Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. It is wonderful to see Members of Congress wearing white today to observe the fact that we are making history by passing legislation about equality in our country.

I thank Congresswoman Jackie Speier for her relentless championing of this equal rights amendment in terms of the date that the distinguished chair of the Judiciary Committee referenced. I also thank Carolyn Maloney for her long-term advocacy of the equal rights amendment. I thank Chairman Nadler for enabling us to have this legislation on the floor today and for his leadership on this issue over time.

Madam Speaker, 100 years ago, in 1921, a solemn promise was made to the women of our country, one honoring our most fundamental truth as a nation, as the equal rights amendment was first introduced. When it was first introduced, it said: ``Men and women shall have equal rights throughout the United States and every place subject to its jurisdiction.''

Simple, clear, fair, and just. Yet, a century later, that promise remains unfulfilled. The equal rights amendment still has not been enshrined in the Constitution, and American women still face inequality under the law and, therefore, in their lives.

In recent years, American women have renewed the legal fight for the equal rights amendment. Women of all backgrounds--students, mothers, seniors, communities of color, indigenous women, et cetera--have taken up the mantle of the suffragists before them, standing on suffragists' shoulders as they marched, mobilized, protested, and picketed for their rights. Because of their courage and commitment, 38 States have now ratified the equal rights amendment.

But one final barrier remains: removing the artificial, arbitrary time limit for ratification. As the distinguished chairman pointed out, that deadline timetable is not in the Constitution. Until we remove that arbitrary time limit, the ERA cannot become part of our Constitution.

Last year, the House passed legislation to remove this arbitrary time limit, but unfortunately, the Senate failed to do so. So, today, the House will, once again, pass this legislation and send it to the Senate for a vote. We are proud to be doing it in Women's History Month.

We salute again Congresswoman Jackie Speier, our champion on the legislation on the floor today, and Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, who has been our lead sponsor of the ERA for 25 years now.

Madam Speaker, I thank Members from both sides of the aisle, including cosponsor Representative Tom Reed from New York, for their bipartisan support in the Congress, which reflects the overwhelming bipartisan support in the country. A full 94 percent of the public supports the equal rights amendment, including 99 percent, nearly unanimous support, among millennials and Generation Z.

Let us not forget that, in 1972, the equal rights amendment was passed with bipartisan supermajorities in both Chambers of Congress, and it enjoyed the strong support of President Nixon, who wrote in 1968 that ``the task of achieving constitutional equality between the sexes is still not completed'' and pointed out that all Republican National Conventions since 1940 have

supported the longtime movement for equality.

There is no reason why today, after 80 years of Republican support, the ERA should not have full bipartisan support in the Congress. The resolution on the floor today will pave the way to passage of the equal rights amendment, which is one of the most important steps that we can take to affirm and ensure women's equality in America.

The text of the equal rights amendment states: ``Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.''

``On account of sex'' recalls to mind the beautiful documentary about Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

Passing the equal rights amendment will create essential avenues for legal recourse for people who face discrimination under the laws on the basis of sex. It will ensure that the Supreme Court applies the same standard of review for sex discrimination cases as it applies to cases of discrimination based on race and national origin. It will help Congress pass laws for better legal protections against injustice, including those related to sexual assault, domestic violence, and paycheck unfairness. It will confirm the rightful place of gender equality in all aspects of life.

There are some who say that the equal rights amendment is not needed. To them, I quote the late Justice Antonin Scalia, who said: ``Certainly the Constitution does not require discrimination on the basis of sex. The only issue is whether it prohibits it. It does not.''

These are not just words. This is the daily reality for America's women who face inequality and injustice in so many arenas of life, from a massive wage gap, to pregnancy discrimination, to sexual harassment in the workplace, to economic disparities that have worsened during coronavirus.

Passing this resolution, and then the ERA, will not only help women, but by unleashing the full economic potential of women, it will help families and boost our economy, all while advancing justice and equality in America for everyone.

Madam Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote on this strong step toward equality for women, progress for families, and a stronger America--affirming the truth, Madam Speaker, that you have espoused that when women succeed, America succeeds.

I commend the leadership on this issue, the distinguished chairman, and the sponsors of the resolution, Jackie Speier and Carolyn Maloney.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and, again, for his extraordinary leadership.

Madam Speaker, this is quite a day for the chairman, with the Violence Against Women Act and the ERA, among other pieces of legislation that he is bringing to the floor. I thank him for the very prolific and excellent work of the Committee on the Judiciary.

Madam Speaker, here we are dressed in white because it is Women's History Month, and we are wearing the color of suffragists as we come to the floor on these two important pieces of legislation--earlier today, the equal rights amendment, and now the Violence Against Women Act.

It is a historic day as the House passes two landmark, potentially lifesaving pieces of legislation on behalf of America's women. We do so, again, during Women's History Month. I sing the praises of Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, who has been a relentless, persistent advocate for this legislation over time; Karen Bass, one more, and our distinguished chair of the committee.

Madam Speaker, we are particularly proud to be passing this legislation under the leadership of one of its strongest champions, President Joe Biden. In the Senate, he was the guardian of this law, as he was the author of it. As a new-ish Member of Congress at the time, I was proud to follow his lead and the lead in the House, then, of Leader Schumer, now the distinguished majority leader in the Senate. So this is an opportunity that we have for legislation, whose provenance goes way back into the 1990s.

At that time, I was an appropriator. And after we passed the bill that had the Violence Against Women Act, it was our responsibility to make sure that it was funded properly, and that has been part of the continuing advocacy.

Madam Speaker, in 2013, the legislation was last reauthorized under the Presidency of Barack Obama and the Vice Presidency of Joe Biden, who, again, was taking the lead for the reauthorization of the legislation. It was a tough time. The bill passed first in the United States Senate. Bipartisan in the United States Senate, the bill was passed. They sent it to the House. The House refused to take it up-- Republican-controlled House refused to take it up.

And then they had their own bill, which said: We are against violence against women, unless you happen to be a Native American or an LGBTQ woman or an immigrant woman.

Well, these are the most vulnerable in terms of using violence against women. So what happened was we persuaded the then-Speaker, Mr. Boehner, to bring both bills to the floor. Of

course, the Senate-passed bipartisan bill prevailed. We had a big ceremony, participated in by the Native American community, our law enforcement community, Vice President Joe Biden, and signed by the President.

So here we are, unable to get it reauthorized 5 years later, in 2018 under the then-majority and President, and here we are today, finally able to bring bipartisan legislation to the floor.

And as I mentioned, for nearly three decades, the Violence Against Women Act has been a transformative force for safety and security of American women. Since its passage, domestic violence rates have declined by nearly two-thirds in America. Millions of women have gained access to protections from violence and abuse, and millions of survivors, to essential services and justice.

But we cannot be complacent: One in three women today face domestic abuse. Isn't that a stunning figure? You wonder, how could it be? And partner violence is on the rise during the coronavirus pandemic, as many women are forced to quarantine in homes that are not safe.

Every time the Congress has reauthorized VAWA, we have strengthened its protections for women, based on extensive consultation with survivors, victim service providers, Indian country, law enforcement, and other experts. The authorization on the floor today continues that progress.

And as has been said by Mr. Doggett, we have to recognize the danger of the, shall we say, provisions in the bill that protect women from gun violence specifically.

