Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, the statement by Majority Leader Boehner was shameful and disgraceful. To suggest that my fellow Democrats care more about protecting the terrorists than the American people is not right, it is not fair, it is not just, and it is not the American way.

Mr. Speaker, Democrats will not stand by and let a single attack go unanswered. You may play the politics of fear, you may question the patriotism of those who use their constitutional rights to criticize this administration, but this dog will not hunt. This dog just will not hunt.

The American people know better. They want this Nation to take a new path. They want to move in a different direction. They want leaders who respect the dignity and the values of our democracy. We cannot defend democracy abroad if we don't practice it here at home.

Mr. Speaker, I'm sure many people followed the case against Lamar Owens, as well as the not guilty verdict that followed. Because the impact of this case does not end with the verdict, I am submitting two opinion articles for the Record. I believe these articles highlight some important things to consider regarding the lasting impact these charges will have on this young man, his accuser, and so many others. I submit the following opinion articles for the Record: ``Owens absolved, but Navy case has no winners,'' by Rick Maese from the Baltimore Sun and ``Academy can help dispel cloud from rape case,'' which appeared in the Capital on August 1, 2006.

[From the Capital, Aug. 1, 2006]

Academy Can Help Dispel Cloud From Rape Case

Whatever conduct Midshipman 1st Class Lamar Owens admitted

to when he was court-martialed on rape charges, much of the

second guessing following his acquittal on those charges

hasn't focused on him. It has focused on the Naval Academy,

which relied on noncredible testimony in a case that

showcased the superintendent's crackdown on sexual

harassment.

A military jury recently acquitted Midshipman Owens of

raping a female midshipman. It found insufficient evidence to

disregard Midshipman Owens' version of events. He contended

all along that the sexual intercourse was consensual.

The female midshipman, who had a history of alcohol abuse,

had returned to her dorm drunk on the night of the incident.

Midshipman Owens testified that she invited him to her room

and that she fell asleep during sexual intercourse.

It was her word against his--and the verdict surprised no

one who followed the trial. The jury did convict Midshipman

Owens of the lesser charge of conduct unbecoming of an

officer, but declined to impose any punishment for it.

The case was deeply flawed. Not only did the accuser's

history cast doubt on her testimony, but she didn't even cry

for help from a roommate asleep just a few feet away. All the

prosecutors really had solid evidence for was a sexual

encounter--something that violated the institution's honor

code, but is not unheard-of at the academy.

There are no winners here, but right now the biggest loser

seems to be Midshipman Owens. His reputation can't be

restored and the suffering for himself and his family can't

be erased. The superintendent should drop any further action

against him.

It is less clear what to do with his accuser. She and her

friends were granted immunity for their testimony, so she

faces only minor disciplinary action. Perjury trumps

immunity--so if prosecutors believe she perjured herself,

would they pursue those charges with equal determination?

Just what is the penalty for making a false accusation?

Graduation and a commission? The accuser's name wasn't

paraded before the public. Her family didn't have to face

public speculation and ridicule. She was shielded. But given

the problems she admitted to at the trial, is she the kind of

officer we'd want to lead troops into combat?

The superintendent, Vice Adm. Rodney Rempt, inherited a

school with a history of sexual misconduct. We applaud his

determination to purge the academy of sexual harassment. But

in the process of demonstrating their resolve, he and his

staff appear to have chosen the wrong case.

We don't know if the superintendent got bad advice from the

attorneys or if he decided to make an example of Midshipman

Owens, the former quarterback of the Navy football team. But

now that Midshipman Owens has been acquitted of rape, we

believe he has suffered enough. If his accuser ends up with

the commission that he deserves, then the worst miscarriage

of justice is yet to come.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague and friend Mr. Davis for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, it is with great pleasure and delight that I rise with my colleague Mr. Kingston of Georgia to offer H. Res. 875, a resolution commemorating the 125th anniversary of Spelman College. I must also thank Mr. Price and Mr. Gingrey of Georgia for being here to participate in the passing of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, not so long ago, 50 years ago, in many parts of the American south, black women had limited options when it came to furthering their education after high school. Just 50 years ago, black women were turned away from many colleges and universities throughout the south. They were turned away not because of a low GPA, not because of inferior SAT scores and not for submitting a poorly written essay with their application. So many of these students were turned away simply because of the color of their skin.

