 2021. Throughout his tenure on the bench, he presided over hundreds of serious felony cases, ensuring the safety and well-being of more than 750,000 Queens residents. In 2024, he was selected to serve as Interim Administrative Judge of Queens Supreme Court. His service extended far beyond the courtroom. He also served as an undergraduate instructor at St. John's University, preparing the future generation of lawyers and leaders.

Justice Holder's dedication to the people of Queens is evident in every facet of his career. His legacy, built on fairness, innovation, and steadfast service, will continue to strengthen our community for generations to come.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Moulton's Iran War Powers Resolution.

We are 7 months into a war of choice that President Trump said would only last 4 to 6 weeks. American families have paid over $100 billion more for gasoline and diesel, roughly $800 more per household, while gas averages more than $4 a gallon and diesel is near $6.

This resolution closely follows my resolution, H. Con. Res. 86, which passed both the House and the Senate. That resolution made clear what the Constitution makes clear: Congress, not the President, has the power to decide when the United States goes to war.

This Congress has not authorized a war with Iran, and yet this administration has kept our troops in harm's way, without a declaration of war, without an authorization from Congress, and without any plan for how to win or end the war.

Congress has already acted. H. Con. Res. 86 passed both Chambers, directing the President to remove U.S. Forces from hostilities with Iran, and in July, the House again passed H. Con. Res. 89 with the same message, a simple message: End this war.

It is important that we do so again.

I have also introduced a binding resolution demanding Speaker Johnson take legal action to defend congressional authority. When Congress' constitutional authority is challenged, this institution has an obligation to defend its own prerogatives.

The administration hasn't just continued to wage this illegal war in direct violation of the Constitution, it has done so while Americans bear the costs: 19 fallen servicemembers and more than 750 servicemembers wounded, extended troop deployments, and billions of dollars in additional spending.

The President's mismanagement of this war has hurt America's ability to prepare for future threats.

I ask this body a simple question: Are Americans better off now than before this war started?

Are we safer? Are we more secure?

Has this war produced any of the results the administration promised the American people?

The administration has yet to demonstrate that 7 months of war have produced a lasting strategic resolution to the threats posed by Iran. The Strait of Hormuz remains a source of enormous risk to global energy markets, and Iran's nuclear and missile capabilities, despite what the administration claims, clearly remain.

One only needs to ask our Gulf partners who continue to bear the brunt of Iran's missile and drone attacks.

This war has been a strategic failure. What is left are depleted weapons stockpiles and a tab of more than $100 billion that taxpayers will have to cover, while families continue to pay more for gas, groceries, and electricity.

Let me be clear: This should not be a partisan question. It is a constitutional one. It is a vote about whether Congress still believes that the power to decide when this Nation goes to war belongs to the Congress, as the Constitution provides.

Our servicemembers deserve clear objectives. Their families deserve accountability, and the American people deserve a Congress willing to exercise its constitutional authority.

Let me remind this body that the House Foreign Affairs Committee has still not held a single public hearing with an administration official on this war, the committee charged with matters of war and peace, zero hearings. Our constituents did not send us here to be a rubber stamp for any administration.

We cannot bomb our way out of this war. We need dialogue and diplomacy with our allies and adversaries alike. We need real diplomats at the table, not real estate developers who are in over their heads.

We, this body, need to hold this administration accountable.

I ask my colleagues to uphold the oath that we all took. Join us and make clear, once again, that this President cannot wage war without our consent.

The American people have made it abundantly clear they do not want and they do not support this war. We should stand with them and not Donald Trump.

Mr. Speaker. I rise today to honor the life, service, and enduring legacy of Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad, a proud daughter of Carol and Basdeo Rampersad, whose extraordinary courage, selfless sacrifice, and unwavering commitment to our nation will never be forgotten. Staff Sergeant Rampersad embodied the profound ideals of our country and the resilient spirit that defines our community of Queens.

Born in Trinidad and Tobago, Angel immigrated to the United States with her mother and sister at just two and a half years old, embracing the belief in the institutions and opportunities this nation offered while never losing sight of the values of family, faith, and service. She began her education at Narissa's Daycare before attending P.S. 108 in the heart of Queens M.S. 202 in Ozone Park, and later Forest Hills High School, where she graduated in 2015. She continued her education at John Jay College, where she obtained a degree in Criminal Justice, and discovered that her greatest calling was one of service. Determined to protect the nation that had become her home, she enlisted in the United States Army in 2019 and quickly distinguished herself through exceptional leadership, discipline, and commitment to duty, rising to the rank of Sergeant in just three years.

Throughout her military career, Staff Sergeant Rampersad served with honor across the globe. She was stationed in Hawaii before serving in Germany as a Signal Operations Support Specialist, where she supported critical communications missions and assignments throughout Europe. Most recently, she answered the call of duty once again and deployed to Jordan where she made the ultimate sacrifice in defense of our nation. Her devotion to duty reflected not only her love for her country, but also served as a reflection of her family's values that she cherished dear to her heart.

Whether it was serving her community, supporting her fellow soldiers, or encouraging those around her, Angel led with humility, kindness, and grace. She will long be remembered by those who knew her dearly as an eternal symbol of strength, unwavering compassion, and infectious bundle of joy that left a mark on every life she encountered.

Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad's legacy is one of courage that embodies the heart and soul of Queens. Her life is a testament to the promise of America and to the countless men and women who bravely answer the call of duty to serve with honor and conviction. I honor not only a decorated soldier, but also a beloved daughter, wife, sister, friend, and Queens Borough hero. May we forever remember Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad for her extraordinary service, cherish the example she set for future generations, and remain forever grateful for the sacrifices she made on behalf of our Nation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the hardest part of this job for me for all the time that I have been in Congress, all the bills that we have to vote on-- when I put my hand up and swore that I would abide by and protect the Constitution of the United States of America, that Constitution also says that Congress determines when we send our women and men into war. I have had to vote on that several times previously in this Congress. It is a responsibility that is tough, to make that determination of when our men and women are sent to war. Presidents, based upon that Constitution, should come to this body and make their case, and then we have the awesome responsibility of making the determination of whether or not they should or should not. Those have been the toughest votes for me to have and for me to make as a Member of the United States Congress.

Unfortunately, in this instance, we didn't have a voice. My heart goes out to the 18 members of the United States armed services who lost their lives. To them, their families, they are patriots, just as Mr. Mast doing his service and Mr. Crow and Mr. Moulton.

I thank them for their service because if this Congress says, Go to war, they put their lives on the line. I wish I had the opportunity to talk to all 18 families who lost loved ones in this war. Unfortunately, I can't do all 18.

