Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 391) to authorize a comprehensive, strategic approach for United States foreign assistance to developing countries to strengthen global health security, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 391, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 391, the Global Health Security Act of 2021.

As the saying goes: ``An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure,'' and that is undoubtedly true in global health. Pandemics don't respect borders and they don't care about nationalities, and we are seeing that play out on the front pages of the news these days as the coronavirus pandemic continues to cause severe disruptions around the world.

Over the past few years, global health security has become increasingly tied to U.S. national security, as evidenced by not only our experience with COVID-19, but also previous pandemics, such as Ebola and Zika, both overseas and at home.

Having a coordinated, whole-of-government approach to prepare for and respond to these threats is critical. We must build on the lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Global Health Security Agenda, which the United States has committed to, helps countries invest in preparedness and strengthens systems that prevent, detect, and respond to disease outbreaks.

H.R. 391, a bipartisan bill by Representative Connolly and Representative Chabot, would institutionalize the best practices the United States has learned in global health security. This bill establishes an interagency review council to not only advance global health security, but also mandates a U.S. Global Health Security Coordinator to manage the U.S. response in these emergencies and allow the interagency review council to speak with one voice.

I believe this person should be at the National Security Council as the natural nexus between diplomacy, development, and defense. This person would help build capacity, apply lessons learned, and prepare for the future.

While I am heartened to see that the Biden administration has recently appointed such a person to tackle the pandemic that we are facing, this legislation would create a permanent position focused on U.S. global health security.

Furthermore, this bill would require the U.S. Global Health Security Coordinator to develop a strategy and regularly report to Congress on the progress the United States is making toward making global health security a core national security interest.

Finally, this bill outlines a framework to leverage assistance to increase contributions from other donors, along the lines of the Global Fund, to support global health security activities around the world.

This bill passed the House multiple times in the past, and is more timely than ever as we continue to address COVID-19 and seek to prepare ourselves for the next outbreak.

So I would like to thank Representative Connolly and Representative Chabot for their work on this legislation over the past several years and for recognizing the vital importance of global health security as part of America's national security.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), the president of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for closing.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the ranking member for his partnership in working together to bring this bipartisan legislation to the floor, because as we all have found, COVID-19, which has caused global disruption unlike any other in recent memory, is not a Democratic issue; it is not a Republican issue; it is all of our issue. It is an issue for all of us, not just here in the United States, but around the world.

Coming together on the committee, as we generally do, is extremely important, working together to get this done.

As we begin to see the light at the end of the tunnel of this pandemic, the United States must seize the opportunity and learn the lessons and best practices from the crisis so that we can be better prepared to respond to any future and similar threats to the U.S. national and global security. COVID-19 caught America off guard, but the Global Health and Security Act will ensure that this never happens again.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Connolly and Mr. Chabot for their work on this legislation and for recognizing the vital importance of global health security as part of America's national security.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 567) to establish an interagency program to assist countries in North and West Africa to improve immediate and long-term capabilities to counter terrorist threats, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 567, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 567, the Trans- Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program Act of 2021, from my good friend and colleague, the ranking member, Mr. McCaul. I thank Mr. McCaul for working in the spirit of bipartisanship and making sure that we get this bill to the floor. This bill authorizes and supports the continuation of a viable counterterrorism program with our allies and partners.

First launched in 2005, the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program is a valuable initiative through which the State Department works with partner countries in North Africa and the Sahel to build more responsive and resilient counterterrorism strategies to better counter threats facing the region and our allies.

Those nations include Algeria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and Tunisia.

As the nature of the terrorist threat in North Africa evolves and permeates across borders in remote geographies, close coordination and a regional approach is critical. One of the United States' strongest tools in its arsenal is its ability to galvanize collective action, employing U.S.-led multilateral initiatives for counterterrorism purposes. The Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program is a strong example of that multilateral capacity. We cannot prevent or respond to terrorism by being American alone or America only. It must be America forward, leading partners to action that safeguards our security interests.

This bill authorizes the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Program and supports its continuation while requiring a clear, multiyear strategy. It also requires a plan for the thorough monitoring and evaluation of programming to ensure funds are spent wisely, progress is assessed, and programmatic actions are results-oriented. By doing so, we can ensure an effective, regional approach to counterterrorism in North Africa and the Sahel.

Mr. Speaker, again, I thank my friend and colleague, Ranking Member McCaul, and I urge my colleagues to support the bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, effective counterterrorism strategies across North Africa and the Sahel are critical to U.S. security. Terrorist attacks orchestrated by ISIS- and al-Qaida-affiliated groups require a coordinated multilateral response, led by the United States in close partnership with nations in the region. A more responsive and resilient counterterrorism strategy in North Africa and the Sahel is critical and crucial to addressing the threats that we face today, and this bill ensures that this program is the most effective it can be in addressing such threats.

I thank Representative McCaul and Representative Keating for bringing this bill forward, I urge the Senate to get it done also, and I urge all of my colleagues to support it.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3261) to repeal the Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 3261.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3261, to repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution, authored by Representative Spanberger.

Less than two weeks ago, this body voted for a bill to repeal the 2002 AUMF, nearly two decades after it was originally passed. By not repealing an AUMF and allowing it to remain long after it has served its purpose, we open the door for future administrations of either party to abuse that authority and stretch the authorization far beyond its original purpose.