Mr. Speaker, fortunately, since 1881, Spelman College has been here to provide hope, opportunity and a bright future for women of color. Created for the purpose of educating African American women and girls, Spelman is part of the Atlanta University Center, which is the largest concentration of historic black universities and colleges in the Nation. Spelman College is located in Atlanta, Georgia, and I have the privilege of representing Spelman as part of my congressional district. Spelman has a very diverse student population from 41 States and 15 foreign countries. It has been ranked among the top 75 liberal arts colleges in the Nation by U.S. News and World Report.

Mr. Speaker, one of the many things that I admire about Spelman College is that its students are encouraged to pursue the study of fields where minorities and women are often underrepresented. This is evident in Spelman's continued emphasis on exposing black women to the fields of science and engineering. Spelman has established a partnership with NASA, and it is one of six institutions designated by the National Science Foundation and NASA as a model institution for excellence in undergraduate science and math education.

Mr. Speaker, last summer, Spelman College made history when six Spelman women qualified for the International Robo Cup 2005 Four-Legged Robot Soccer Competition in Japan. They were the first and only historically black college and university, the only all-women institution and the only United States undergraduate institution to qualify for this tournament.

Mr. Speaker, under the leadership of current Spelman's president, Dr. Beverly Daniel Tatum, I have every confidence that the institution will continue to excel. Dr. Tatum's extraordinary vision for the college will enable Spelman to make extraordinary contributions to our Nation for another 125 years and beyond. I want to congratulate President Tatum for creating and executing the Spelman ALIVE initiative that promotes the following ideas for Spelman: Academic excellence, Leadership development, Improving our environment, Visibility of our achievements and Exemplary customer service. I understand that this program is enjoying much success.

Mr. Speaker, for 125 years, Spelman College has empowered women to fully use their talents to succeed and to better the world. For many years, Spelman College served as a refuge for black women seeking to further their education when they were turned away by others. Fortunately, times have changed, and black women have virtually unlimited options when it comes to pursuing a college education today.

Nevertheless, Spelman's impact on our society remains as important as ever. As one of two historically black women's colleges in the Nation, Spelman College has a rich and historical legacy that we must continue to celebrate.

So, Mr. Speaker, I ask and urge all of my colleagues in the House to join me and Congressman Kingston in commemorating the 125th anniversary of Spelman College and in supporting this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the U.S.-Oman Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act. This agreement contains the same flawed ``enforce your own labor laws'' provision that we have seen in recent trade agreements. These labor standards simply do not work when we are dealing with countries that lack strong labor laws and practices.

Mr. Speaker, before we move forward on this issue, I feel a moral obligation to pose the following questions to my colleagues and to the American people:

When negotiating trade agreements, why does this Administration always seem to lose its tenacity and its resolve when it comes to protecting the labor rights of some of the world's most vulnerable workers?

What message does America send to the international community, when we will fight to protect pharmaceuticals patents and other intellectual property within our trade agreements, but we will not do the same for human beings?

Mr. Speaker, before the Members of the People's House cast their votes on this agreement today, I ask that they take a long, hard look at our priorities and our values when it comes to trade policy. I am convinced that this Administration can do a much better job of negotiating trade agreements that will advance the interests of U.S. business and agriculture, while protecting the rights of workers.

I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this flawed trade agreement.

Mr. Speaker, over the years, this Nation has worked hard to take discrimination out of the Constitution, and today, the House is voting to put it back in.

I can recall just a few short years ago that there were laws inscribed in some State constitutions saying that blacks and whites could not marry. We changed that.

Today, we look back on those days, and we laugh. There will come a time when generations yet unborn will look back on this Congress, look back on this debate, and laugh at us. This is not a good day in America. This is a sad day in the House of the people.

This is unbelievable. It is unreal. I thought as a Nation and as a people we had moved so far down the road toward one family, one House, one America. To pass this legislation would be a step backward.

The institution of marriage is not begging this Congress for protection. No one is running through the halls of Congress. No one is running around this building saying protect us.

Whose marriage is threatened? Whose marriage is in danger if two people, in the privacy of their own hearts, decide they want to be committed to each other? Whose marriage is threatened? Whose marriage is in danger if we decide to recognize the dignity, the worth and humanity of all human beings?