One of the three that lost their life over the last weekend, Sergeant Angel Rampersad, is from my district, my constituent, in Ozone Park, New York, who was killed on July 17 in Jordan. I am going to visit that family when I get back to New York on Friday. My office has already reached out to them. I am going to have a flag flown on top of the Capitol.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Jayapal's Iran War Powers Resolution because I believe that the President needs to come to us so that we can make that decision and take on that responsibility, as the Constitution says.

Let me be clear: This body has already spoken. The War Powers Resolution passed with bipartisan support in the House and in the Senate. The Trump administration was required to end its hostilities against Iran. It has not.

A dual-Chamber concurrent resolution has never been struck down by the courts, certainly not in the war powers context. Any claim otherwise is simply wrong.

I will also be introducing legislation that would require the Speaker to bring suit against the administration to force it to abide by Congress' vote on the War Powers Resolution.

We are here today because the administration broke the law. Three more U.S. servicemembers have made the ultimate sacrifice for an illegal, unauthorized war that the American people don't want.

This administration has never sought an Authorization for Use of Military Force from Congress, and most Republicans in this Chamber continue to enable it.

As I have said before on this floor, this war has achieved none of our core objectives, and more bombings will not change the reality that is on the ground.

With respect to Iran's nuclear program, its hard-line regime, its closure of the Strait of Hormuz, or any of its malign practices, none of that has changed. Addressing those threats requires diplomacy, not more war. Diplomacy must be led by seasoned diplomats and nonproliferation experts, not real estate developers.

We need our European allies, our Gulf partners, and, yes, our adversaries back at the table because just bombing without strategy, Mr. Speaker, is not a foreign policy. It is a tantrum. It is a tantrum by a President who cannot clean up the mess that he has made.

Let us make no mistake: The President's tantrum is why gas prices are back over $4 a gallon, and they will keep climbing now that the Houthis have threatened their own blockade of the Red Sea. That tantrum is why American troops are under fire. It is why our munitions stockpiles are being drained, and it is why we are teetering on the edge of the forever war we warned this would be.

To my Republican colleagues, this war is indefensible. Deep down, many of them really know it. I say: Let's just simply uphold the oath that we took when we took this office, uphold the Constitution of the United States. Stand with us, and let's make clear once again that this President is not a king. He is not a dictator. He is the President of the United States. But there are two bodies called the House of Representatives and the Senate that are equal to the executive branch.

He cannot go around this. It is in violation of the Constitution, and he cannot wage war without our consent.

If Republicans still believe this war should continue, then I say, fine. Vote in support of this measure and demand the administration come to this Congress and demand that he tells us what his plan is, how it is going to end, and how much money it is going to cost the American people. Also he should follow the Constitution as the law requires.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton), a cosponsor of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues that it has been 144 days of a senseless and a pointless war. The President says he is there to prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon. In his first term, the President ripped up the JCPOA, as the gentlewoman from Washington has indicated.

I was in Congress at that time when the JCPOA was implemented. The United States was not by itself. It was a well-thought-out, diplomatic document that was produced that was clear. It wasn't something that was done by individuals who heretofore only was involved in real estate. It was done with diplomats around the world and even some of our adversaries in Russia and China, the P5+1.

I traveled several times to Geneva to have dialogue and conversation with the head of the IAEA, and I, along with some other colleagues, was told that at that particular time, for the first time, they had their eyes on Iran and its nuclear capabilities. They had cameras watching everything. All of the individuals said that Iran was, at the closest, a year to a year and a half, and could not progress because of what we were doing in a collective manner to prevent them from having a nuclear weapon.

The IAEA was there until when? The President ripped it up.

That is when the cameras and the watching of what was taking place there and the agreement that had been made through a diplomatic channel ended, and Iran pushed us out. That is when we no longer could see what was taking place.

Diplomacy was preventing Iran from having a nuclear weapon without the Strait of Hormuz being closed, without the death of the men and women of our military, without the cost of rising prices of food because fertilizer couldn't get through the strait, or the cost of gas. We had allies with us.

Are we better off now when we are doing all of this basically by ourselves? Because everyone advised this President of the United States not to do it.

Mr. Speaker, with 18 lives of servicemembers, too many Iranian civilians, including more than 100 schoolgirls, and injured countless more, tens of billions of taxpayer dollars spent, and the administration still refuses to give us a full accounting of where that money went.

Now, even as they refuse to explain the cost, guess what? They are asking for billions more for a war that they

never asked the United States Congress to authorize, a war that the people of the United States of America never asked for. As indicated by the gentlewoman from Washington, 70 percent of Americans are against this war.

But you know what, Mr. Speaker, the House and the Senate have spoken. They have already voted in a bipartisan way to end this war. Today, let's vote again, and I believe we will get an even greater margin in this House.

Let's not give this President another blank check to wage an illegal war. This is not what the Constitution demands of us. This is not what our constituents expect of us. They expect us to do our jobs. They expect us to abide by the Constitution of the United States of America. They expect us to stand up and tell this President that this illegal war must come to an end once and for all.

Vote ``yes'' on this War Powers Resolution, and let the American people know that we will not be altered from doing our job.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I rise today in opposition to the fiscal year 2027 appropriations bill for the State Department and foreign operations.

Last year, the Trump administration illegally dismantled USAID and fired over 1,300 State Department employees.

It rescinded $13 billion for critical humanitarian and development programs, and now House Republicans want to approve legislation that amounts to a 20 percent cut from 2025 enacted levels, locking in those dangerous Trump cuts.

It isn't penny-wise, and it certainly is pound-foolish. Case in point: When the administration cut funding for global health, it ended key disease outbreak surveillance and prevention programs. Now we have the second largest Ebola outbreak on record and are scrambling to protect U.S. livestock from the New World screwworm.

Our Republican colleagues have also made in order many amendments that would further damage our national security interests. Prohibiting funding for the United Nations means abdicating U.S. leadership to competitors like China and Russia.

Prohibiting funding for an ally like Jordan makes zero sense amidst the fallout of President Trump's war of choice with Iran and the devastating humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

Cutting off funding for the National Endowment for Democracy, The Asia Foundation, East-West Center, Peace Corps, Millennium Challenge Corporation, Asian Development Fund, and African Development Bank Group further undercuts American leadership and democracy around the world. Sustained investment in our diplomatic and development institutions is essential if you want to prevent wars instead of paying for them.

Mr. Chairman, this bill does not deliver, and I urge a ``no'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 108. While I voted against a previous iteration of this resolution, I believe this updated version has corrected the flaws of H. Con. Res. 84.