By failing to remove outdated authorities, Congress cedes its Article I authority to the executive branch. This is contrary to the design of our Constitution, Mr. Speaker, which gives Congress the power to make decisions on matters of war and peace.

Today, we debate a bill that would repeal an Authorization for Use of Military Force older than the 2002 AUMF. H.R. 3261 repeals the 1991 AUMF that authorized the use of the United States Armed Forces pursuant to the United Nations Security Council resolution, which was issued in the wake of Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait. Yet, the 1991 AUMF remains in statute, in the United States Code, even though our military liberated Kuwait and completed its limited mission there three decades ago.

By voting this legislation out of the House, we continue to demonstrate our commitment to reclaiming our authority over war powers. One of the hardest decisions any of us can make as Members of Congress is whether to send the brave men and women of our armed services into conflict. While it is a difficult decision, it does not relinquish us of that responsibility.

I thank the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger) for authoring this important legislation.

I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McCaul for working together in regard to this 1991 AUMF reform that was put forth by Ms. Spanberger. I want to tell the gentleman that, of course, we will work together, as I indicated at the last debate that we had on the floor to repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF so that we can deal with those items that make sure that we are secure and are modernizing and updating what we need to do to make sure that we are updated and strong moving forward, utilizing what the Constitution has given us, the Article I authority in war powers. I think that is absolutely key and essential.

It is difficult for all of us who sit here as Members of Congress, but it is our duty and our responsibility that we can't dodge. I think we understand that in a bipartisan way, that we are going to take up the responsibilities that we have.

Passing the repeal of the 2002 AUMF was the beginning of our work of reclaiming our authority over matters of war and peace, and today's repeal of the 1991 AUMF continues that effort.

Again, Representative Spanberger's bill before this Chamber today will remove an outdated AUMF and lessen the risk that the executive can circumvent Congress in utilizing military force.

I thank Representative Spanberger for authoring this bill, as well as the support of so many here in Congress on both sides of the aisle for defending Congress' Article I authority. We are doing this collectively, our responsibility that we are not dodging and not giving to the executive branch.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3283) to repeal the joint resolution entitled, ``A joint resolution to promote peace and stability in the Middle East'', as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 3283, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3283 to repeal the joint resolution entitled ``A joint resolution to promote peace and stability in the Middle East,'' offered by Representative Meijer.

Earlier, I made the case for continuing this Chamber's hard work of reclaiming congressional war powers, started less than 2 weeks ago by our vote to repeal the 2002 AUMF and continued by our debate today to repeal the 1991 AUMF and the 1957 AUMF.

I will keep my remarks short so as not to belabor the points I made earlier, as the case for repealing the 1941 AUMF similarly applies to the 1957 AUMF, if not more so.

Going way back, I was barely a toddler when this authorization was passed, and I have been here for a while. The fact that this authorization still exists as good law today indicates the vital need for Congress to take seriously its responsibility over war and peace and repeal AUMFs once their purpose has been served or expired.

Good legislative housekeeping requires us not to just authorize force when needed to protect and defend this Nation, but to recall and repeal authorities when their usefulness has passed.

The Soviet Union this authorization was meant to counter no longer exists. There is no Soviet Union now. The 1957 AUMF is a relic of the Cold War. It is outdated and obsolete.

We, as Members of Congress, have been granted the responsibility to make decisions on matters of war and peace by the Constitution, a responsibility none of us takes lightly. However, for far too long we have failed to make those decisions at all. Instead, we have ceded our Article I authority to administrations that have reinterpreted old AUMFs. The threat of that abuse continues so long as we allow these authorizations to remain in the U.S. Code.

I thank again the ranking member for working with us to bring this bill forward. I thank Representative Meijer for authoring this legislation. And I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a very valued member of our committee on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker I yield myself the balance of my time.

I thank Mr. Meijer for this piece of legislation. Again, I thank Mr. McCaul for working together, and I have no come back; yes, I was just a toddler, you weren't here yet.

There seems to be a theme, and if you think there is a theme that is going on today, there is a theme. The theme is that we in the United States Congress, both Democrats and Republicans, are acting to reclaim our Congressional war powers. First, we voted to repeal the 2002 AUMF, then the 1991 AUMF, and now the 1957 AUMF. These authorizations serve no current national security purpose and only risk to strip Congress of its Article I authority to decide matters of war and peace. That is the theme here today.

The work is not over. We still have to work, as I have said, and I pledge to work with Mr. McCaul to repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF. But it is our solemn responsibility to decide when, where, and how we deploy members of our armed services and not take a back seat on such decisions to the executive branch.

Mr. Speaker, working together, we will indeed do what Article I tells us to do: To determine when, where, and how we go to war.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this very important piece of legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 186) calling for the immediate release of Trevor Reed, a United States citizen who was unjustly found guilty and sentenced to nine years in a Russian prison.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 186.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 186, introduced by Mr. Pfluger of Texas, calling for the release of Trevor Reed.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bipartisan measure that we have now, regrettably, had to move through the committee and the House for two Congresses.

This is a good resolution that calls for the release of Trevor Reed and condemns the deplorable treatment inflicted upon him throughout his ordeal.