The Constitution is a sacred document. It defines who we are as a nation and as a people. Over the years, we have tried to make it more and more inclusive. We cannot turn back. We do not want to go back. We want to go forward. Today it is gay marriage; tomorrow it will be something else.

Forget about the politics; vote your conscience. Vote with your heart, vote with your soul, vote with your gut. Do what is right and defeat this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, let me say to my friend and to my colleague from the State of Georgia, it is true that years ago I said that we are in the process of laying down the burden of race. But it is not down yet and we are not asleep yet.

The Voting Rights Act was good and necessary in 1965 and it is still good and necessary today. So don't misquote me. Don't take my words out of context.

Mr. Chairman, before the Voting Rights Act was passed in 1965, all across the American South very few African Americans were registered to vote. Men and women of color stood in unmovable lines. In Lowndes County, Alabama, between Selma and Montgomery, more than 80 percent of that county was African American, but not a single African American was registered to vote.

Many people were harassed, jailed, beaten, and some were even shot and killed. I cannot forget that in 1964, three young men that I knew, James Cheney, Mickey Schwerner, and Andy Goodman, two were white, one was black, they went out to investigate the burning of a church, a church that was to be used to prepare people to pass the so-called literacy test. These three young men were arrested, jailed, they were taken from the jail by the sheriff and his deputy, beaten, shot, and killed. They were killed for trying to help people become participants in the democratic process.

During that dark period in our recent past, black men and women who were teachers in public schools, colleges and university professors were told that they could not read well enough and they failed their so-called literacy test. On one occasion a would-be voter was asked to name the number of bubbles in a bar of soap. On another occasion, a person was asked to count the number of jelly beans in a jar.

Yes, we have made some progress. We have come a distance. We are no longer met with bullwhips, fire hoses, and violence when we attempt to register and vote. But the sad fact is, the sad truth is discrimination still exists, and that is why we still need the Voting Rights Act. And we must not go back to the dark path.

We cannot separate the debate today from our history and the past we have traveled. When we marched from Selma to Montgomery in 1965, it was dangerous. It was a matter of life and death. I was beaten, I had a concussion at the bridge. I almost died. I gave blood, but some of my colleagues gave their very lives.

We must pass this act without any amendment. It is the right thing to do, not just for us, but for generations yet unborn. When historians pick up their pens and write about this period, let it be said that those of us in the Congress in 2006, we did the right thing, and our forefathers and our foremothers would be very proud of us.

Let us pass a clean bill without any amendment.

Mr. Chairman, do we want to be responsible for

stabbing the Voting Rights Act in the heart? We must defeat with all that we have, with all of our power, with all of our votes the Westmoreland amendment.

Mr. Speaker, the right to vote is precious, almost sacred. During the 1960s, working to get a Voting Rights Act, many of us were arrested, jailed and beaten. I was arrested and jailed more than 40 times during the sixties. We stood in unmovable lines on the courthouse steps in Selma, Alabama. We were beaten with nightsticks, bull whips and trampled by horses trying to register to vote or to get others to register to vote.

But many of my friends, many of my colleagues died. I will never forget Andy Goodman, James Chaney and Mickey Schwerner, who were beaten, shot and killed in Philadelphia, Mississippi. Jimmie Lee Jackson was killed in Alabama. Viola Liuzzo was killed on Highway 80 between Selma and Montgomery.

Because of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we don't have to risk our lives anymore. We don't have to pass a so-called literacy test. On one occasion a man in Alabama was asked to count the number of bubbles in a bar of soap. On another occasion a man was asked to count the number of jelly beans in a jar. On one occasion there was a man in Tuskegee, Alabama who had a Ph.D. degree and he was told that he could not read or write well enough. He failed the so-called literacy test.

The Voting Rights Act was good in 1965. It is still good today.

Mr. Speaker, the Voting Rights Act was good for America in 1965 and it is good and necessary in 2006. We must strengthen our resolve and complete the job that we began almost a year ago in a bipartisan way and pass the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act tomorrow without amendment.

The struggle for voting rights was not so long ago. It was not 75 or 100 years ago. It was 41 years ago that this Voting Rights Act was passed. This is not ancient history. Yet so many Members of the House are too young to remember our very dark history of segregation and voting discrimination.

The history of the right to vote in America is a history of conflict, of violence, of struggle for the right to vote. Many people died trying to gain that right. I was beaten and jailed because I stood up for it. The experience of minorities today tell us that the struggle is not over, and that the special provisions of the Voting Rights Act are still necessary.