The updated text is an important legislative assertion of Congress' constitutional authority over matters of war and peace that will not infringe upon America's national security interests in Lebanon, while ensuring we stay out of another forever war that is not in our national interest.

We consider this resolution in the wake of the recently announced trilateral framework between Lebanon, Israel, and the United States. I welcome this agreement, which represents a critical step away from continued escalation and violence.

However, what comes next is most critical: Ensuring a ceasefire is indeed observed by all, fully disarming Hezbollah, and preserving Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Since the start of Trump's illegal war of choice with Iran, civilians in both Lebanon and Israel have suffered the consequences of continued strikes by both Hezbollah and the Israeli military.

Now, I strongly condemn violence against civilians in all forms and support efforts by both the Israeli and Lebanese Governments to ensure the safety and security of their people.

Every government has a right and a responsibility to protect its citizens, and Israel has a right to defend itself. However, this does not justify disproportionate airstrikes which have killed too many civilians, including medical workers and journalists, as well as destroyed civilian infrastructure throughout Lebanon.

As I continue to condemn Hezbollah's drone and rocket fire into Israel, I note with deep concern the Israeli Defense Minister's public pronouncement to destroy all homes in southern Lebanon border villages and ``follow the Rafah and Beit Hanoun model in Gaza'' where the Israeli military systematically destroyed thousands of Palestinian homes and civilian infrastructure. These are not words of self-defense. They are the language of collective punishment, and that must be condemned.

As we look to efforts to deescalate and move toward peace and stability for both Israelis and the Lebanese, I will state for the record that, to my knowledge, United States Forces are not currently engaged in any active hostilities in Lebanon with the Israeli military. Nonetheless, this resolution ensures that does not change without congressional authorization. We must not enter another illegal, reckless, and counterproductive war in the Middle East.

While this resolution prohibits U.S. Forces from engaging in hostilities in Lebanon, it makes clear it shall not prevent or in any way limit the important mission that the United States Armed Forces are engaged in with Lebanon; that is, the longstanding training and support of the Lebanese Armed Forces, also known as the LAF, which are critical to Lebanon's stability and that of the region.

In my many meetings with both Lebanese and Israeli leaders over the years, I deeply understand and appreciate the importance of supporting building up Lebanon's Armed Forces--a goal which successive administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have furthered. Protecting that mission, which has enjoyed bipartisan support across administrations, is precisely why this resolution is carefully drafted to preserve it.

This resolution stands on the side of ending forever wars and ensuring U.S. forces are not drawn into hostilities in Lebanon.

Any colleague who believes Congress must reassert its constitutional authority over matters of war and peace should stand with us today.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Tlaib), the sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, while I have zero confidence this administration will be transparent with Congress, let me restate clearly that I have seen no information to indicate United States Armed Forces are engaged in combat hostilities on the ground in Lebanon.

Nevertheless, this resolution is a timely and important assertion of Congress' constitutional authority, one that requires the administration to come to Congress before sending U.S. forces into another war.

Conflict in Lebanon is not new. In 1975, Lebanon's Civil War began a conflict that would kill over 150,000 people in a country with a population of just several million.

The United States sent troops to the country as part of a multinational force. On October 23, 1983, terrorists drove two truck bombs into our Marine Corps barracks in Beirut, killing 241 of our soldiers. It was the deadliest day for our Marines since World War II. President Reagan made the right call and pulled out our Marines within 4 months.

We must not, Mr. Speaker, repeat the failures of the past, be they 40 years or 40 days ago. We must not allow this administration to undermine the fragile cease-fire now in place, drag our troops into another conflict, or hand Congress' warmaking authority to a President who has shown no interest in wielding it responsibly.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution and encourage all of my colleagues to do so, as well. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the remarkable achievements, leadership, and enduring impact of the Howard University (HU) Men's Basketball program. Led by Head Coach Kenneth Blakeney and his entire coaching staff, HU's historic 2025 to 2026 season brought immense pride to the University, the Washington, D.C. community, and Historically Black Colleges and Universities nationwide.

During the 2025 to 2026 season, HU recorded the second-most regular season wins in program history and later won the Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference Championship (MEAC), securing another National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Tournament appearance and continuing the program's rise on the national stage. Most notably, the HU Bisons earned their first-ever NCAA Tournament victory, a milestone achievement that cemented this team's place in Howard University history and inspired countless students, alumni, and supporters across the Nation.

The Howard University Men's Basketball program has shown that success is measured not only by historic victories and championships, but by the lives impacted along the way. Beyond their historic accomplishments on the hardwood this season, Coach Blakeney, his staff, and the student athletes have remained deeply committed to serving the Washington, D.C. community. Through mentorship initiatives, youth engagement, community outreach, and service efforts throughout the District, these young men have continuously demonstrated what it means to lead with purpose and represent their university with honor.

As a proud Howard University Law alumnus, extending this honor will always hold a special meaning to me. I know firsthand the transformative impact that Howard University has on its students and the broader community. The legacy of this historic basketball program will shape lives, develop the next generation of leaders, and uplift communities for years to come.

Mr. Speaker, the question before this House is simple: Will we help Ukraine negotiate from a position of strength, or will we help Putin outlast American resolve?

The Ukrainian people, our NATO allies, and the United States national security cannot afford to wait any longer for this body to act against Russia's brutal war in Ukraine.

In the last 17 months, Russia has redoubled its efforts to break the Ukrainian spirit while waging its illegal war, and this body has failed to meet the moment.

Let me be clear: The administration could be doing more right now without waiting for Congress. President Trump promised to end the war on day one. Seventeen months later, this administration has stalled delivery of assistance that Congress has passed.

It has attacked Ukraine, the victim, while providing cover for Putin who continues to stall, delay, and outlast U.S. support.

We all want this war to end. The question is how? Will we abandon

Ukraine and force it into a terrible deal? That is what Vladimir Putin is counting on.

Or will this body live up to the commitments we have made since the start of this war, that we will support the brave Ukrainians fighting for their future, deliver them the weapons that they need to defend themselves, impose costs on the Kremlin for this immoral conflict, and hold Russia accountable for its war crimes?

This war ends when Putin concludes that prolonged conflict will cost Russia more than ending it. That means proving through action, not words, that the United States and our allies will not walk away.

That is exactly what this bill aims to do. It supports Ukraine's reconstruction, fights Russian malign influence, shores up security assistance for our Baltic allies, and provides Ukraine urgently needed foreign military finance loans to purchase the weapons it needs to defend itself against and push back Russian aggression.