Among its many life-saving provisions, this reauthorization makes vital new investments in prevention, improves services for victims of domestic violence, makes improvements in the criminal justice system's response to gender-based violence and to the healthcare system's response, prevents intimate partner homicide, and expands protections for victims and survivors, whether they are men or women. This is not just about women, it is the Violence Against Women Act, but it does protect anyone.

Democrats are particularly proud that this reauthorization improves the essential protections that I referenced that were objected to on the Republican bill in 2013, including women immigrants, LGBTQ, and Native American women, and it specifically supports communities of color in a culturally sensitive way.

This reauthorization is bipartisan, happily, and it is supported by more than 200 organizations representing women, women's groups, faith- based organizations, law enforcement, the public health and medical communities, civil rights groups; the list goes on.

While it is unfortunate that we don't know what will happen in the Senate, we are optimistic that the reauthorization can be successful on the other side of the Capitol, and on the other side of the aisle.

Madam Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote for this reauthorization, so that we can advance justice, safety, and dignity in America.

Madam Speaker, the term VAWA has become synonymous with justice, Violence Against Women Act. I urge an ``aye'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from California for her leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor where we can recognize the patriotism and heroism of members of the Capitol Police force, and I thank her for facilitating this honor.

This usually takes a much longer period of time, but because of the gentlewoman from California, the chair of the Financial Services Committee, this is on a faster track, and it needs to be.

As you know, Mr. Speaker, January 6 was one of the darkest and deadliest days in American history. The waging of the violent insurrection against the United States Capitol and our very democracy on that day was a profound horror that nearly defies comprehension.

That day, the country witnessed the gleeful desecration of our temple of democracy. We observed Members of Congress flee for their lives, as staff and support workers barricaded behind doors and hid under furniture.

We saw how over 140 members of law enforcement were physically harmed while defending our democracy and how several lost their lives.

January 6 was a day of horror and heartbreak. But because of these courageous men and women, it was also a moment of extraordinary heroism.

That day, the United States Capitol Police force put themselves between us and the violence. They risked their safety and their lives for others with the utmost selflessness, and they did so because they were patriots, the type of Americans who heard the call to serve and answered it, putting country above self:

Heroes like Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick, described by his brother as someone who ``spent his life trying to help other people.'' Our sympathies go out to his family.

Heroes like Capitol Police Officer Howie Liebengood, honored as ``an example of selfless service'' and beloved by Senators for being ``one of the most kindest and thoughtful people'' they had ever met. Our sympathies as well.

Heroes like Metropolitan Police Officer Jeffrey Smith, a 12-year veteran of the force, known by all as the type of officer who would never hesitate to help those in need. He made that sacrifice.

Heroes like Metropolitan Police Officer Daniel Hodges, whom I had the privilege of meeting and thanking, who was beaten and crushed nearly to death, who said about protecting our democracy on January 6: ``If it wasn't my job, I would have done it for free.''

Heroes like Capitol Police Officer Eugene Goodman. We all saw his heroism as he drew the mob away from Senators, saving lives, again, in an act of profound heroism.

May the courage of these heroes always remain an inspiration to us, and may we always remember the valor of the fallen, which made them martyrs for our democracy.

I feel very honored to be sponsoring this legislation. The Speaker rarely sponsors legislation, certainly cosponsors hardly ever.

Today, united in grief and gratitude, the House is honoring these heroes as we pass legislation to bestow upon them the Congressional Gold Medal, the highest honor this Congress can give.

The service of our men and women in uniform of the Capitol Police force and other services that day brings honor to our democracy, and their accepting this medal will bring luster to this award.

Over 300 Members of Congress have already cosponsored this legislation in a bipartisan fashion, including Mr. McCarthy and Mr. Scalise, the Republican leadership, and that is a tribute to the great respect that we all have for the Capitol Police force.

We also saw that respect reflected in the presence of so many distinguished leaders who came to the Capitol when Officer Brian Sicknick was honored with a lying-in-state ceremony in the rotunda. Among those leaders was the President of the United States, Joe Biden, and Dr. Biden as well.

Let me end by returning to January 6. That day was also the Feast of the Epiphany, a holy day of revelation in the church. It remains my hope that that day of violence will provide a revelation of healing for our Nation.

In a spirit of healing, that evening, as the House returned to the Chamber to complete our duty to the Constitution and to the American people to validate the election, I invoked the Song of St. Francis, the patron saint of the city I am proud to represent, San Francisco. The Song of St. Francis is the anthem of our city.

Lord, make me a channel of Thy peace.

Where there is darkness, let me bring light;

Where there is hatred, let me bring love;

Where there is despair, let me bring hope.

We were blessed by the heroism of our law enforcement officers that day when they brought light, hope, love, and peace to our grieving Nation.

The Congress promises the families that we will always remember, as we have remembered Gibson and Chestnut. Every year, we honor them for the sacrifice they made to protect this Capitol and our democracy. As we always remember and honor their service, with this legislation we will ensure that their heroism will be forever etched in the history of our country.

I urge a huge bipartisan vote on this legislation. I thank the distinguished chairwoman for enabling us to bring this to the floor, affording us that honor to associate ourselves with the heroism of the U.S. Capitol Police.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for his extraordinary leadership in putting nearly a trillion dollars into the pockets of the American people. I thank him and Mr. Yarmuth, the chair of the Budget Committee, for their leadership on this legislation and, of course, on this debate this afternoon. It was dazzling to see them and the Democratic chairs and Members speak up about this important legislation.

I thank the chairman for pointing out the inconsistency on the part of our colleagues across the aisle in complaining about money helping the poorest of poor children in our country while they didn't hesitate to give large amounts of money to the richest people in America in their Republican tax scam. The chairman's charts were very eloquent.

Mr. Speaker, to hear our Members speak about the terms of this bill, the values that are in it, the plan that it has, why they were voting ``yes'' on the bill, and to hear Republicans talk about why they would vote ``no,'' it is typical that they vote ``no'' and take the dough.

This bill has bipartisan support across the country, not only among the general public, but in mayors, selectmen, city councilpersons, and county executives--who are Republican--eagerly awaiting the passage of this bill because they know at their level what a difference it will make in the lives of their constituents, the American people.

Mr. Speaker, this is a critical moment in our country's history. Tomorrow, the world will mark 1 year since COVID-19 was officially declared a global pandemic by the World Health Organization. At that time, just over 1,000 Americans had contracted the disease, and 38 had died.

Since that day 1 year ago from tomorrow, nearly 30 million Americans have become infected. Over half a million Americans have died, more lives than were lost in combat in all of America's wars against foreign enemies combined.

Each of those lives is precious to us. We feel each loss profoundly and pray for their families and for the families of those who have contracted the virus and are still affected by it. And through it all, a historic economic crisis has raged.

A full year later, 18 million Americans are still out of work, according to the statistics at the end of last week, and nearly 10 million jobs may have been lost. We hope to stop that.

The most vulnerable among us have been disproportionately affected: moms

pushed out of the labor market, women and minority-owned businesses forced to shudder, communities of color facing rising disparities.

Mr. Speaker, today, we have a real opportunity for change. As we serve in Congress with each other, we learn about each other's districts, each other's priorities, and the rest. And we learn about each other's why. Why did you come to Congress? Why are you here?

Each of us has come to Congress with a purpose. My purpose, my why, are the children. As a mother of five raising my kids, seeing all the attention and all that they needed, I was horrified by the fact that one in five children in America lives in poverty and goes to sleep hungry in America at night.

That is my why. That is why I went from homemaker to the House of Representatives.