We do not want to go back to our dark past, and we must not go back. Forty-one years ago it was almost impossible for people of color to register to vote in many parts of the American South, in Georgia, in Alabama, and in Mississippi. Forty-one years ago, the State of Mississippi had a black voting-age population of more than 450,000, and only about 16,000 blacks were registered to vote.

Just 41 years ago, people of color had to pay a poll tax, pass a so- called literacy test in some States in the South. There were black men and women who were professors in colleges and universities, black lawyers and black doctors who were told they could not read or write well enough to register to vote.

They were asked to interpret certain sections of the Constitution in southern States. Some were asked to count the number of bubbles in a bar of soap, others were asked to count the number of jelly beans in a jar.

People stood in unmovable lines for the opportunity to register to vote. In some States voters could register only on 1 or 2 days a month; but those lines never moved, and those would-be voters were never registered. People were beaten, arrested, jailed, people even shot and killed for attempting to register to vote. It was a matter of life and death.

On March 7, 1965, about 600 of us black men and women and a few young children attempted to peacefully march from Selma, Alabama, to Montgomery to the State capitol to dramatize to the Nation and to the world that people of color wanted to register to vote. The world watched as we were met with nightsticks, bullwhips, we were trampled by horses, and tear-gassed.

Eight days after what became known as Bloody Sunday, President Johnson came to this podium and spoke to a joint session of Congress and began by saying, ``I speak tonight for the dignity of man and for the destiny of democracy.'' And during that speech, President Johnson condemned the violence in Selma and called on the Congress to enact a Voting Rights Act. He closed his speech by quoting the rights of the civil rights movement saying, ``And we shall overcome.''

I was sitting next to Martin Luther King, Jr., in the home of a local family in Selma, Alabama, as we listened to Lyndon Johnson say, ``And we shall overcome.'' Tears came down his face. And we all cried. Dr. King said, ``John, the Voting Rights Act will be passed, and we will make it from Selma to Montgomery.''

Congress did pass the Voting Rights Act. On August 6, 1965 it was signed into law.

There was an elderly black man who lived in Selma, Alabama, who after Johnson had signed the Voting Rights Act became registered to vote for the first time. He was 91 years old. He said, ``I am registered now. I can die and go home to my Lord.''

Today, people no longer meet attack dogs and bullwhips and fire hoses as they demonstrate or attempt to register to vote. Today, the tools of discrimination are not poll takes and literacy tests. But make no mistake, discrimination still exists. Look at Florida in 2000. Look at Ohio.

The tools of discrimination are much more difficult, but just as dangerous. Today, the discrimination comes in the form of redistricting and annexation plans, at-large elections, polling place changes.

In my own State of Georgia, the legislation went back to a period in our dark history by passing a voter ID law that would make it more difficult for the elderly, the poor and minorities to vote. Both a State and a Federal court jurist have called the law unconstitutional and stopped it from taking effect.

We can do better. We must do better, and pass the Voting Rights Act without amendment tomorrow.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor a man and a moment in history. The U.S. Congress has been blessed by the vision and the faith of the Reverend Douglas Tanner, and we have been deeply moved by his invocation today.

Mr. Speaker, it takes wisdom to lead the leaders of men. It takes faith to hear the voice of the spirit through the rush and tumble of the U.S. Congress. But the Bible says that ``many are called, but few are chosen.''

God knew that the humility and the faith of Rev. Doug Tanner would serve as a powerful witness among us. As the founder and leader of the Faith and Politics Institute, he has led us on a moral mission. He has led us on a journey of the soul through meditation and prayer. He has led us through the pilgrimages through Alabama, Tennessee, and Virginia. He has helped to remind us that our faith is the key to all that we can accomplish here.

Mr. Speaker, when historians pick up their pens and write the story of this Congress in the latter part of the 20th century and the first part of the 21st century, they will have to say that one man, who was not chosen by men, but was chosen by God, led Democrats and Republicans, Members of the House and the Senate to understand that the way of peace, the way of love, the way of non-violence is the more excellent way.

Doug, we are deeply indebted to you for all that you have done to help build Beloved Community. We are deeply grateful for your vision, for your courage and your faith.

Mr. Speaker, our guest chaplain for the morning is the Reverend Doug Tanner. Doug Tanner is a Methodist minister, native of the great State of North Carolina, a man of great faith, a man of dedication, a man of commitment.