Let me remind my colleagues. Nearly every dollar we invest in Ukraine's security assistance is spent where? It is spent right here in these United States of America supporting American workers, supporting American manufacturers, and supporting American communities.

Mr. Speaker, this is not one of those conflicts where there is a gray area. Vladimir Putin is an authoritarian thug who ordered the invasion of Ukraine for his own imperialistic ambitions. He has ordered the kidnapping of Ukrainian children and the murder of innocent civilians. And as the United States' support has wavered, the carnage has only grown. Mr. Speaker, 2025 was the deadliest year for Ukrainian civilians since the war began.

In the largest land war since World War II, we have seen over a million casualties that Putin chose. And if you believe his ambitions will end with Ukraine, you have not been paying attention at all.

History and Putin have told us otherwise. Some colleagues have raised parts of this bill that could be improved as justification for voting against it. Mr. Speaker, this bill should have gone through regular order, but unfortunately, my request to move Russia bills through regular order have been routinely rejected.

Republican leadership has opposed this bill and repeatedly blocked bipartisan efforts to hold Russia accountable. The Ukraine Support Act was introduced some 14 months ago, and we have forced it to the floor by discharge only because that was the only option left to us.

Now, before I finish, I just have some people that I really need to thank. For 14 months, our majority leader emeritus Steny Hoyer, he has been absolutely tremendous, working and getting this bill to this point today. He used to be the whip or so. He is no longer the whip, but he hasn't lost those whip skills on how to whip people and get them together. That is what he has done, and I have got to thank him and have to say and know that his commitment to the Ukrainian people and to our allies is unwavering and unshakeable. I thank Steny Hoyer.

Let me also thank Representatives Keating and Kaptur and so many other Democrats who have worked tirelessly and been instrumental in this process. Finally, I must thank Representatives Bacon, Fitzpatrick, and Kiley for courageously signing the discharge petition. This indeed has been a team effort and something that the Ukrainian people know that in a bipartisan way we support them in what we will do.

So, Mr. Speaker, it is time for us to do what is right: Support Ukraine. Hold Russia accountable. Show the world and show Putin that the United States does not fold to bullies. Putin's belief that bipartisan U.S. support will fade is as much a fantasy as he believes that he could take Kyiv in a week.

That is how we end this war, and I urge all my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the esteemed gentleman from the State of Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), who is an original cosponsor on this important measure, the former whip, and the majority leader emeritus of the House.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Maryland.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I remind the gentleman that I heard the President of the United States say that Ukraine should give up, basically, because they don't have the cards. He said to Vladimir Putin do what you will. These are words out of the President's office, not mine.

Mr. Speaker, in reference to the bill raised by Chairman Hill, I want the public to know that I fully supported that bill. In fact, I voted for it in committee. I am on the Financial Services Committee also, and the fact that it hasn't hit the floor a year after it was marked up in committee tells you everything that you need to know about Republican leadership's willingness to put bills on the floor that hold Putin accountable. Because if they would put bills on the floor that would hold him accountable, we would not have had to discharge this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating), the ranking member on the Europe Subcommittee and an original cosponsor of this important measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), the co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bacon).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick), the co-chair of the Ukraine Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Kiley).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), a woman of courage, who has traveled to Ukraine many times and stands for the Ukrainian people, the distinguished Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Quigley), who is the co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus and who has traveled to that war zone over five times.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), the original cosponsor on this important measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, the camera of history is rolling, and history will show where each Member stands at this time as Ukraine's war rages on. It will show who stood with Ukraine and with democracy and who stood with Vladimir Putin and his evil regime.

Putin believes he can outlast American resolve. I don't believe he can. Today, we have the chance to prove him wrong.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans alike, to stand with the people of Ukraine and pass this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to clause 2(c) of rule XV, I rise to provide notice of my intent to offer a motion to discharge the Committee on Rules from further consideration of House Resolution 518.

I did sign.

I do.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of my motion to discharge House Resolution 518 so that we can consider my bill, the Ukraine Support Act, on the floor this week. I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to vote ``aye,'' and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, the vote we will be taking tomorrow is of historic importance. It is a question of whether we will be able to vote to support Ukraine, punish Russia, and stand for our values.

Let me be clear. I always prefer to move important and complex legislation through regular order.

I asked for the Ukraine Support Act to be marked up in the House Foreign Affairs Committee. I have asked for simple, bipartisan bills on Russia, including some that have passed overwhelmingly in previous Congresses to move through committee or to the floor.

Unfortunately, each and every time I have inquired about moving a bill to address Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, no matter how bipartisan, I have been turned down. Of course, I am not alone in my frustrations about the inability to move important bills through this Congress. Many Members, on both sides of the aisle, have felt frustrated by the failure of this House to get important legislation across the finish line.

This Chamber must legislate on the important domestic and foreign policy issues of the day. That is our constitutional duty.

Russia's invasion of Ukraine is the largest land war in Europe since World War II. The invasion of a smaller democratic nation by a large authoritarian state is as black and white and pure and simple as it gets.

This vote is not a process vote. It is a statement on whether this Congress and all of its Members stand with and support Ukraine and the people of Ukraine in its fight for freedom, its fight for democracy, and its fight for liberty.

It is also a marker of whether we are against dictatorship, lawlessness, brutality, and the Russia-China no limits pact. I know where I stand. I am solidly on the side of America. I am solidly on the side of Ukraine, and I am solidly on the side of justice.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of my War Powers Resolution. Yes, here we go again. Today marks the fourth time this body will vote on a resolution to end President Trump's hostilities against Iran. After months of war, I ask the question: What has changed?

I can tell you, Mr. Speaker, that certainly nothing has changed for the better. Gas prices are now approaching $5 a gallon. Airlines are cutting routes and struggling under rising fuel costs. The price of groceries, Mr. Speaker, and everyday goods continue to climb as more families are struggling to make ends meet.

Why? It is all because the Strait of Hormuz, which was open before the war, now sits at the center of escalating disruption and economic uncertainty.

When the President of the United States was asked whether he was thinking about the financial struggles of everyday American people, not the ultrarich like him and his buddies, he doubles down on a failed war. What was his response? ``Not even a little bit . . . I don't think about Americans' financial situation. I don't think about anybody.''

Here is what else hasn't changed, Mr. Speaker: The same Iranian regime remains in place. Iran retained its coercive capabilities, and Iran's nuclear program remains where it stood after the so-called 12- day war. Iran still possesses its highly enriched uranium and nuclear know-how. Much of its missile and drone capability remains intact, and Tehran retains leverage over the global economy.