It is shameful that the Kremlin continues to make a mockery of the principles of an independent judiciary, the rule of law, and due process, holding innocent American hostages for nefarious political purposes. Not even the judge on Trevor Reed's case could keep a straight face when presented with the absurd case that the Russian prosecutors brought to the table, yet the courts sentenced him to 9 years in prison anyway.

On top of the unimaginable suffering Trevor has already endured as a result of his terrible conditions and refusal of the Russian authorities to attend to his medical needs, Mr. Reed has been now diagnosed with COVID-19.

Other Americans are also suffering these same injustices inflicted by the Russian Government.

Paul Whelan, first arrested on baseless charges in December 2018, remains unjustly imprisoned and is serving a 16-year sentence.

The imprisonment of American citizens in Russia for political purposes, likely in an attempt to force the United States to release convicted Russian criminals and Putin cronies in the United States, is a despicable practice and an affront to human rights and the rule of law everywhere.

Mr. Speaker, I am grateful that President Biden, in his meeting with Vladimir Putin in Geneva, specifically demanded the release of Trevor Reed and Paul Whelan; and I am pleased that we, in Congress, are continuing to do the same with the consideration of this resolution.

The Kremlin must release Trevor Reed, Paul Whelan, and all others wrongfully detained in Russia so that they may finally return to their families. This is an important bill resolution. I support it, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the American families of those wrongfully detained by Russia are waiting for decisive action. Congress needs to stand united in support of Trevor Reed, Paul Whelan, and all those who have had to suffer terrible conditions and treatment by the Kremlin.

This resolution introduced by Mr. Pfluger makes clear our resolute condemnation of their imprisonment, demanding the release of the American prisoners who are being used as pawns in the Kremlin's political game. It is past time for Russia to release these political prisoners and return them to their families.

Again, I thank Mr. Pfluger for introducing this legislation, and I thank Ranking Member McCaul for working with us. I urge my colleagues to vote in support of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2471) to measure the progress of post-disaster recovery and efforts to address corruption, governance, rule of law, and media freedoms in Haiti, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2471, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2471, the Haiti Development, Accountability, and Institutional Transparency Initiative Act.

I thank my friend, Mr. Jeffries, for authoring this bipartisan bill. Mr. Jeffries has been a strong advocate for the Haitian people, and I thank him for his friendship and leadership on this very important issue.

On January 12, 2010, a magnitude 7.0 earthquake struck Haiti with an epicenter just a few miles west of Port-au-Prince. This devastating natural disaster killed more than 200,000 people, displaced 1.5 million Haitians, and caused billions of dollars in damages.

Mr. Speaker, I stand here today with the same message my colleagues and I delivered to the Haitian people 11 years ago: The United States remains steadfast in our commitment to help Haiti however we can.

Over the last decade, Congress has worked closely with the Haitian- American diaspora, the Haitian people, the Haitian Government to support rebuilding and development efforts on the island.

Unfortunately, after Hurricane Matthew devastated Haiti in 2016, the country faced another humanitarian crisis, and additional rebuilding and development plans were needed.

Sadly, Haiti still has a long way to go. The Haiti Development, Accountability, and Institutional Transparency Initiative Act evaluates the effectiveness of U.S. recovery and development efforts in Haiti over the past 10 years and devises strategies to promote the rule of law, encourage freedom of the press, combat government corruption, address the root causes of poverty, and improve development efforts.

Helping to pave the pathway to a reconstructed, prosperous Haiti, of course, is a two-way street. We must learn from our mistakes over the past 10 years and devise innovative solutions for any roadblocks that lie ahead.

At the same time, it is imperative that the Haitian Government address the growing and legitimate concerns about the country's deteriorating human rights situation, spiraling gang violence, and often-seen impunity for corrupt officials.

It is the duty of all of us here in Congress to stand with the Haitian people as they demand a safe, prosperous, and democratic Haiti. I urge the Haitian Government to do all they can to engage with their citizens and truly listen to their concerns.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that the House Foreign Affairs Committee passed this bipartisan bill unanimously, and I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting its passage on the House floor today.

Again, I thank my real friend, Mr. Jeffries, for being such a great champion for Haiti. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs), a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is true that Haiti continues to face significant challenges. Yet, I remain optimistic that we can partner with the Haitian people and play a constructive role in the coming critical years of Haiti's recovery. And while we must continue our unwavering support for Haiti, we also must be open to making adjustments moving forward.

By increasing cooperation and being open to new ideas, I am confident that we can support the Haitian people as they seek peace, stability, an end to poverty, and a fully functioning democracy.

We know this is not going to be easy, but we have to stand by the Haitian people and make sure that they have an opportunity to have a better tomorrow, for surely, they deserve it.

Mr. Speaker, let me finally thank, again, Representative Jeffries for authoring this piece of legislation. It is very important, and I know that he has a large portion of the Haitian diaspora in his district, as it is in New York in mine and Representative Clarke's and, of course, in Florida.

We will stand by the Haitian people, not giving up hope, not giving up trust, imploring the Government of Haiti to do the right thing for the people of Haiti by having elections that are free and fair.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1500) to direct the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development to submit to Congress a report on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on global basic education programs, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1500, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1500, the Global Learning Loss Assessment Act of 2021.

I thank Representative Houlahan for authoring this bipartisan bill and for her leadership and strong advocacy for children and education around the world.