That is why when people ask me, ``What do you think the three most important issues are facing the Congress?'' I always say the same thing: Our children, our children, our children--their health; their education; the economic security of their families; a safe, healthy environment in which they can thrive; and a nation at peace in which they can reach their fulfillment.

Several of those priorities are addressed in this legislation.

Again, this legislation, which has bipartisan support throughout the country, the Biden--and let me sing praises on President Biden for the values, for the vision, the strategic thinking, for the knowledge that he has brought to what, as you said earlier, we had in the works for a while, but we freshened up by current events, the vaccine, and what those possibilities are.

The Biden American Rescue Plan is about the children, their health, their education, the economic security of their families, again. Our children's health is greatly protected by crushing the virus and by expanding access to healthcare through the Affordable Care Act expansions in here, Medicaid through FMAP, and in other ways as well.

Our children's education is advanced with a $170 billion to open schools safely, including $130 billion for K-12. This funding will help address the social and emotional challenges that children face, as well as learning loss, as well as opening the schools safely. We know what that requires. It requires ventilation, space, more teachers, more space, to name a few things.

In terms of the economic security of children's families, this legislation, as I said earlier to Mr. Neal, puts nearly $1 trillion in the pockets of the American people. Republicans did not seem to object when they put that much money in the pockets of 83 percent of their tax scam into the top 1 percent, but they seem to have a discomfort level when it reaches the poorest of the poor and those in the middle class who are struggling. So this legislation does that.

It includes the refundable tax credit, which will lift 50 percent of children out of poverty.

How do you say ``no'' to lifting 50 percent of impoverished children in America out of poverty?

Children also benefit from the earned income tax credit, direct payments, and enhanced unemployment insurance benefits for their families. And the economic security of children is also enhanced by pension security of their grandparents, which is historically secured in this bill.

Sometimes I have young people come to my office--it is all about the children, it is all about the future--high school students, college students--and they talk about the security of their grandparents as important because, to the extent that their parents can focus on them rather than worry about the financial security of their grandparents, it is very important to the family across the board.

For the children, the American Rescue Plan also includes $12 billion in nutrition assistance to help the estimated 11 million children still going hungry.

When I talk about this with my family, I say to my kids: You know, the millions of children who are food insecure in our country, that is horrible.

They will say: Mom, just say it another way. They are hungry. They are hungry. Some of them get their food at school. They go to sleep hungry. If you call that food insecurity, okay, but understand this, these little children are hungry.

Again, $12 billion in nutrition assistance.

$43 billion in rental, homeowner, and other housing assistance so that children of families who are on the verge of eviction can have the comfort of knowing that that won't happen. They will have the comfort of home.

$45 billion of childcare to keep children learning and parents earning. That is always necessary, but even more so with the 2.3 million women losing their jobs, many of them moms.

Now, everything that I mentioned here is related to the coronavirus. We have hunger issues in our country bigger than even this. We have housing issues. We have childcare issues, and the rest. It is very important in our country. But this is coronavirus-centered.

Childcare, and I will say it again, $45 billion. Most of it is for childcare and a little bit of it is for Head Start. Children learning, parents earning. This is important and central to how families get through this coronavirus crisis.

All of these provisions in the bill are enhanced by strengthening the support for our heroes at the State and local level. Hence, our bill was called the Heroes Act. Much of that is contained in this legislation. Heroes, because our workers at the State, county, and local level, our healthcare workers, our first responders, police and fire, our sanitation, transportation, our food workers, our teachers-- our teachers, our teachers--make our lives possible, and make the existence of our children better.

Whatever we spend on education in this bill is a small percentage of what State and local government spend on education. More than 90 percent of it comes from the State and local. So in this legislation we are ensuring that State and local government keep them in their jobs as heroes, as we talked about, and will help fight the fiscal pressure that they have because of the cost of addressing the coronavirus crisis, as well as revenue lost because of shutdowns and the rest.

I was raised in a mayor's household as a daughter and sister of the mayor of Baltimore. The recognition of the role that local government plays is very important to me, local and State. But the local government is the first line of defense, and we are determined to fight any attempts to weaken what was in this legislation for local government.

One of the values respected in this legislation is our commitment to communities of color, including Native Americans, especially, who continue to face serious health and economic disparities. This legislation will, among other steps, address 8 in 10 minority- owned businesses on the brink of closure--8 in 10 minority-owned businesses.

The American Rescue Plan, Mr. Speaker, is a force for fairness and justice in America. This legislation is one of the most transformative and historic bills any of us will ever have the opportunity to support. It is one of the most transformative that I have seen in my over 30 years in the Congress. It is as consequential as the Affordable Care Act, which expanded healthcare to more than 20 million people and made benefits much better for over 150 million families.

Today, we have a decision to make of tremendous consequence, a decision that will make a difference for millions of Americans, saving lives and livelihoods. And as with all decisions, it is a decision that we will have to answer for. We will give the American Rescue Plan a resounding and, hopefully, bipartisan vote to reflect the bipartisan support that it has in the country. And we will get to work immediately to deliver lifesaving resources springing from this bill as soon as it is passed and signed, as we join President Biden in his promise that help is on the way. For the people, for the children, I urge a ``yes'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his great leadership of the Judiciary Committee. Thank you for bringing this important legislation to the floor, Mr. Nadler.

And, again, as an authority on the Constitution, you and I know that we do respect the right of the gentleman to have a gun. We just want to make sure that we are keeping people safe.

Mr. Speaker, the gun violence crisis in America is a challenge to the conscience of our country, one that demands that we act. We know what must be done. The solutions are clear. They have overwhelming bipartisan support across the country. These solutions will save lives.

That is why I am so pleased to rise on the floor to support Mr. Clyburn's legislation, H.R. 1446, the Enhanced Background Checks Act to ensure that universal background checks do save lives. He explained so clearly the purpose of his legislation. I associate myself with his remarks. I know how painful it is because he had friends in that church whom we have met families of since then.

I also rise to support H.R. 8, the Bipartisan Background Checks Act of Mr. Mike Thompson. Mr. Thompson is a gun owner. He is a veteran. He respects the Second Amendment, and he is the chair of the Gun Violence Prevention Task Force. I thank him for his decades of leadership on background checks and for the perspective he brings, again, as a gun owner and a veteran and a hunter.

We all salute the extraordinary work of Mr. Clyburn, the leader of the Enhanced Background Checks Act, to close the Charleston loophole, and we respect him for the work he has done in his community to turn their agony into action, their pain into saving other people's lives.

I thank all the Members who have helped raise a drumbeat on these priorities, including our colleague, Representative Lucy McBath, who has been such an inspiration to all of us, bringing her great generosity of spirit in telling her story, sharing that story of Jordan with us.

Now, we also have a debt of gratitude to our former colleague, Gabby Giffords, who when she was having a neighborhood meeting, there was an attempt on her life. Her courage is an inspiration to the country. Her leadership to end gun violence is something that is so remarkable. Under her leadership and that of the Bradys, we were able to meet with survivors over time to try to pass legislation to make gun laws clear and better and really adjusting to the realities of technology.

Another colleague, Bobby Rush, lost his son to gun violence as well. So, again, we hear about the big events that take place, and they are horrible, but every day people lose their lives.

In fact, let me just see what the statistics are. Since 1994, when background checks were first created, I had the privilege of being here at that time and actually serving as a whip for the legislation. Our leader on the bill was Senator Schumer. Well, right then he was a Member of Congress, Chuck Schumer, on this legislation. Since 1994, when background checks were first created, the system has stopped more than 3 million dangerous people from getting firearms.