Trump started this war, and he started it without congressional authorization and without a credible endgame. He still cannot explain how it ends, and the situation grows worse by worse every day.

Yet, my colleagues across the aisle continue to repeat the same argument. Perhaps for me the most absurd is that Iran posed an imminent threat. We have heard Mr. Mast, the chairman of the committee, say that Iran has posed an imminent threat for 47 years. Mr. Speaker, 47 years is not imminent.

The administration has not even attempted to demonstrate any imminent threat existed, let alone one that would have justified launching this war under the Constitution or the War Powers Resolution.

The law is very clear: If the President wishes to continue hostilities beyond 60 days, Congress must authorize them through an authorization for use of military force. If my Republican colleagues believe this war is justified, they should bring an AUMF to the floor. Yet, they have not. Absent congressional authorization, President Trump, by law, is required to withdraw U.S. forces from hostilities.

It is clear to the entire world that even without a deep-water Navy, Iran is still capable of closing the Strait of Hormuz.

None of this war's shifting objectives have been achieved. If and when Republicans try and claim, as Donald Trump sometimes does, that somehow killing the 86-year-old Khamenei, only to replace him with a much younger Khamenei, is proof of regime change, I would invite them to explain that to their constituents at a townhall meeting and see how seriously it is received by their constituents.

We have heard my Republican colleagues say that we should trust the Commander in Chief. Mr. Speaker, no President, Democrat, or Republican, deserves a blank check, especially one who has said Iran's nuclear program was ``obliterated'' and then used that same threat to justify this war.

This Commander in Chief has said the war is over, the war is won, that it is not a war, it is a war, that it is a mini war or an excursion. All of these things are what this President has said.

We are trapped in a war that won't end because an incompetent President launched it thinking of only his own ego, while failing to prepare for the consequences.

Diplomacy is the only exit from this, not more bombing, not more bluster, not waiting for the President to stumble into a cease-fire he can brand as a victory. That doesn't work. Yet, my Republican colleagues are just sitting on their hands doing everything they can to cover for this President.

Mr. Chairman, what I would love to do on the Committee on Foreign Affairs is to at least hold a hearing. We have not held one single public hearing, not one witness, not 1 hour of testimony on a war that has cost the

American people tens of billions of dollars.

Congress cannot abandon its constitutional responsibility over matters of war and peace, and we should not be reducing ourselves to be a rubber stamp.

That is why we must vote ``yes'' today: for our brave men and women in uniform who are in harm's way; for the family paying almost $5 a gallon who can't wait another week; and for the small business owner watching their costs spiral because this President started a war with no plan, with no authorization, and with no end in sight.

All the polls show that Democrats, Republicans, and Independents, the American people, want this over. They are concerned about another forever war.

Mr. Speaker, above all, and most importantly, the Constitution of the United States of America, what we swore an oath to--not to a President, not to anyone, to the Constitution of the United States of America. That Constitution requires us to take action, to have a vote on this floor, and let the American people know where we stand.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), an esteemed member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Crow), a great former member of the United States military.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, here is the bottom line: President Trump started a war. Congress never authorized it. I don't think anybody can dispute that. He started a war. Congress never authorized it. Sixty days have gone by. He still has not come back to Congress. That is the basic responsibilities that we have.

Other than that, we should make a motion, and I would join, love to have a debate on the floor on an AUMF. Again, that is our constitutional authority. Again, the President has to come to us.

Why don't we do our constitutional responsibilities? Why do we want to give it away?

Well, actually, we are not even giving it away. We are not doing what the law says for us to do, what the Constitution says for us to do, what we took and swore an oath of office to do.

The President did this. If he had a clear objective, he didn't bring it to Congress. If he had a credible endgame, he didn't bring it to Congress. However, most importantly, he didn't bring it to the American people, either.

The way our system works, we are supposed to be representatives of the people. If you are going to bring it to the people, you have to bring it through this House or he should be making some public statements of that nature. He has yet to give us a clear objective, he has yet to give us a credible endgame, and he has yet to give us an honest accounting to how much this is costing the American people in dollars and cents.

We can see it with our own eyes. I mean, I know I do. I know that when I go back home and talk to my constituents, they make sure to bring it up. One would show me the gas station, and then he shows me the price of gas. He knows that the price of gas was not that prior to this war of choice.

If you go to a grocery store to buy food, you see the increase in cost. Those who were planning vacations for the summer now can't afford to fly or drive. Why? It is because of the rising costs. The danger is spreading. The President has, in fact, made America less safe, not more.

My colleague keeps talking about imminent.

Here is what the President of the United States said: All three nuclear sites in Iran have been completely destroyed or obliterated. He said it would take years to bring them back into service, and if Iran wanted to, they would be better off starting anew in three different locations prior to those sites being obliterated, should they decide to do so.

Does that sound like the President feels that there is an imminent threat right now from Iran's nuclear facilities?

He says the only thing he is concerned about--I have not heard the President say anything about an imminent threat to the United States. He talked about that he obliterated their nuclear weapons.

Therefore, it just seems to me that the bottom line here is that Congress has a constitutional duty. It has a duty to act, not to cheerlead, especially not to cheerlead an open-ended war of choice, not to outsource our judgment to one man's ego. We have a responsibility.

In the Constitution, we are a separate but equal branch of government. We are supposed to be a check and balance and oversight of the executive branch of government, not just do whatever the President says, not questioning, not having hearings, not going back and forth. Unfortunately, that is what is happening here.

We had a vote last week, and it was 212-212. We are giving--and I think my Republican colleagues deserve to have--another opportunity to speak to their constituents, to let them know where they stand, whether or not they care about their financial situation, whether or not they care about anybody, about the American people. If we are going to do this, to give them this opportunity to speak to their constituents, we know what we see and hear when we go back home.

We see this conversation is taking place not in blue States only, not only in purple States, but in red States because the truth of the matter and the bottom line, this is an American issue. It is about its institution called the United States House of Representatives and whether or not we are truly that branch of government that will exercise its constitutional responsibility and be a check and a balance on a President. Not whether or not, as the ranking member of the Intel Committee said, not whether we are just afraid of how to vote, as happens in other areas, in other countries. Many people are afraid to vote differently in Russia--so they do whatever Vladimir Putin says-- and North Korea and Iran. They are afraid. That should not be us. We should stand for the oath of office that we have taken and make sure that the American people that we represent get to hear from Congress.

Let's vote. Let's go on record. Let's make sure that we are doing our jobs.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 75. I thank Mr. Gottheimer for this resolution.

We are here for a third time--a third time--because congressional inaction has cost Americans paying a lot and suffering a lot.