Doug Tanner was inspired by God Almighty to do what I call get in the way. Somehow and some way he was touched, not just by the spirit of history, but by the spirit of the Almighty to find a way to bring Members together, both Democrats and Republicans, both Members of the House and Members of the Senate. Doug was inspired to become the founding father of

Faith and Politics. Through this organization, through this effort, he has been a blessing to many of us.

So, Reverend Doug Tanner, we want to thank you for being here today, but we want to thank you for helping all of us to become better people of faith.

Many of our colleagues may not know that many of us get together with you from time to time to put our faith in action. You have led many of us to go back to Alabama and visit the historic sites of the civil rights movement; to go to Tennessee and do likewise; to go to Farmville, Virginia; to go to South Africa. Again, we want to thank you for helping us to be reconciled to others.

When historians pick up their pen and write about this period during this part of our congressional lives, they will have to say that the Reverend Doug Tanner made a lasting contribution to the cause of justice, to the cause of freedom, and made each one of us better human beings and better legislators and better individuals of faith. I thank the Reverend.

Mr. Chairman, the right to vote is precious, almost sacred, and one of the most important blessings of our democracy. The Stearns amendment is an attack on the voting rights of millions of American citizens. It is a modern day literacy test.

This is not about illegal immigration. These are American citizens we are talking about. If the Stearns amendment becomes law, what message are we sending to the Apache, to the Navajo Nation, to the Native Alaskan, to Vietnamese Americans, to Russian Jews, who are all citizens?

These are our neighbors. They are taxpayers. They are Americans. We should be opening up the process to each and every American. Let them come in and participate.

Instead, this amendment will return us to the dark past. I don't think we want to go back as a Nation and as people. Vote ``no'' on Stearns.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, Mr. Rangel, for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today because I am sick and tired of the greed that is prevailing in this House. The Republican majority today will help millionaires with their estate tax cut while forgetting hardworking Americans, millions of them, by refusing to increase the minimum wage. This is unbelievable. It is immoral and it is wrong.

The majority must wake up and see the struggles of minimum-wage workers. They work hard every day to feed their families. People cannot afford health care. People are struggling to fill their cars with gasoline. Many people live in poverty. They live paycheck to paycheck, and they have not seen an increase in the minimum wage in 9 years.

This Congress should be ashamed. Be ashamed. When will we stop helping the superrich? They do not need our help. They are not begging for our help. They are not calling us, they are not sending letters or e-mails, they are not petitioning us to help. When will we start to take care of the least among us?

What would the great teacher say, what would the great teacher say when he comes into the Chamber and sweeps the money out of the Chamber?

Franklin Delano Roosevelt says that ``the test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.'' We are failing this test and we are failing the American people. This is not progress. This is not helping the least among us. This is greed and it is disgraceful.

I urge my colleagues to defeat this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague, Mr. Murtha, for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, it is time for us to close this very grim and dark chapter in American history, a chapter that is leaving a dark stain on the moral fabric of our Nation and compromising our credibility among the communities nations.

As Gandhi once said: ``Liberty and democracy become unholy when their hands are dyed with innocent red blood.''

Mr. Speaker, we have buried 2,500 of our Nation's mothers, fathers, daughters, sons, husbands, wives, brothers and sisters. The lives of 18,000 men and women have been changed forever. Some have lost their arms, their legs, and their sight in this unnecessary conflict.

Mr. Speaker, war is messy. War is bloody. It tends not only to hide the truth, but to sacrifice the truth. While we may have won some military victories, those do not erase the mistake of a preemptive war.

They will not silence the questions that are troubling the minds of the American people. They know today that Iraq did not pose an immediate threat. There were no weapons of mass destruction, and they see that we are deeply involved in a misguided conflict.

Mr. Speaker, I deeply believe that the American people want us to bring our children home. We are not safer today than we were before we went to war. This war is not the answer, so we must find a way out of no way to bring our young men and our young women home. Bring them home.

Mr. Speaker, there is a time when a politician must put politics aside. There is a time when we must stand up and meet our moral obligation as servants of the people.

Millions of Americans are struggling today. They work hard. They are just trying to make ends meet. They are trying to make a way out of no way, and they are looking to Congress for a little bit of light, a little bit of hope after a hard day's work.