Every day, when background checks are used, they stop an estimated 170 felons, 50 domestic abusers, and nearly 20 fugitives from buying a gun. Every day, Mr. Speaker.

Yet, over the years, people have exploited and circumvented the system. Today, someone with a violent criminal record or a history of abuse can go to a gun show or go online or even to a stranger in person to purchase a firearm. No background check, no questions asked, all perfectly legal. It might be legal, but it is not perfect.

Even when a background check has been initiated, it is not always completed. That is what this legislation before us, Mr. Clyburn's bill, is about; the horrific case that enabled a hate crime at Mother Emanuel Church in Charleston in which nine innocent people were murdered while peacefully worshipping.

Eighty percent of firearms--because of gun shows, online sales and the rest--80 percent of firearms are sold or transferred without completed background checks.

So it is in that spirit that I come to the floor, but when I come to the floor, I bring with me the thoughts of the survivors who we meet with regularly. We have said to them, We are not stopping until the job is done.

We respect our Constitution, but we also say that the Constitution talks about well-regulated.

Again, these bills that we are talking about have bipartisan support by a vast majority of the American people; over 90 percent of the public, including more than 90 percent of gun-owning households. Most of these folks who own guns have passed background checks, they support background checks, and they are supported by dozens of leading law enforcement, veterans, local government, public health, and other groups.

For example, Mr. Speaker, the Major Cities Chiefs Association, representing the Nation's largest metropolitan law enforcement agencies writes: ``The lack of a background check for private sales and gun shows completely contradicts the purpose for which NICS was established--to keep guns out of the hands of those who do harm.''

For the benefit of those who don't know what NICS is, it is an important program. Mr. Thompson has been a champion in the funding of NICS. NICS is the National Instant Criminal Background Check System.

Next, the Association of Prosecuting Attorneys states: ``H.R. 8 will help the background check system catch up with changes in technology and ensure that individuals who are prohibited from purchasing or possessing a gun cannot easily buy guns online.''

And the U.S. Conference of Mayors writes that H.R. 8 will ``make our cities safer and in no way compromise gun owners' rights.''

H.R. 8 is very important to us, and it is legislation that has broad support. It is called the Bipartisan Background Checks Act. That is Mr. Thompson's bill.

And this bill, H.R. 1446, Mr. Clyburn's bill is the Enhanced Background Checks Act. So everything I say about one bill applies to the other in terms of its purpose, in terms of its urgency, and in terms of its honoring our promise to the survivors and the families who have lost their loved ones to gun violence, that we are not going away until this legislation passes and that we will meet the challenge of the conscience of the country when it comes to the gun violence crisis in our country.

And I say that with gratitude to Representative Mike Thompson and our distinguished whip Mr. Clyburn for their leadership, their determination, their persistence, and soon, hopefully, their success in turning their legislation into law, so that we can keep our promises to the survivors, and also, that we can make the world safer for all children and all people in our country and throughout the world, as we are an example to the world.

I urge an ``aye'' vote on both of these bills.

Mr. Speaker, as we gather here today to pass the PRO Act, we are engaged in a great act of patriotism for our country.

The middle class is the backbone of our democracy. The middle class in America has a union label on it. So as we move to strengthen collective bargaining and the rest, we are strengthening our middle class and our democracy. For that reason, I rise with great pride as the House takes this historic patriotic step forward for our workers and for justice and fairness in America.

I thank Chairman Bobby Scott, the chair of the Education and Labor Committee, for his leadership in the PRO Act, among other things, and his lifelong dedication to fighting for working families.

That is what unifies us as Democrats. With all of our differences, our unity springs from our commitment to making progress for America's working families.

This progress is possible, because just over 4 months ago, Americans went to the polls and elected President Biden, a champion of workers, whose commitment to families' health and financial security is in his

Mr. Speaker, today is International Women's Day, a day to recognize the great accomplishments of women and the great possibilities that lie ahead.

During the course of the day we will be having some recognitions. But one very important one is that: As we speak here now, on the Senate side, they are finishing up the engrossment of the American Rescue Plan.

This plan, as my distinguished colleague from the Virgin Islands pointed out, does so many great things for America's children, America's families, and America's women. If you are a caregiver, whether for a child or a senior or whatever, childcare is substantially supported in this legislation.

If you are a teacher, schools will be able to be open more safely with increased funding to do so with ventilation, separation, and the rest to have our children and teachers return safely as well.

The child tax credit and the refundable child tax credit, the earned income tax credit--as was mentioned by the distinguished chairwoman on the Ways and Means Committee, which was largely responsible, along with Rosa DeLauro, Richie Neal and Mike Thompson in getting all this done-- the point is, we will be having a further discussion about this bill as we move forward to its passage in the next 24, 48 hours.

It is important to acknowledge on International Women's Day the connection between the advancement of women, the recognition of the contributions of women, and the needs that are met in the American Rescue Plan.

As President Biden said, help is on the way. That promise is kept in this legislation to all Americans. I wanted to acknowledge specifically the women of America.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, I will take a few seconds to say thank you to the Congressional Black Caucus, to Congresswoman Jackson Lee; Congresswoman Terri Sewell; the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, Joyce Beatty; and so many members.

Mr. Speaker, I have been watching the presentation. It is so heartwarming, but I did not want to miss the chance to say thank you to all of you for this commemoration of this 56th anniversary. For so many of us who have gone there many times over, it is a hole in our heart not to be able to be there for our precious John Lewis, who gave us so much.

In the next couple of days, we are going to be talking about justice, jobs, healthcare, and all the things that he stood for. And we are going to pass H.R. 1 and H.R. 4 and have the John Lewis language become law.

Mr. Speaker, I, again, thank the Congressional Black Caucus.

Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize the outstanding service of the Reading Clerk of the United States House of Representatives, Joe Novotny, as he prepares for his retirement. As Reading Clerk, Joe Novotny has served as the `Voice of the House,' and his trusted leadership and valued presence on the House Floor will be missed by Members and staff on both sides of the aisle.

Joe Novotny has dedicated his entire career to the People's House. A Chicago native, Novotny came to Washington to serve as a Congressional page at age 16. After studying Political Communication at George Washington University, he returned to the House, where he worked as a staffer for the House Education and Labor Committee for fifteen years, rising to become Chief Clerk for this essential committee. His service was greatly respected by all, including by Education and Labor Chair George Miller, who lauded Novotny as `an incredibly valuable asset to my staff [whose] unparalleled integrity and dedication helped our committee advance major policies that are making a difference in the lives of working families.'

In 2010, it was my great and proud honor as Speaker of the House to name Joe Novotny Reading Clerk: the first openly gay man to hold this important position. His historic service has made our Congress more inclusive, diverse and representative of the people whom we serve. As Novotny stated upon his appointment, `When you think about the diversity in this House now--and the fact that we have the first woman Speaker and we have the first African-American Clerk of the House--this is a Congress of firsts, so to be a part of that is a tremendous honor.' As the child of immigrants, Novotny's ascendance to service in the halls of the United States Capitol is, as he has proudly said, the story of the American Dream.

As Reading Clerk, Novotny has been vital in engaging and connecting our country with their Democracy, as he ensures that legislative measures debated in the House are clearly articulated not only to Members of Congress but to the American people and to communities around the world. He has consistently brought his steady, calming presence and great professionalism and institutional expertise to the House Floor, and in doing so, has helped advance the ability of the People's House to do the people's work.