Most Americans oppose this war. Now, this is not my opinion. It is a fact. It is not unpatriotic to say so. It is honest, which is what Americans want and what Americans deserve from their government.

The opposition to this war has just continued to grow. As we stand here today, CBS News found 60 percent of Americans oppose the war. RMG Research, a Republican-leaning firm, has the most recent survey on RealClear Politics. It finds the war is opposed by 59 percent of Americans with only roughly one-third in support.

A recent PBS News poll shows that 81 percent of Americans are feeling the

strain of increased gas prices on their families.

My colleagues across the aisle are defending a war that their own voters really oppose. They can and will, I am sure, deflect, but you cannot escape the facts.

The American people are tired of costly misadventures in the Middle East, and they are right to be tired. They are tired of wars. They thought this President said he would not get them into a war, but, as he wanted to change the Defense Department, he basically said he was going to get into wars because they want to call it the Department of War.

Let's look at the full cost of this war, not cherry-picked facts that some prefer.

The Israelis did strike and kill Supreme Leader Khamenei. We still have a Supreme Leader Khamenei. This new Supreme Leader is 30 years younger and widely considered more extreme, less practical, and more hostile to the United States than his father. We removed a devil we knew and replaced him with one that we don't.

It is a fact that U.S. strikes against Iran have depleted Iran's stock of missiles and drones. The New York Times reported just yesterday that Iran has regained access to most of its missile sites, and there is evidence Iran has restored operational access to 30 of the 33 missile sites it maintains along the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran still has a significant drone capacity. Shahed drone manufacturing is low cost, quick to produce, and easier to conceal than missile production.

Here is what my colleagues do not want to talk about. Per public reporting--this is in the public sphere--we have used 20 percent of our long-range joint air-to-surface missiles and 30 percent of our Tomahawks. We have expended 45 percent of our Precision Strike Missiles, half of our THAAD interceptors, and 50 percent of our Patriot missile interceptors.

These are incredible military capabilities. We are burning through them at an unsustainable rate in a theater that is not our most urgent strategic priority.

Our allies are seeing yearslong delays on the purchases of U.S. arms into the 2030s, undermining their own strategic posture.

My colleagues on the other side who profess to be China hawks should be sounding the alarm right now about the impacts of this war on our Indo-Pacific readiness.

Before the first strike, there was no serious diplomatic off-ramp used. This was and this is a war of choice. It was from the start, and it is now. The American people are paying the price.

This war has also demonstrated to Iran the effectiveness of weaponizing the Strait of Hormuz. Oil prices have skyrocketed. Americans are paying more to take their kids to school and to drive to work. It seems as though, unless you are Secretary Duffy, family vacations are out of reach because of skyrocketing fuel prices. Rising fertilizer and gasoline costs are making it more difficult to put food on the table.

Just recently, President Trump, when asked by a reporter--I believe it was yesterday--if he is considering America's financial situation when it comes to making a deal to end his war of choice, what was his response? Was he considerate? What did he say? ``Not even a little bit.'' He went on to say: ``I don't think about Americans' financial situation.'' Maybe he is telling the truth, I guess, but the American people need to know that he doesn't think about it. He says: ``I don't think about anybody.'' I think that sentiment couldn't be clearer.

We still don't have the exact figures on the cost of this war. The Trump administration's latest estimate is $29 billion, which is an enormous figure for an unnecessary and failing war and is far below other reasonable estimates, which suggest the war costs more than a billion dollars a day.

Of course, the highest costs to our country have been to the more than 400 soldiers who have been wounded in the conflict and the 14 who have made the ultimate sacrifice. We honor them. The best way to honor them is to end a war that was never in America's national interests.

The record speaks for itself. Most Americans--yes, most Americans, and that is Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives, and Independents--oppose this war.

Iranian leadership remains a deadly and motivated enemy. They have weaponized the Strait of Hormuz against the world. Our stock of crucial weapon systems has been depleted to shocking levels.

This war is reaching right into the wallets of hardworking Americans every single day, every single hour, and every single minute that it continues.

This debate, for me, isn't about politics. This debate isn't about theatrics. This debate is about reality. The reality is that this war of choice was never in America's national interests.

To my colleagues who believe the administration's claims that Iran posed an imminent threat, a claim that, actually, they have never been able to support with any evidence, the War Powers Act is clear. We are well past 60 days now into this war.

Without congressional approval and without an Authorization for Use of Military Force, the administration must begin to draw down forces to end hostilities. That is not something that I am saying; that is what the law says.

Nothing in the statute says anything about a cease-fire, which is what they are trying to come up with. Even if we were in one, U.S. strikes on Iranian targets continue, as does the U.S. blockade itself, an act of war.

Let's not pretend that renaming the operation weeks later makes this a new conflict. The American people are smarter than that. They can see through that. It is clear that the administration is concerned about the legality of this war, and it should be. This is a war of choice.

Congress must make clear to the Trump administration that it cannot continue, not without an AUMF passed by this Congress.

We are representatives of the people. We have a responsibility, and the President has a responsibility, and at this moment his responsibility is to come back to Congress, not SCOTUS, not to make up some reason not to come to get an AUMF or this War Powers Act.

I am going to urge the Republican majority not to join Democrats to support the Gottheimer resolution--and I know that is what it is--but really to join the American people.

Join the American people. I gave you the numbers. Join them to send a message that this time of which we are in is the time to end the war and for us to return to a more sane and sustainable path.

Join the American people to secure our interests in the Middle East, yes, and to ensure Americans are safe and prosperous in the process.

Join the American people. They want the executive branch to come to the people. It is clear this is the time. This is the third time that we have been here. We may have to come back, I know, again and again, and there have been all kinds of things to prevent folks from having the vote, but join the American people. It is time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I don't know about the gentleman, but I encourage him to read the resolution again because the words ``imminent threat'' to the United States of America are not in there.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), who is also the Democratic whip.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer), my friend and the sponsor of this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Menefee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, first, based upon the argument, I heard the President say just a few months prior that he obliterated all of Iran's nuclear capabilities. That is what he said, so come back to the United States Congress to tell us that you did not, and here are the reasons why they still have what they have, and it is imminent, from my definition of ``imminent,'' that they will utilize it against us soon.

From all the evidence that I have seen, they have not done so.

I don't know what 30 meetings or classified hearings the chairman has had. I have had two--two, one with the full Congress, and one with the gang of 16 or 18, or whatever we are called.

I do know that it is clear by today's debate that my Republican colleagues

simply cannot defend this costly and massively unpopular war. I have not heard one time anyone talk about how much this war is costing us, how much it is costing the American people.