They do not want a handout; they just want a fair shake. But with this tax bill, we have abandoned our responsibility to the people who elected us.

We have shut the door in their faces. We have told them there is no room in the inn.

In this bill, you cut off the orphaned, the old, the poor, the weak, and the sick. In this bill, you cut Medicaid, Medicare, veterans benefits and housing programs all in the name of financial discipline.

Then how can we in good conscience pass a tax bill that helps the rich get richer and drives millions of our citizens into financial despair? We are asking the poor and the middle class to sacrifice. Shouldn't the rich sacrifice, too?

Where is the mercy, where is the compassion, where is the fairness? Our tax policy should be fair.

I ask you, Mr. Speaker, is it right to have a tax bill that saves hardworking American families only $10 a year while millionaires save thousands and thousands? With $10 you cannot even fill a tank full of gas. You can't pay the light bill. You can't put food on the table or clothes on your children's backs.

Mr. Speaker, this bill is not right. It is not fair. It is not just. It demonstrates shameful disregard for the people of this Nation. As a Nation and as a people and as a Congress, we must do better and we can do better. I ask my colleagues to vote against this tax bill.

Mr. Speaker, I wanted to inform fellow Members about a recent academic competition featuring some of the nation's sharpest young minds. The 17th annual Honda Campus All-Star Challenge (HCASC) in Orlando featured students from the nation's Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). This year, the team from Morehouse College, which is located in my Congressional District, won the competition. I want to offer my sincere congratulations to Dr. Anderson Williams, Coach of the Morehouse team, along with Jordan A. Harris who was captain of the winning team.

In addition to the sense of personal satisfaction the Morehouse team gained from winning, they also received a $50,000 grant for their school. The runner-up, North Carolina Central University, took home a $25,000 grant. The remaining 62 teams earned grants ranging from $3,000 to $15,000. Through the program, more than $300,000 in institutional grants are awarded annually to participating schools.

For 17 years, HCASC has celebrated the academic and cultural benefits offered by the HBCUs while honoring African American cultural icons. Since Honda founded this program in 1989, more than 50,000 HBCU students have participated, and Honda annually awards educational grants to participating HBCUs.

More than 320 college students from 64 HBCUs across the country competed in the 4-day round-robin format tournament. The top two teams from each of eight divisions advance to the ``Sweet 16,'' in a single- elimination playoff. The final two teams then compete for the National Champion title in a best 2- out of 3-final series.

Nearly 100 HBCU presidents, educators, alumni and community volunteers attended the event, themed ``Your Challenging Spirit'' to support the participating students. The theme speaks to the spirit the students have exhibited to get to this point and may have to call upon throughout their lives. Influential PBS Talk Show Host and radio personality, Tavis Smiley, kicked off the event with a keynote speech at the welcome dinner.

In addition to winning institutional grants, the one-of-a-kind competition gives HCASC students the chance to exercise teamwork and establish long-term relationships through unique networking forums.

The Morehouse team included: captain Jordan A. Harris (Senior, Economics), and players Mark A. Bernard (Senior, Chemistry), Anthony Christopher Smith (Senior, Political Science & Pre-Law), John Ramsey Clarke (Senior, Economics) and Alvin McNair (Freshman, Undeclared). They were coached by Dr. Anderson Cornelius Williams (Professor; Elberton, Ga.).

The Honda Campus All-Star Challenge is the only competition of its kind and was established by American Honda Motor Co., Inc., in 1989. Since the inception of the program, more than 50,000 HBCU students have participated, and Honda has awarded more than $5 million in grants to HBCUs to improve campus life through facility improvements and increasing academic resources.

Below is a list of the 16 playoff teams which qualified for the ``Sweet 16'' playoff round in Orlando. Congratulations to all the participating teams and thanks to Honda for sponsoring such a wonderful event.

2006 Honda Campus All-Star Challenge Sweet 16 Playoff Teams

1. Alabama State University.

2. Benedict College.

3. Central State University.

4. Clark Atlanta University.

5. Elizabeth City State University.

6. Florida A&M University.

7. Harris-Stowe State University.

8. Howard University.

9. Mississippi Valley State University.

10. Morehouse College.

11. Morgan State University.

12. Norfolk State University.

13. North Carolina Central University.

14. Spelman College.

15. Tennessee State University.

16. University of Maryland Eastern Shore.