His commitment to making the Congress more open, accessible and efficient has been particularly important to the functioning of the House and the health of our Democracy during the challenging time of the coronavirus pandemic, as our institution has adjusted to remote and virtual operations.

While Joe Novotny's service will be missed, his great love for the House and his dedication to our Democracy stand as an inspiration for all who will follow in the path that he has blazed. On behalf of the United States House of Representatives, I thank Joe Novotny for his patriotic service, which has strengthened the Congress and Country.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York, the distinguished chair of the Judiciary Committee, for yielding and for his leadership in bringing this important legislation to the floor.

I commend Congresswoman Karen Bass for her great leadership in this important legislation.

Madam Speaker, nearly 1 year ago, George Floyd gasped his last words, ``I can't breathe,'' and ignited a nationwide reckoning on the racial injustice and police brutality in America.

Americans from every corner of the country took to the streets to peacefully protest violence against Black Americans: waving Black Lives Matter flags, chanting the names of the murdered, repeating George Floyd's dying words, ``I can't breathe.'' They turned their agony into action.

But, tragically, despite these mass protests, the injustice, the killing, continues. Those protests were global. They were all over the world.

Here, as Members of Congress, and as Americans, we cannot accept this epidemic of injustice. We cannot stay silent when our most vulnerable and historically marginalized communities--people of color, those living in poverty, Americans with disabilities--are being targeted and sometimes killed.

That is why today the House will again pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act and send it to the Senate and the President's desk, so that it can finally become the law of the land.

I salute Congresswoman Karen Bass, who has been relentless, persistent, and absolutely courageous in her leadership on this legislation. I thank the Congressional Black Caucus and its chairperson, Joyce Beatty; and Judiciary chair, Jerry Nadler.

The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act fundamentally transforms the culture of policing with strong, unprecedented reform. This legislation will not erase centuries of systemic racism and excessive policing in America. It will not bring back George Floyd, Breonna Taylor--say her name, Breonna Taylor--Ahmaud Arbery, or the countless other men and women who died or were senselessly injured. But it will take a tremendous step forward to stop the violence, stem the suffering, and start to build a healthier and better relationship between law enforcement and communities that they protect.

All of us here salute and are profoundly grateful for our law enforcement heroes. I grew up in a public service family. My father, my whole life at home, was the mayor of Baltimore. My brother was mayor later, Thomas D'Alesandro, in Baltimore. They had a motto about the police: Be true to the men in blue.

Of course, this was a long time ago. Be true to the men in blue. I was raised with that respect.

But then, prayerfully, these people, our men and women--now men and women--in uniform, whether they are police or fire, but addressing police here, our first responders left home when they left to go to work, not knowing, and their families not knowing, if they would return home because they were risking their lives to save lives and to protect all of us. So it was with great prayerful gratitude to most of the men and women in blue that we, sadly, have to say that our appreciation for them cannot lapse into apathy or acceptance of actions that are fundamentally incompatible with the purpose of policing.

Of course, there is not anyone on our side of the aisle who has advocated any policy in this body to defund the police, contrary to misrepresentations that are coming forth. All of us here, again, salute and are profoundly grateful for our law enforcement heroes.

As the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives writes:

The passage of this act is paramount in achieving the

fundamental principle of a police force that ``protects and

serves'' every

citizen of their community with fairness, accountability, and

transparency in their actions.

The Democratic Congress, together with the Biden-Harris administration, is committed to not only ensuring that this legislation becomes law, but to take further action to end violence and advance justice in America. Let us ensure that the passage of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act is the first of many steps in this direction.

The family of George Floyd, who came here when the bill was being reviewed by Chairman Nadler's committee, asked me: Madam Speaker, will you name this bill for our brother?

His brother asked that question. The gentleman remembers that day. We couldn't be in the committee room because of COVID.

I said: Only if you think it is worthy of your brother.

I think of George Floyd at least once a day and sometimes more.

Do you know why?

Not just because of the sadness of it all, but I think of him because they tell us that, in order to be safe from COVID, we must wash our hands for 20 seconds. So as I'm washing my hands for 20 seconds, after about 8 or 9 seconds, I am thinking that this is taking forever; I can't do this for 20 seconds; it takes too long. Then I think of George Floyd--8 minutes and 46 seconds. It is a long time. It is a long time, as Congresswoman Dean said, calling out for his mother and extending love to his family.

Let us ensure that George's brother, Philonise, when he said that George's name means something; and that as his daughter, Gianna, said, ``Daddy changed the world,'' with this legislation, let us take an important step in changing the world for George's family, for all communities of color, for all Americans, and for the whole world.

Madam Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote in the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, and I thank Karen Bass, again, for her leadership.

Madam Speaker, nearly one year ago, George Floyd gasped his last words--``I can't breathe''--and ignited a nationwide reckoning on the racial injustice and police brutality in America.

Americans from every corner of the country took to the streets to peacefully protest violence against Black Americans: waving Black Lives Matter flags, chanting the names of the murdered, repeating George Floyd's dying words.

They turned their agony into action, but tragically, despite these mass protests, the injustice--the killing--continues.

Last year, 1,127 people were killed by police, far more than in the year before. In the months following George Floyd's murder, 645 people were killed--and hundreds more were attacked and assaulted, including Jacob Blake: shot seven times in the back in front of his three children.

As George Floyd's brother Philonise recently said, ``As a Black man in the United States, I want to be able to go outside and protest, because at this time, I don't know who is going to survive or not.''

As Members of Congress and as Americans, we cannot accept this epidemic of injustice. We cannot stay silent, when our most vulnerable and historically marginalized communities--people of color, those living in poverty, Americans with disabilities--are being targeted and killed.

That is why, today, the House will again pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act--and send it to the Senate and the President's desk, so that it can finally become law.

I salute Congresswoman Karen Bass, who has been relentless, persistent and absolutely courageous in her leadership on this legislation. Thank you to the CBC and Chair Joyce Beatty, and Judiciary Chair Jerry Nadler.

The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act fundamentally transforms the culture of policing with strong, unprecedented reforms, including: banning chokeholds; stopping no-knock warrants; ending the court- created qualified immunity doctrine; combating racial profiling; and establishing strong new standards and protections to prevent and combat police misconduct.

This legislation will not erase centuries of systemic racism and excessive policing in America.

It will not bring back George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery or the countless other men and women who died or were senselessly injured.

But it will take a tremendous step forward to stop the violence, stem the suffering and start to build a healthier, better relationship between law enforcement and the communities that they protect.

All of us here salute and are profoundly grateful for our law enforcement heroes. But our appreciation cannot lapse into apathy or acceptance of actions that are fundamentally incompatible with the purpose of policing.

As the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives writes, ``The passage of this act is paramount in achieving the fundamental principle of a police force that `protects and serves' every citizen of their community, with fairness, accountability and transparency in their actions.''

The Democratic Congress, together with the Biden-Harris Administration, is committed to not only ensuring that this legislation becomes law--but to taking further action to end violence and advance justice in America.

Let us ensure that the passage of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act is the first of many steps in this mission.

And let us ensure that, as George's brother said, ``George's name means something''; and that, as his daughter Gianna said, ``Daddy changed the world.''

With this legislation, let us take a small step to ``changing the world''--for George's family, for all communities of color, and for all Americans.

With that, I urge a strong, bipartisan vote for the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act.