Over the past year and a half, we have seen everyday lives disrupted in unimaginable ways due to COVID-19. One of the biggest disruptions has been in the realm of education. From primary school to graduate school, students around the world have seen their education interrupted, challenged, adapted, and forever changed by this pandemic.

The United States has long supported basic education efforts around the world, with its most recent champion, former Congresswoman Nita Lowey, being an invaluable advocate. It is therefore crucial that the United States understand the effects of COVID-19 on international basic education programs and use that data to respond to current crises and better prepare for future pandemics.

Research has already shown that every day and every year in school counts. Women earn up to 12 percent more for every additional year they stay in school. However, UNESCO estimates that as many as 11 million--I repeat, 11 million--girls won't return to school after COVID, which increased their risk of forced labor, early marriage, and limiting their professional and economic opportunities.

This bill requires the United States Agency for International Development to submit a report to Congress on the impacts of COVID-19 on USAID's basic education programs and global learning loss, including the magnitude of global learning loss that will result from protracted school closures, descriptions of forms of distance learning in low resource contexts, analysis of how school closures affected marginalized children, data on Agency programs being carried out to support continued learning during the pandemic, and a description of what is needed to help mitigate learning loss and help students get back on the right track.

Again, I thank Representative Houlahan for her work on this bill and her commitment to ensuring that we are fully aware of how COVID-19 has placed development gains at risk and to finding the best path forward to prevent further backsliding.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Houlahan), a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Education is recognized as the surest path to economic mobility. However, over the past year and a half, the COVID-19 pandemic has rattled educational systems across the world, presented challenges unlike anything we have seen in the last 100 years since we had the last global pandemic, and it jeopardizes access to education for students around the world.

While some students and educators quickly adapted and overcame these challenges, the widespread disruptions caused by the pandemic will invariably have lasting impacts on communities at home and abroad. The Global Learning Loss Assessment Act of 2021 will allow us to better understand the effect the pandemic has had on global learning, and also find ways to help get students back on the path to continued learning and future success.

I know from my home city that the lack of availability of educational school buildings and lack of dialogue and conversations with other students in the classroom has hurt them. We need to evaluate and make sure what needs to be done so they can make up that time and continue the path to success because our Nation here in the United States and in the countries around the world are dependent upon it so that we can have a better tomorrow.

That is why I thank Ms. Houlahan for her bill, along with Mr. Fitzpatrick, working with the minority, Ranking Member McCaul, coming together because we understand the significance and importance of education. I hope all of my colleagues will join in supporting this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the resolution (H. Res. 402) urging the Administration to facilitate assistance in response to the devastating impact of COVID-19 in India, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 402, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 402, urging the administration to facilitate assistance in response to the devastating impact of COVID-19 in India.

This resolution, introduced by my good friend Representative Sherman, is an excellent measure that solidifies this body's already strong, bipartisan support for the people of India as they recover from this most recent wave of COVID-19 infections.

It urges the administration to continue facilitating much-needed assistance. We are all saddened by the devastating impact COVID-19 has had on the Indian people. Beginning in March 2021, India started to experience a surge of COVID-19 cases and deaths. Indians from all backgrounds, young and old, urban and rural have been touched by this pandemic.

With infections rising at an alarming rate, the healthcare system struggled to provide care to all of those infected, and medical supply shortages were reported across the country.

Harrowing images depicted the devastation that COVID-19 caused, from family members looking for hospital beds and medical supplies, to funeral pyres burning nonstop, 24 hours a day, to ensure the last rites of the many people who have passed.

I am pleased with the Biden administration's swift response, sending much-

needed medical supplies to India. It was not just the American Government that contributed. We witnessed many in the Indian-American community and the United States private sector rally support to get critical supplies to India.

We now see COVID-19 cases starting to come down, but we cannot let our guard down. We must do more to prepare for a potential new wave of infections. It is important to recognize that none of us will be safe until all of us are safe.

The pandemic continues to highlight the important role of India in combating this disease globally. Its role in the global medical manufacturing supply chain is critical to defeating this pandemic. The global community relies on Indian pharmaceutical and vaccine manufacturing capability. What happens in India also has spillover effects in neighboring countries like Nepal.

Again, I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman) for putting forth this resolution, and I ask my colleagues to vote in favor of it and stand in solidarity with the people of India.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), a very valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, my good friend.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Again, I want to thank Mr. Sherman and Mr. Chabot for showing how this committee has worked in a bipartisan manner for the benefit of our friends and allies and, in this case, India.

By passing this good, bipartisan resolution, the House will send a clear message that we stand with the people of India as they work to contain the spread of COVID-19. We recognize that India will continue to play an important role in containing the further global spread of COVID-19, and support global efforts to end this pandemic.

We also urge the administration to continue working with the Indian Government. Just yesterday, I was at the

Indian consulate in New York, where I had an opportunity to talk to the consul general, who was very appreciative knowing that this bill would be on the House floor today; who told me to extend thank-yous to both Mr. Sherman and Mr. Chabot; that it further shows American leadership and friendship with the people of India; and that we would only grow closer together to benefit not just our respective countries, but the rest of the world.