What I have heard--and we do know what the President thinks because we heard him. The President says that he doesn't care. He doesn't even think a little bit about what it costs Americans. He said that he doesn't think about Americans' financial situation and that he doesn't think about anybody. That is probably including Congress. We are somebody, too. He doesn't think about us.

My colleagues have not been able to make a case that Americans are better off now than we were before this reckless war. We are worse off now. The Strait of Hormuz is closed. We are losing allies.

My colleagues cannot demonstrate that this war has neutralized Iran's most significant threats. Clearly, that is what they are saying. That is what I am hearing. Nor have they put us in a position to guarantee a better nuclear deal than we had before, which Donald J. Trump ripped up.

That is because this is an unauthorized war, and this war has, instead, ushered in a new, younger, and more extreme Ayatollah. That is a fact.

It has weaponized the Strait of Hormuz, severely damaging the global economy as well as everyday American checkbooks. That is a fact. If you deny that, say that to the American people. Ask them when you go home.

As this war grinds on at the cost of $1 billion a day, the United States must face numerous global challenges with significantly depleted munition stockpiles and setbacks to our military readiness.

The fact is, this war has been a mistake from the start.

The American people ended one forever war in the Middle East. They don't want another. In fact, many of President Trump's MAGA friends, the reason why they voted for him was because he said he would not get into another war. That is why you hear that some of his friends and many Republicans are now angry with him.

What do the American people want? Do you know what they want? They want the affordability crisis addressed. They want good jobs. They want good healthcare. Instead, this administration has started a war that has skyrocketed everything from gasoline to groceries with little to show for it.

So to my colleagues across the aisle, it is past time that we do our job. That is all Mr. Gottheimer was saying: Do our job. We declare war, not the executive branch. It is time for the President to come to us, and it is time for us, I believe, to end this war.

Everyone is asking me: How is it going to end? We are going to have to negotiate our way out of this because clearly we are not going to be able to bomb our way out of this. It is not going to make us safe as we see what is taking place right now.

It is time for Members of Congress, Republicans, Democrats, and those who are Independent, to say, okay, Mr. President, if you have proof of something, come to us.

Come to us, and we will then decide. That is what the Constitution allows.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of my War Powers Resolution, and I do so today because the Constitution of the United States actually demands it, and so does the conscience of the House of Representatives.

In my view, Donald Trump--and I think that in most of the world's view--has dragged the American people into a war of choice--fact-- launched without congressional authorization.

The President did not discuss or work with any of our allies. There was no coherent strategy. This was an open-ended and undefined military engagement, and that is exactly what the War Powers Resolution was designed to restrain.

However, we are here today to talk about the authority of Congress, whether you agree with the war or not. It is the authority that lies within Congress.

On February 28, the President launched an attack while negotiations between Iran and the United States were actively going on. Diplomacy was going on. Iran's foreign minister had stated just days before that a historic agreement was within reach. There was a path forward that did not require a single American servicemember to be put in harm's way. Instead of pursuing diplomacy, the President started this war, costing the American people billions of dollars, losing 13 American lives, and so many other men, women, and children who were not a party and who were civilians.

The President abandoned the diplomatic path, not because diplomacy failed, but because it was never truly given a chance. As a result of the administration's decisions, the new Iranian regime is more hard- line. The Strait of Hormuz, which was previously open, is now closed. The cost of gas for the American people has skyrocketed, and this fragile cease-fire is one threatening civilization tweet away from failing.

What has this war accomplished?

The administration and Donald Trump himself may be declaring victory, but let's look at the contradictory objectives of this administration which were used to justify the war.

First, it was that Iran posed an imminent threat, but no imminent threat was ever demonstrated. Then it was about nuclear weapons, but the administration itself had declared the nuclear program obliterated. Then it was about ballistic missiles. So you see, Mr. Speaker, the goalposts keep moving because there was never a clear objective in the beginning.

Meanwhile, as I have stated, the costs keep going up. American servicemembers have been killed, and thousands of civilians, including hundreds of children, have been killed since the beginning of this war. These are not just statistics. These are human beings, and we have a moral duty to acknowledge that reality.

Then there is the impact on gas pumps and grocery stores. This war has disrupted global travel and trade, halted flights in and out of the Middle East, and led to major shipping reroutes. Leading energy analysts warn it could be a long time before prices go down even after the war ends and that we are looking at elevated energy costs well into the end of 2026.

The 2-week cease-fire is set to expire on April 22, and thus far, neither side has indicated what comes next beyond continued blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. We are standing at the edge of a cliff, and Congress must act before the President pushes us off. Every day we delay, we inch closer to a conflict with no exit ramp.

This resolution does not leave America defenseless. It preserves the President's authority to defend the United States and our allies from imminent attack. Actually, it says, plainly and constitutionally, that one person does not have the power to take this Nation to war alone.

Just yesterday, we heard more American troops were being sent to the Middle East. The Constitution ultimately, again, no matter whether you agree with the war or do not agree with the war, Mr. Speaker, the Constitution grants the Congress, not the President, the power to declare war.

Don't take my word for it, Mr. Speaker. Even Donald Trump acknowledged this saying: As a war, you are supposed to get approval from Congress.

This is not a skirmish. This is not a military operation. This is a war.

Now, we are not the Iranian Parliament, and we should not be rubberstamps. We are the Article I branch of government, and we serve as a check and balance on Presidential overreach.

This duty is not optional. Today, this body has a choice. We can assert our constitutional authority and demand a return to the only path that leads to lasting security, diplomacy, negotiation, verification, and deterrence. Or we can surrender that authority and let this war grind on without accountability, without strategy, and without an end in sight.

It is oversight, especially on this committee. We should be having witnesses before us so that we can understand and talk and move and ultimately have a vote on this floor to determine whether or not we are going to authorize a war.

I, for example, believe in diplomacy. I also believe in the Constitution, and I choose to defend the principle that war is a last resort and not a first option. Others may disagree with me, but we should still have a vote here on the House floor.

The American people are watching. The camera of history is recording.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, whether or not they agree with the war or not, let's do our duty and our responsibility. If they want to vote to declare a war, then vote that way. If they believe, as I do, we should have diplomacy and we should not be at war now, then vote that way. We are all Members of the House of Representatives. Let's protect this institution. Let's vote ``yes'' on this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, you know, the gentleman is from Florida, so he knows oranges. I am from New York, the Big Apple. I know apples. The gentleman's argument, clearly, he doesn't know apples from oranges.