Madam Speaker, I join the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren) in her beautiful acknowledgment of the passing of Vernon Jordan.

Madam Speaker, I also commend her for her great leadership in honoring

our Constitution with this For the People legislation. I am fond of saying of Chairwoman Lofgren that she has so much experience, so much knowledge, such deep values about our Constitution and about our electoral system and how they are connected. I thank her for her tremendous leadership.

Madam Speaker, I also thank John Sarbanes for his long-term dedication to this For the People legislation so that we can have elections that enable people to participate more fully. That is what this is all about. Mr. Sarbanes chaired the Democracy Reform Task Force. He is the godfather of this bill. His determination, his deliberation, and his dedication to democracy have brought us to this important moment for the American people.

Madam Speaker, I am especially pleased that this moment is happening in March when it is Women's History Month because I am very fond of saying that if we reduce the role of money in politics and increase the level of decency and civility, we will be able to elect many more women, many more people of color, many more young people into elective office. I am absolutely certain of that in terms of women, and this legislation does just that.

Madam Speaker, ``We the people,'' the first words of the Preamble to the Constitution, how appropriate that that is what this legislation is called.

I come to this conversation, not just as Speaker of the House, but as a person who, for years, was a leader in the California Democratic Party. Our purpose was to remove obstacles of participation for Democrats or Republicans. That is what the law requires. That was the right thing to do. Whether it was in registration or getting out the vote, we had to be nonpartisan. That is what this legislation does.

Madam Speaker, it is very interesting in the rules of the House that we can have people misrepresent the facts, but if we call them on it, our words are taken down for mistrusting the integrity of Members. But let's be very clear: There is no public funding use of taxpayer money for congressional races in this legislation, no matter what you hear someone else say. There will be an amendment on the floor.

Madam Speaker, speaking of amendments, there are 56 amendments. The list takes pages and pages and pages, so this will take a couple of days to deal with. This idea that we don't have a full discussion and full amendment process, let's not talk about process. Let's talk about the policy and what we hope to achieve.

The first 300 pages of this bill were written by John Lewis to eliminate voter suppression, which has become rampant in our country. How do we say to our Founders, ``We salute you for what you have done, and we are going to do everything in our power to make sure we suppress the vote''? It is so inconsistent. We see even just in recent days a torrent of pieces of legislation to reduce voter participation. So, that is what we are going to do.

Madam Speaker, another aspect of this that distorts our democracy is the partisan gerrymandering. That is why I salute the distinguished chairwoman for her leadership for a long time now in putting forth redistricting by way of commission.

The people should choose their politicians. Politicians should not be choosing their voters by this political gerrymandering. This legislation does that.

Part of voter suppression that people don't always recognize is the suffocation of the airways of big, dark, special interest money.

And one aspect of this bill that has such popular appeal is the fact that people will realize if we reduce the role of big, dark money in politics, we increase the voices of the people. We will have a better chance to preserve our planet if big, dark money, special interest money is not weighing in.

We have a better chance of protecting our children from gun violence with background check legislation if big, dark money, in terms of our gun lobbies, is not weighing in. We have a chance to reduce the cost of healthcare. We have the chance to increase paychecks. The list goes on and on.

Big, dark money has been an obstacle to progress for America's working families, suppressing the ability of people to bargain collectively, suppressing the rights of workers in our country. So, again, this is, as Mr. Sarbanes says, this caffeinates all the other issues because it gives people confidence that it really can happen, that we really can pass legislation that is not dominated, and the debate of it is not suffocated. The airways suffocated big, dark money.

Of course, we have to look at what is happening in terms of misinformation in the social media and the rest. And what we want to do is to clear the air; clear the air of that big, dark money; clear the air of political gerrymandering; and clear the air of the voter suppression that is out there.

Just last night, the Georgia House passed a draconian new voter restriction bill, which would end weekend voting, slash the number of mail ballot drop boxes, impose restrictive voter ID for mail ballots, among other actions.

They know that their issues are losers with the America people when they oppose some of the issues that are very popular in the public domain. They know that big money and voter suppression is their path to victory, and that is why they are engaged in this. These voter suppression tactics are fundamentally discriminatory.

In 2018, 70 percent of the Georgia voters purged from the rolls were African American. And nationwide, counties with larger minority populations had fewer polling places and poll workers per voter. In fact, 1 in 13 Black Americans cannot vote due to disenfranchisement laws nationwide.

We must ensure that all voters have a voice in their democracy, particularly in light of many grave challenges that our Nation faces today. Strong, clean, ethical leadership for the people is needed to tackle today's crisis, ranging from the pandemic and economic crisis to the national reckoning on racial equality and justice, and, as I mentioned earlier, the surging climate crisis.

The For The People Act will meet this moment. Again, the moment: restoring the public's trust in government, and re-empowering our leaders to fight in the people's interest, not the special interest. It will combat big, dark money in politics, taking on the power of special interests, forcing disclosure, reining in the lobbyist influence and empowering small donors.

I do believe that one of the most undemocratic acts of the Supreme Court of the United States in its history was the so-called Citizens United decision.

How could the Justices of the Supreme Court ever have made such a decision?

I don't know if they examined their conscience in light of what has happened since then with big, dark money weighing in. And they gave very little opportunity--usually when the Court makes a decision, Congress can act, change the law, change the perspective, make it more constitutional, whatever the question is; but not with Citizens United. They went all out, closed every window to any opportunity to make change in the House of Representatives, except one: Disclosure.

Disclosure. They said, okay, you can pass a law that says you must disclose. When this decision was made, we tried to have a disclosure act. We had 59 votes in the Senate, not 60. So we couldn't pass it because the Republicans in the Senate said, No, we cannot insist on disclosure.

When that happened, the Chamber of Commerce, it was reported that they said, oh, if we had to disclose, our members would not be giving of their chamber, would not be giving in the big amounts because they didn't want the public, their employees, their customers, their clients to know how much big money they were spending to suppress the vote and the discussion in our country.

So the Republicans supported low disclosure. The money flowed and continues to flow. It must be stopped.

Now, it would take a constitutional amendment to overturn Citizens United, and I think we should strive for that. However, in the meantime, it would take an act of Congress to say: You are proud of who you are supporting in a big, dark money way?

Disclose it. Let's have disclosure. The public has a right to know, your employees have a right to know, your customers and your community has a right to know how you are weighing in against their interests, against clean air for their children, clean safety in

terms of water safety in their neighborhoods in terms of gun violence protection, safety in terms of preserving the planet, safety in terms of issues that relate to the health. The list goes on and on.

There is a direct connection between the suppression of the vote; the suffocation of the airways with big, dark money; and the health and well-being of the American people.

So this bill will combat big, dark money in politics. As I said, it will expand voting rights, ensuring secure and accurate elections, guarding elections from foreign interference. Let me say that again.

Why would the Republicans oppose guarding the elections from foreign interference?

This is one of the most popular aspects of this legislation in the public.

Again, the For the People Act would hold elected officials accountable, establishing tougher ethics, establishing conflict of interest rules for all government officials to ensure that public officials are working for the public good.

The For the People Act is unifying, supported by a majority of the American people across the country, Democrats, Republicans, Independents, more than 170 civil rights groups, environmental, faith- based, consumer protection, and gun safety groups, all of whom know this legislation is urgently needed.