This moves and helps the people in India. So I would like to conclude by just thanking everyone, once again, for working together in a bipartisan way to do the right thing for our friends from the country of India.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 473, I call up the bill (H.R. 256) to repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 256.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 256. Let me start off by thanking my very good friend and partner, Barbara Lee, the author of this bill. I am proud to stand with her in her unyielding quest to repeal the 2002 AUMF, and I congratulate her early on for working so hard for over 20 years to get this done.

Nineteen years ago, as a junior Member of Congress, I faced one of the most consequential decisions of my career as an elected official with the United States Congress. The drumbeats of war were reverberating throughout Capitol Hill as the Bush administration prepared to invade Iraq. After carefully considering all the evidence before us, including unanswered questions about post-Saddam Iraq, I cast my vote against authorizing military force against the Hussein regime.

But our vote this morning to repeal the 2002 AUMF is not about relitigating our past. Rather, repealing this outdated authorization is about planning strategically for our future. It is about Congress reclaiming its constitutional obligation to weigh in on matters of war and peace.

On substance, the case for repealing the 2002 AUMF is unassailable. The 2002 AUMF would have no effect on any ongoing military operations in Iraq. The United States is not relying on the 2002 AUMF as the sole authority for any military operations. It has been used as an additional legal justification for strikes by Presidents from both parties but not as the sole authority for any strikes over the last decade. The Biden administration, in an unprecedented move, has announced support for the legislation we are moving today.

Repeal is crucial because the executive branch has a history of stretching the 2002 AUMF's legal authority. It has already been used as justification for military actions against entities that had nothing to do with Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist dictatorship, simply because such entities were operating in Iraq.

Given all of the countries active near Iraq today, including Turkey and Russia, the 2002 AUMF is vulnerable to being abused.

I have heard from my friend, the ranking member, Mr. McCaul, as well as other Members opposed to this legislation who expressed two concerns: one on the process, about the need for further briefings and conversations, and another on substance, about Iran-backed groups in Iraq.

On procedure, we should dispel ourselves of the fiction that this is a new issue. Congress has been debating what to do in a post-Saddam Iraq for 18 years, and our status of forces agreement expired in 2011. This has been a frontline issue for nearly two decades, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee moved this bill through regular order.

Regarding the concern about Iran-backed groups, let me once again reiterate that the 2002 AUMF was about removing the Hussein regime in Iraq. It had absolutely nothing to do with Iran. A decade and a half before the 2002 AUMF was passed, Iran and Iraq were fighting each other in a vicious war that lasted almost a decade.

If the President needs to strike these groups to defend our Nation, our diplomatic personnel, or our Armed Forces, he can do so under Article II of the Constitution. If any Armed Forces personnel on the ground need to defend themselves, they have the inherent right under unit self-defense principles.

Today, Congress has a historic opportunity to repeal this outdated authorization and reassert its proper authority over the solemn matters of war and peace.

I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the sponsor of this bill.

Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 10 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I will just say really quickly: Before Soleimani, we had passed a bill on the AUMF in 2019, so it wasn't in response to President Trump. So this was attempted even before that.

I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), head of the United States delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and a member of our Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a member of our HFAC committee with strong foreign affairs credentials.

Madam speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs), the vice chair of the subcommittee on International Development, International Organizations, and Global Corporate Social Impact.

I want to remind the gentleman that the 2014 strike against ISIS, the primary AUMF, where it was utilized in the 2001 AUMF, continues and still is in existence. Also, when you talk about Soleimani, the primary utilization, still-President Trump talked about Article II. So those still are in existence to protect the American people and at the President's options.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), the assistant Speaker.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his service, and I really respect him for what he

put on the line for our country. We will always do that.

But I will also say that those individuals who we did bring before the committee, though they might be professors now, they either served in the DOD or the White House, plus we had a classified briefing in the auditorium with representatives from the Joint Chiefs. So we were making sure that we had to get all of the information that we could in regards to this issue.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar), the vice chair of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health and Global Human Rights and the Subcommittee on International Development, International Organizations, and Global Corporate Social Impact.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez), the chair of the Small Business Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), our illustrious leader and Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the chairwoman of the Committee on Financial Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Garamendi).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), a distinguished Member.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo).

Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to recognize a gentleman who I want to thank for his service, for he is a Marine combat veteran who served in Iraq.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Gallego).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jones), my friend.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee).

Mr. Speaker, I would just say to my friend from Texas that maybe we should do--if you think Iran is a threat--an AUMF for Iran. This AUMF was for Iraq.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).

Mr. Speaker, I just want to remind my friend that this 2002 AUMF has not been utilized as the sole reason or the sole authority in over 10 years. The 2001 AUMF is still in effect.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Brown), who is a colonel, retired, and we thank him for his service in our military.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from South Carolina (Ms. Mace), and I thank the gentlewoman for her bipartisan spirit in coming down to the floor today to speak on this

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I thank the gentleman from Texas for his hard work. As he has indicated, it is a pleasure working with him on this committee and working collectively and having open and honest dialog where we agree and where we disagree. The manner in which we do that, I think, serves this body in a very good way, and I look forward to continuing to work with him in that regard.

Even though we see this a little differently, I will say right now that I am

ready to work with the gentleman in repealing and replacing the 2001 AUMF. I think that is what we utilized as primary for the 2014 ISIS issue in dealing with all of the terrorists and terrorism that is going on. But the 2002 AUMF was specific to Iraq.