Let me just say this: I never challenged the gentleman's patriotism to this country. He better never challenge my patriotism to this country. To think that he has a privilege to do that? No. There is no one that has more patriotism. I have family members who lost their lives for this country. I am here because of my patriotism to this country.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), the esteemed Democratic whip.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is our job to determine when our troops should go, and that is what this is about. We all support our troops, but it is our determination in Congress when we should send them, not a king.

I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs' Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the Intelligence Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), an esteemed member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Stansbury).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Magaziner).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Beyer).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), the minority leader and the next Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say, I support 100 percent our troops, but I strongly disagree with anyone who would say to trust, just simply trust, the President of the United States. That is not patriotism. That is not why we are here. That is why we have separate but equal branches of government. Otherwise, it is just: Trust the king.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker emerita.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from California.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

A quote from Abraham Lincoln: ``Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object.''

Donald Trump thinks he is a king. As I said, I support the troops, but I don't trust the President of the United States just by his saying that he knows what he is doing. Let's see what he has actually done.

March 3, Trump says the Navy will escort tankers, no matter what, and guarantee the free flow of energy to the world.

March 9, he says he is thinking about taking over the Strait of Hormuz.

March 15, he says it is someone else's problem, questions whether the U.S. should even be there, and notes we have a lot of oil, seemingly not understanding that the price of oil is based on global prices.

March 21, he threatens to bomb Iran's power plants within 48 hours if they don't open the strait.

March 26, he announces a cease-fire and says Iran has agreed to open the strait.

That same week, CENTCOM announces it is sending ships to clear mines from the strait that Iran supposedly agreed to open.

This past Sunday, April 12, he says the Navy is going to blockade the blockade and interdict ships in the strait.

The man says something one day and then something else. We had some signs up earlier of what this man has said. We had young people in here, and some of the words he used on Easter Sunday. He is supposed to be the leader of the free world, and then he puts out a picture of himself and tells you who he thinks he is. He thinks he is Jesus. He thinks he can do whatever he wants to do because he is Donald Trump. He thinks that his word is what governs.

This is a constitutional democracy, and people died to create this Congress, to make sure that this Congress is a separate but equal branch of government, and that this Congress, if you are a patriot, would stand up in oversight of a President.

Yes, that is what the people of the United States will do, and the people of the United States do not want to continue this war with this individual who says he is a king.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Gillen's bill to extend temporary protective status for Haitians until 2029. In fact, to me, it is outrageous that it actually took Representative Pressley's bipartisan discharge petition to force this consequential vote.

It seems to me that the administration and the Speaker should have acted, but they failed to. Today, we have a chance to make this right.

I thank my Republican colleagues who signed the motion to discharge and worked in a bipartisan way to make this happen because the American people recognize that our Haitian neighbors, whether they are from Miami, whether they are from Boston, whether they are in Westchester, New York, or whether they are in Queens, New York, are not strangers, but they are integral parts of our communities, our churches, and our families.

The American people recognize that the conditions in Haiti don't just meet, but they surpass the threshold for TPS. We are talking about one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, where armed gangs control 90 percent of the capital, a public health system that is nearing collapse, a justice system which is almost nonexistent, and 1.4 million people who are internally displaced by fleeing from violence and hunger.

You don't have to take my word for it. Look at the United States Department of State's own travel advisory issued under this administration. It says plainly to not travel to Haiti due to kidnapping, crime, terrorist activity, civil unrest, and limited healthcare.

We must do everything in our power to prevent further harm during this humanitarian crisis, and we can start today. We can start by passing this bill.

When I think about this country being established, it was people from other parts of the world--in the beginning, especially from Europe--who were trying to find a place to come to in order to get away from dangerous conditions. That is the reason that the words at the base of the Statue of Liberty read: ``Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.''

It is because America is the strongest when we stand for humanity here at home.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Clyburn and Brother Fields for the opportunity, and I thank the young man here who has Jesse Jackson's DNA in him, the Honorable Jonathan Jackson.

Mr. Speaker, I stand here today as a Member of the United States House of Representatives. I am only here because of a man by the name of Jesse Jackson, Jr., who in 1984 was running for President. I had recently gotten out of law school, and I had not really been involved in a whole lot of politics at that time. However, there was a campaign. He came into New York, and he met with a group of people there. I happened to be there.

He wanted young people involved in his campaign, and I was given the opportunity to get involved in his campaign and bring him to a little place in New York called Far Rockaway, New York, where people who had never voted before came out to see him. Particularly young people were inspired and were getting informed on the communities in which they lived to make a difference and making themselves feel proud.

I will never forget at that rally there were a lot of young people. He used his

``I am somebody, you are somebody.'' He said: You are somebody. He was talking to some young folks, and he said: ``Up with hope, down with dope,'' because you are somebody.

He then talked about unity. He said: Black, Brown, Red, Yellow, or White, we are all precious in God's sight. If your mind can conceive it, you can achieve it.

I looked at the young people who were in that audience, and he had them all standing up. Some of them in Far Rockaway had never been to Manhattan in New York, just some 12 miles away, you could see the New York skyline. He inspired these young people, and for days thereafter, they were telling everybody: ``I am somebody.''

This is a man that knew how to bring out the best in everyone and bring us all together, teaching us how to make this land a better place, making the sacrifices to make America America.

Jesse Louis Jackson was a man that when we look at American history, what the cameras of history have recorded, and how so many people then turned out in the city of New York, for example, because David Norman Dinkins would have never been the mayor, the first Black mayor in the city of New York if it wasn't for 1984 and 1988 and the spirit of Jesse Jackson.

I close by just saying this: I thank God for the opportunity to have lived in the life and times and have Jesse Jackson then come and endorse my first candidacy for the United States House of Representatives. He was one of the very first when there was no one else because he never forgot me working with him in 1984. I thank the Lord for this opportunity to speak and give tribute to one of the greatest men that this planet has ever seen.

Mr. Speaker, today, and every day since his passing, we mourn the loss of a true public servant, an NYPD officer, a major in the United States Army National Guard, Sorffly Davius, an American hero who dedicated his life to serving people at home and abroad.

Before moving to Rockland, he was a Queens native, served New York City with honor as a member of the NYPD while also answering the call to serve our Nation overseas with the Army National Guard.

He was a devoted husband, a father, a man whose life reflected extraordinary commitment to his family and his country.

His sacrifice reminds us of the quiet strength of those who serve not for themselves but out of duty and love for the American people.

As we grieve his profound loss, we stand with his family, his fellow servicemembers in uniform, and all those who were touched by his life.

May we take this moment of silence not only to honor his legacy but to dedicate ourselves to the values he lived by: service, integrity, and unwavering commitment to the United States of America.

May God bless his soul.