Two examples. Stacey Abrams of Fair Fight wrote yesterday: ``The For the People Act understands the facets of free and fair elections: mitigating voter suppression, advancing a fair redistricting process, and empowering small dollar donors to have a more prominent rule in our elections. Together, this comprehensive bill signals a restoration of our Nation's commitment to the most durable democratic Republic.''

I will say it again: Together, this comprehensive bill signals a restoration of our Nation's commitment to the world's most durable democratic Republic, the United States of America.

Passing and enacting H.R. 1 will put the American people back in charge of the Republic, paving the way for transformative progress in terms of policy for our country, for the future, for our children. With this legislation, we can build back better for the people, advancing justice, opportunity, and progress for families in every ZIP Code.

Madam Speaker, to restore our democracy and to advance progress for the people, I urge a strong vote for H.R. 1, the For the People Act.

Again, I express my appreciation to Madam Chair Zoe Lofgren, John Sarbanes, and so many others; Mondaire Jones, speaking for the freshman class and what it means to young people to come into the process, not to be blocked by big, dark money and foreign influence in our elections.

Vote against foreign influence in elections. Vote for H.R. 1.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, I thank him for his leadership as chair of the Budget Committee, to him and all of the members of his committee and the staff who worked so hard to bring this to the floor.

Thank you to Mr. Neal and the members of the Ways and Means Committee and their staff. Thank you also for bringing your piece of this legislation to the floor. And Mr. McGovern and the Rules Committee and his members, and the staff members of all the committees.

All of the chairs of the committees have worked so hard. All of their members, all of the staff to bring this to this very important moment for our country.

As the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky acknowledged in his opening sentence, this week, on Monday, our Nation marked the loss of over 500,000 Americans to the coronavirus, a horrific human toll of staggering proportions, an incomprehensible sadness. Every life lost is a profound tragedy that we mourn, and that breaks America's heart, and we pray for their families.

Each day this pandemic reaches into our communities, devastating families' health, financial security, and well-being. The numbers speak volumes: 18 million Americans are on unemployment; 24 million people are going hungry; 12 million, Mr. Speaker; 12 million children living in households with food insecurity--and that is a conservative number-- up to 40 million people cannot pay their rent and fear eviction.

The writer, George Bernard Shaw, said, ``It is the mark of a truly intelligent person to be moved by statistics.'' And indeed, we are moved emotionally and intellectually because these statistics are not just numbers, they are the lives and livelihoods of our neighbors, family members, friends, and loved ones.

We moved to act swiftly to put an end to this pandemic and to stem the suffering felt by so many. The time for decisive action is long overdue. President Biden's American Rescue Plan is that decisive action.

Tonight, Congress is taking action to crush the virus with a national vaccination program, robust testing, tracing and treatment, more PPE, and combating health disparities affecting communities of color disproportionately.

We are putting money in workers' pockets: 18 million Americans will receive unemployment insurance; 40 million Americans will receive nutrition assistance; 27 million children will receive help through an expanded child tax credit; 15 million low-wage workers will receive an earned income tax credit; and millions and millions of other people, in addition, will receive the direct payments.

We are putting children safely back in schools with $130 billion investment in reopening schools and making up for lost learning, and to do so safely.

And we are putting people back into jobs by supporting our most vulnerable small businesses, particularly those owned by minorities and women, and protecting the jobs of our heroes, healthcare workers, transit, sanitation, food workers, police and fire, our first responders, our teachers, our teachers, our teachers, and more.

Economists overwhelmingly support this targeted action.

Earlier this month, Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell reported that the real unemployment rate is 10 percent, matching the depths of the worst point of the Great Recession. As he said: We are still very far from a strong labor market whose benefits are broadly shared.

Therefore, if we do not enact this package, the results could be catastrophic: depriving workers and the economy of 4 million fewer jobs to come back; taking a year longer to return to full employment, and 4 years longer until real GDP recovers to a pre-pandemic status; confronting the entire cohort of young people with lower lifetime earnings; reducing the wages and job prospects of parents forced to stay at home.

This legislation is transformative: lifting 12 million Americans out of poverty and generating $1.25 for every dollar spent. And--a great source of pride for us all--this legislation will cut child poverty in half.

As we advance this legislation, we will continue our fight for 15, which will give 27 million Americans a raise. When I was Speaker in 2007, congressional Democrats raised the minimum wage in the first 100 hours of our new majority. It took a little longer for the Senate to get it done in the spring. That was 14 years ago.

An increase in the minimum wage is a financial necessity for our families, a great stimulus for our economy, and a moral imperative for our country. With that view, it is therefore inevitable to all of us that the $15 minimum wage will be achieved. Even if it is inconceivable to some, it is inevitable to us, and we will work diligently to shorten the distance between the inevitable and the inconceivable.

The $7.25 minimum wage that exists now is, in many instances, an exploitation of American workers. It is a cost to taxpayers because minimum wage workers need food and housing assistance, and many are on Medicaid. This is corporate welfare. This is a subsidy for business to pay a low wage. We want work to be respected, and we respect the dignity of work. We will seek a solution consistent with the Senate rules, and we will do so soon.

The American people are demanding the bold action contained in the American Rescue Plan. Over 75 percent of Americans support this package and want it passed and enacted, including 60 percent of Republicans in the country. Families, workers, business leaders, mayors and local leaders, and health and faith-based organizations are all calling for immediate action.

More than 1 year ago into this pandemic and economic crisis, the American people need to know that their government is there for them and that, as President Biden has said, help is on the way.

With that, I thank again the chairs and members of the committee, the staff, and all of our Members for their attention to the issue of morality to our country.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong and bipartisan vote for the American Rescue Plan so we can continue our work to save lives and the livelihoods of the American people. I urge an ``aye'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding and for her leadership on this important issue.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to join our entire caucus in saluting Congressman

David Cicilline, our longtime champion of the Equality Act, who has been courageous, relentless, and persistent in his leadership for this legislation.

We are proud to bring this important legislation to the House floor under the leadership of the most diverse House Democratic majority-- nearly 70 percent women, people of color, and LGBTQ, with 224 cosponsors on this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, as many of us were gathered together nearly 5 years ago to first introduce the Equality Act, that day in the LBJ room, on the Senate side, named after the President who fought for and signed the Civil Rights Act, we stood with an icon of the civil rights struggle, our colleague John Lewis, the conscience of Congress.

The Civil Rights Act is a sacred pillar of freedom in our country. It is not amended lightly. So how proud were we to be with our beloved John Lewis and the Congressional Black Caucus--many of whom are here now, Maxine Waters, Mr. Green, and others, thank you--as they gave their imprimatur to the opening of the Civil Rights Act to end discrimination against LGBTQ Americans.

And we remember John Lewis' life, we remember his words spoken at the Pride parade in Atlanta. Shortly before being diagnosed with cancer, he said, ``We are one people and one family. We all live in the same House . . . `'

Mr. Speaker, as we prepare to pass this landmark legislation, we must salute the countless advocates, activists, outside organizers and mobilizers, who have for decades demanded full rights for all Americans. Personally, my thoughts are with my friends, the late Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin, who shared their lives together for decades. I have spoken of them with their photo here on the floor year in and year out.

They were members, as so many of us in San Francisco, who for decades were engaged in civic engagement on many issues, including those issues related to LGBTQ rights. They were an inspiration, teaching us to take ``pride.'' And I say that with pride.

When people say to me, ``It is easy for you to support LGBTQ equality because you are from San Francisco where people are so tolerant.'' Tolerant? To me, that is a condescending word. This is not about tolerance.