Our duty and our responsibility in what took place is over. There comes a time when certain AUMFs simply become outdated and need to be repealed. We are going to do two others. We have an AUMF still on the books from 1957. We have another one that is on the books from 1991. There is no need to repeal and replace. They are outdated. Once they become outdated, let's just remove them from the books.

So let me again reiterate this: the repealing of the 2002 AUMF would have no effect on any outgoing military operations in Iraq. In fact, the only thing leaving the AUMF on the books does is risk inviting future administrations to try to stretch its legal authority and bypass Congress' constitutional obligation to make decisions on matters of war and peace, thereby getting past and abdicating our responsibilities under Article I authority and allow the executive to interpret the AUMFs far beyond their intent.

So the repeal of the 2002 AUMF is only one in a series of steps that Congress must take to reclaim its Article I authority, but it is, indeed, an important step. Today's historic vote is a turning point to quickly bring an end to this outdated AUMF. I understand from listening to the Senate that the Senate's intention also is to quickly bring the 2002 AUMF repeal for a vote.

So I look forward to Congress no longer taking a backseat on some of the most consequential decisions our Nation can make.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Waters for her leadership on the Financial Services Committee.

Today, I urge bipartisan support for H.R. 1187, including the passage of my amendment, the Improving Corporate Governance Through Diversity Act.

As we continue these conversations about equity and closing the racial wealth gap, this amendment is a key component because it will empower investors with better data to drive diversity efforts in corporate America. This is precisely because investors recognize that profit, performance, and inclusive governance are logically intertwined.

That is why my amendment, which I want to thank Representative Maloney and Representative Torres for working with me on, seeks to enhance the SEC's current diversity disclosure regime by requiring public companies to disclose race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and veteran

status on the boards and in the C-suites.

Madam Speaker, the American economy cannot reach its full potential without fully redressing persistent barriers that have kept whole communities from being able to build wealth and share in opportunities of prosperity.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1157) to provide for certain authorities of the Department of State, and for other purposes, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1157, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1157, the Department of State Authorization Act of 2021, which I have introduced alongside my good friend and partner, the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mike McCaul.

H.R. 1157 is a comprehensive, bipartisan measure that builds on the work of several prior Congresses to broadly authorize the management and operation of the Department of State. This sort of bill should be a regular part of our work.

However, it has been nearly two decades since the State Department authorization bill was enacted into law. With every passing year, this represents another missed opportunity to ensure the Department of State and our Nation's diplomats have the comprehensive support they need to advance America's interests around the world.

While we have made progress over the last couple of years, including in 2019, when the House passed an earlier version of this bill, we must finally seize the historic opportunity to do what we have failed to do in the past 10 Congresses.

Diplomacy and development are critical tools for advancing the United States' foreign policy and national security objectives, for protecting human rights and the rule of law around the world, for deepening relationships with America's longstanding partners and allies, and for forging new relationships around the world.

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to threaten the globe, it has reminded us once again that diplomacy and development are central to solving global

conflicts and emergencies, keeping us safe and healthy, and enabling our countries and our communities to thrive.

But at the State Department, there are also several vexing management challenges that have gone unaddressed for too long, and the politicization, neglect, and slashing of resources we saw during the previous administration made it harder for our diplomats to do their jobs. We must not only build the State Department back, as President Biden says, we must build it back better.

To be clear, diplomacy and development are not just about policy, but about the brave and dedicated public servants who work tirelessly to keep our country safe. Yet, while the Department of State represents the interests of the American people abroad, it has not looked like the America it serves. So, among the many important management-related provisions in H.R. 1157, I am particularly proud of those aimed at ensuring a more diverse, equitable, and inclusive workforce.

This bill mandates disaggregated and transparent data collection and provides for vital tools to improve the ability of the State Department to recruit, promote, and retain personnel. It pushes for greater transparency and inclusivity in filling senior leadership roles and seeks to address the black box of assignment restrictions accompanying some State Department employees' security clearances that have negatively impacted Asian Americans and other people of color.

It also ensures that the Department can pay its interns, exposing many more young Americans from across our great country to the important work that the Department does around the world and ensuring a strong and diverse pipeline of talent over the long term.

By shoring up other institutional accountability and management safeguards, including to ensure cooperation with the inspector general's investigations, the bill will also help to prevent the politicized targeting and impunity that has caused so much harm to the members of the workforce and their morale.

We can, and we must, move this bipartisan legislation forward and get Congress back on track to doing right by our great diplomats, our development professionals, and the American people we all serve.

I urge my colleagues to support this measure so that we can move it one step closer to the President's desk.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for closing purposes.

Let me thank Ranking Member McCaul for his partnership in bringing this bipartisan bill to the floor. I join him in also recognizing former chair Eliot Engel and what they attempted to do in the previous Congress to make this happen. It would not have happened had we not had the work and the continuous cooperation of both of our staffs in putting this bill together, so I am thankful to them.

When we talk about H.R. 1157, the Department of State Authorization Act of 2021, it is going to make the State Department better prepared to conduct diplomacy and meet the challenges that we have of the 21st century.

Congress must make authorizing the Department of State a regular part of its legislative efforts. As the ranking member said, just as much as we pass bills for defense and NDAA, we must be sure that we are passing the State authorization bill.

What happens and will happen by passing this bill, we can ensure that State has the tools that it needs so that it can be more effective, more resilient, and more reflective of the America it represents abroad. This should be, and I hope all of my colleagues join me and Ranking Member

McCaul in supporting this bill in a unanimous way.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 130) condemning the continued violation of rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong by the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Hong Kong special administrative region.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 130.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 130, Condemning Continued Violation of Rights and Freedoms of the People of Hong Kong by People's Republic of China and Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

I have introduced this resolution to demonstrate this body's already strong, bipartisan support for the people of Hong Kong.

The situation in Hong Kong has been alarming for several years now. We have witnessed the degradation of civil liberties and human rights as the PRC continues to disregard its international legal obligations under the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration.

For months, in 2019, the people of Hong Kong peacefully took to the streets in historic numbers to preserve their democracy and demand their rights and freedoms. Unfortunately,

these peaceful protesters were met with excessive force by the police and the further imposition of restrictions on expression and assembly. Thousands have been beaten, injured, and illegally detained in violation of due process.

Rather than listen to the demands of the majority of Hong Kongers, the Chinese Government blatantly bypassed Hong Kong's local government and imposed a sweeping national security law on Hong Kong and its people with very little accountability or transparency. The vague, overly broad measures this security law put in place are little more than a thinly veiled attempt to erode Hong Kong's autonomy and restrict the space for peaceful expression. It steals from the people of Hong Kong the ability to exercise the freedoms of speech and association and creates an environment of fear around the expression of any political sentiment.

It is no surprise that since the passage of this law, political censorship has spiked significantly and Hong Kong officials have become increasingly brazen in undermining democratic norms, such as disqualifying pro-democracy candidates from participating in the legislative council elections and removing democratically elected lawmakers from office.

Hong Kong authorities have also used the national security law to target and silence pro-democracy activists at home and abroad. They have even issued arrest warrants for activists living overseas, including a U.S. citizen, for alleged violations of national security law.

Hundreds of pro-democracy figures and activists have been arrested or sentenced to prison, including Joshua Wong, Agnes Chow, Ivan Lam, the ``Hong Kong 12,'' and Jimmy Lai Chee-Ying, while others await a further crackdown. But the resolve of the people of Hong Kong has not wavered, and neither will the resolve of the people of the United States, our allies, and this body.

Mr. Speaker, see, democracy is the cornerstone of the work we do in the people's House. We must support the people of Hong Kong as they fight for the rights and freedoms promised to them under the Basic Law. With the passage of this resolution, the House reaffirms its continued support for the people of Hong Kong.

We stand by activists who continue to come forward in their cause for democracy and human rights at great risk to themselves, their families, and their future. But by passing this resolution, the House sends a strong, bipartisan message demanding that the Chinese and Hong Kong Governments respect the will of the people of Hong Kong.

We will continue to push for democracy and respect for human rights in Hong Kong. We will continue to demonstrate that we stand in solidarity with the pro-democracy figures and activists who have made tremendous sacrifices for their city and for their core human rights.

This is an important resolution, and I support it and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the very distinguished Speaker of the House of Representatives.

I continue to reserve the balance of my time, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers if the gentleman from Texas is ready to close.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, first, let me thank the ranking member for making sure we make a unified, strong, bipartisan statement, and all of my colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee on both sides of the aisle because H. Res. 130 sends a strong and unequivocal message: The United States stands firmly in support of the people of Hong Kong and the rights, freedoms, and autonomy they are promised in the joint declaration and basic law.

This resolution signals that the House's support of the people of Hong Kong and their struggle for democracy shall not waiver and shall remain firm and resolute.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that all of my colleagues will join Ranking Member McCaul and myself in supporting this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1251) to support United States international cyber diplomacy, and for other purposes, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material on H.R. 1251, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1251, the Cyber Diplomacy Act of 2021, as amended, by my good friend and the Foreign Affairs Committee's ranking member, Mr. McCaul. I thank him for his work on this important bill.

This Congress, the House Foreign Affairs Committee aims to prioritize efforts to reassert American leadership on a variety of issues. I can't think of any issue that is more timely than ensuring American leadership is prepared to confront the growing national security challenge in cyberspace.

The U.S. is increasingly under attack online by foreign actors, whether it is the recent SolarWinds hack or other attempted cyber intrusions on critical American infrastructure.

Now more than ever, we need a senior cyber diplomat who can support American efforts to keep the internet open, interoperable, reliable, and secure.

To demonstrate how seriously the United States takes these issues, it is vital that we strengthen the State Department's tools to address the challenges in cyberspace to American foreign policy. The State Department needs a bureau capable and focused on tackling the growing global challenges of cybersecurity, the digital economy, and internet freedom in order to be

better prepared to advance America's international interests on cyber policy.

Madam Speaker, that is exactly what this Cyber Diplomacy Act will do. Our allies and adversaries are prioritizing international engagement to set the standards and rules that govern how the internet is structured and used. The United States has always been a leader in this space, and now is the time to redouble our efforts to ensure we remain an influential voice in establishing the rules of the road.

It is critical that the United States prioritize our diplomatic efforts in this area and work with our partners and allies to establish agreed-upon norms. To keep the internet open and accessible, we must push back against countries that will exploit the internet to pilfer our intellectual property and hack into our country's most sensitive information, and which seek to derail international norms.

This bill is critical to supporting these key priorities. It authorizes the Bureau of International Cyberspace Policy to lead the State Department's cyber diplomatic efforts, including on issues relating to international cybersecurity, internet access and freedom, and international cyber threats, including countering terrorists' use of cyberspace.

This bill also directs the President to devise a strategy related to U.S. engagement with foreign governments on international norms with respect to responsible state behavior in cyberspace.

I am also pleased that in authorizing this office, we make clear bipartisan congressional intent that the Bureau of International Cyberspace Policy is comprised of a diverse workforce. Like the rest of our national security policy establishments, we know that ensuring a diverse and inclusive workforce improves the effectiveness of national security activities, and this bill makes that intent very clear.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to support this critical and, again, bipartisan measure that will reassert American leadership on this important issue, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, H.R. 1251, the Cyber Diplomacy Act, introduced by my friend and the ranking member, Mr. McCaul, is bipartisan legislation that is essential to America's national security and positioning our country to meet the current and future threats in cyberspace head-on.

This bill will give the State Department the tools it needs to further secure peace, stability, and economic prosperity for the United States in the cyber realm now and in the future.

Again, I hope all of my colleagues join both Mr. McCaul and myself in supporting this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 124) supporting the people of Belarus and their democratic aspirations and condemning the election rigging and subsequent violent

crackdowns on peaceful protesters by the illegitimate Lukashenka regime, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 124.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 124.

This resolution, introduced by the chair of the Subcommittee on Europe, Energy, the Environment and Cyber, Mr. Keating, my good friend, is an excellent measure that solidifies this body's already strong bipartisan support for the people of Belarus. I also thank the ranking member for his work.

After Alyaksandr Lukashenka stole the August 9, 2020, elections, the Belarusian people, led by thousands of women dressed in white and fearless opposition leaders, including Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, peacefully took to the streets in historic numbers to demand the right to chart their own democratic future, a future free of Lukashenka's dictatorial grip.

Tragically, but unsurprisingly, these peaceful protestors were met with the same brutal, violent tactics that have defined Lukashenka's nearly three-decades-long rule. In his desperate attempt to cling to power, thousands were beaten, injured, and illegally detained without due process by security forces. Meanwhile, critical access to the internet, international broadcasting, and other forms of communication and expression were cut off to suppress the dissent, control the flow of information, and prevent the opposition from organizing any further.

But the resolve of the Belarusian people, the brave, peaceful protestors, the opposition in exile, and the vibrant Belarusian diaspora has not wavered. The resolve of the United States, our allies, and this body must not waver either.

With the passing of this resolution, the House shines a spotlight on the illegitimacy of the Lukashenka regime and his abhorrent human rights violations.

We must continue to build on the work of the Belarus Democracy, Human Rights, and Sovereignty Act of 2020, an effort led by another distinguished member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and, as indicated by Ranking Member McCaul, a longtime champion for human rights in Belarus, Mr. Smith of New Jersey. We thank him for his work.

By passing this good, bipartisan resolution, the House will strengthen its longstanding commitment and record on democracy and human rights. We will continue to demonstrate that we stand in solidarity with the freedom-loving Belarusians, who continue to struggle for their fundamental democratic and human rights every day. We do this hand in hand with our allies and partners across the Atlantic.

Madam Speaker, I stand today not only to support this measure, but in support of democracy and the sanctity of the democratic process and solidarity with the people of Belarus.

This is a very important resolution. I support it and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating), the distinguished chair of the Subcommittee on Europe, Energy, the Environment and Cyber; an esteemed member of the Foreign Affairs Committee; and the author of this important bill.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I join with Ranking Member McCaul that this resolution makes it clear that the United States will not be silent on human rights violations as perpetrated by the illegitimate Lukashenko regime and we stand with the Belarusian people in their peaceful fight for democracy. I hope all join in supporting this resolution.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 965) to establish a comprehensive United States Government initiative to build the capacity of young leaders and entrepreneurs in Africa, and for other purposes, as amended.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 965.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 965, the YALI Act of 2021, introduced by Representatives Karen Bass and Chris Smith.

Since 2010 the Young African Leaders Initiative has been building the next generation of Africa's youth to lead the way in civic engagement, entrepreneurship, and business development.

We must remember that by 2050, almost one-third of the world's population will be in Africa, and the United States must continue to forge strong ties with our African partners and cultivate its youth for a future of principled leadership.

By helping Africa's young leaders, YALI remains an important avenue for promoting U.S. foreign policy goals in Africa. It will be key in strengthening our partnerships with African countries that are working to create the pathway for Africa's youth to make positive and enduring impacts on their communities.

If passed, H.R. 965 will provide a strong mandate for the implementation and congressional oversight of YALI and its key initiatives, including the U.S.-based Mandela Washington Fellowship and the Regional Leadership Centers established throughout sub-Saharan Africa.

This, too, is a very important bill. I support it and urge my colleagues to do the same. With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), the distinguished president of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and esteemed member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Speaker, I will just say quickly thanks to Representatives Bass and Chris Smith. This will help build the next generation of Africa's youth. I hope all my colleagues will join me in voting for this very important bill.

I yield back the balance of my time.