This is about respect. This is about taking pride for Phyllis and Del and the older LGBTQ couples, for them, for LGBTQ workers striving to provide for their families, and for LGBTQ youth struggling to find their place, this is an historic, transformative moment of pride.

Here in the House, this pride goes back for many years. When we first got the majority in 2006 and 2007, House Democrats had four goals relating to equality. Passing a comprehensive hate crimes bill--and when I say comprehensive, I mean, LGBTQ--``TQ''. ``T''. People said to us at the time, Take out the ``T'' and you can pass this bill in a minute.

I said, If we take out the ``T,'' we are not going to pass this bill in 100 years because we are not bringing it up without the word ``transgender'' in the bill.

We passed the bill with the help of Barney Frank, our former colleague, and the family of Matthew Shepard who came here, touched our hearts, and got the votes to help us pass the legislation.

Then we had ``Don't ask, don't tell.'' And under the leadership of President Obama and the courage of so many Members--Patrick Murphy, our former colleague and an Iraq combat vet leading the way here--we repealed ``Don't ask, don't tell.''

Thank you, President Obama.

Mr. Speaker, securing marriage equality was done for us by the courts. I took great pride in attending the oral arguments when that was argued in the courts, and what a victory it was for liberty and justice in our country when that decision came down.

Our next item on the agenda was something called ENDA, ending discrimination in the workplace. Well, it is really called Employment Nondiscrimination Act, hence the ENDA.

But then with the successes that we had, it was, Why are we just talking about the workplace? Why aren't we talking about every place in our society? And, hence, came forth ENDA which became the Equality Act, finally, fully, ending anti-LGBTQ discrimination on employment, education, housing, credit, jury service, and public accommodation. It removes all doubt that sexual orientation and gender identity warrants civil rights protection in every arena of American life.

Codifying the recent decision made by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Bostock case, it takes a momentous step towards full equality that brings our Nation closer to the founding promise of liberty and justice for all enshrined in the preamble of our Constitution by our Founders in their great wisdom--also, in our pledge to the flag. And it is sadly necessary, I wish that it weren't. Sometimes I just wonder why it is. But it is sadly necessary because many members of the national LGBTQ community live in States where, though they have the right to marry, they have no State-level nondiscrimination protections in other areas of life.

Mr. Speaker, in more than 20 States, LGBTQ Americans do not have specific protections against being denied housing because of their sexual orientation or gender identity, and over 30 States lack protections regarding access to education. Nearly 40 States lack protections regarding jury service.

Mr. Speaker, passing the Equality Act in the last Congress was historic, a day of hope and happiness for millions. Now, with the Democratic Senate majority and President Biden in the White House and Vice President Harris there as well, we will pass it once more and we will never stop fighting until it becomes law. We will never stop fighting until the Equality Act becomes law.

Let me conclude by returning to John Lewis and recalling his words spoken on this House floor on the passage of the Equality Act the first time. John Lewis said: We have a decision to end discrimination and set all of our people free.

And set all of our people free. Today, with this legislation, we have an opportunity to set all of our people free and to advance the future of justice, equality, and dignity for all.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote for the Equality Act, salute Mr. Cicilline and Senate Merkley on the Senate side for their leadership, and commend the distinguished chair of the Judiciary Committee for once again bringing this to the floor. Thank you, Congresswoman, for your leadership on this issue as well.

Mr. Speaker, I urge an ``aye'' vote.

Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Morelle, the gentleman from New York and distinguished member of the Committee on Rules, among other committees of the House, for bringing this important rule to the floor.

Madam Speaker, we just left a meeting with President Biden where we had a discussion about how this legislation meets the needs of the American people. As our colleagues may be aware, early this morning, before 6 a.m., the Senate passed a budget bill, which is identical in instruction to the bill that we sent there.

We had the debate on that bill on Wednesday. It passed with a strong vote in the House, and then went to the Senate. It comes back to us now and we are addressing it. So that is what brings us to the floor now.

What brings us to the floor now is the opportunity to crush the virus, to put vaccines in the arms of the American people, money in the pockets of the American people, children safely in school, people back in their jobs.

We can do that following science and good governance to make it happen. We must do that in a way that addresses the disparities. It is almost sinful to see the disparity in access to some of the vaccines and everything that happened up until now.

As I mentioned the other day in the debate on the budget bill, the GAO has put out a report that at least 90 percent of their recommendations to the Trump administration on how to address the COVID crisis were ignored. Twenty-seven out of 31 were ignored.

This legislation, again, based on science and knowledge, and respect for all the people in our society and in our country, addresses many of those concerns in a more current way as now we have more access to vaccines and people more willing to participate because they have hope. That is what this legislation does. It gives us hope.

It is a reconciliation bill, which means we can just pass it with 51 votes in the Senate. It would be my hope that we don't have to use it as a reconciliation bill, that we will be able to have bipartisanship with the facing of the facts of what is needed to meet the needs of the American people, both in this body and in the United States Senate. But in order to have a guarantee that the people's needs will be met, we are passing this legislation today.

I hope that we will have a very strong vote in favor of crushing the virus, money in the pockets, people back to work, and children, children, children safely in schools.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him for his great leadership of the Joint Economic Committee, a place where we can really think in a way that is entrepreneurial and successful for the American people. His private sector experience, as well as respect for the public sector and the nonprofit sector, equips him well to lead that important committee and to take us to the floor on this bill, following the Budget Committee, under the leadership of John Yarmuth, a tireless worker for the budget and this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I believe that a budget should be a statement of our national values. What is important to us as a nation should be reflected when we put a budget together.

It is curious to me to hear the distinguished gentleman on the other side of the aisle. It would be ludicrous if it weren't so deadly serious.

Mr. Speaker, $1.9 trillion, the President of the United States has determined is necessary to meet the needs of the American people at a time of a pandemic, at a time of consequences to our economy that are drastic--and I will go on to that in a moment. $1.9 trillion, which is almost exactly the cost of the Republican tax break that they gave to the richest people in America; 83 percent of the benefits went to the top 1 percent.

This legislation, which helps meet the needs of the American people, to be considered a tax break bill for the rich, it is pathetic. It is pathetic. The fact of this Congress is that somebody can say things that aren't true on the floor, but if you say that they said something that was untrue, you would be called out of order.

But I would just say, the facts are these. $1.9 trillion, when you add in the interest--Mr. Green from Texas referenced this--if you add in the interest, $1.9 trillion, $2 trillion, added to the national debt, with no stimulus for our economy, only debt for our children.

Instead, here today, we have a bill that meets the needs of the American people. In the election, the American people cast their ballot for big, bold action and decisive leadership to turn the coronavirus pandemic and economic crisis around. Since then, the need has accelerated drastically. The time for decisive action is now.

Mr. Speaker, that is why, today, we will pass a budget resolution to pave the way for a landmark coronavirus rescue, a rescue plan, which will do what is needed to save lives and livelihoods.

We hope that Republicans in Congress would support a legislative package that will bring real relief to people and to our communities.

Passing this budget does not preclude reaching a bipartisan agreement. I would rather not work under reconciliation, but if that is the way we have to work in order to get results for the American people, we must use every option at our disposal. But I am hopeful that we can have bipartisanship.

That does not ensure that Congress can move forward and meet the country's needs. The need for this action could not be more urgent, and Americans cannot afford to wait. They cannot afford any further delay.

Tens of millions of Americans have been infected. Nearly half a million have died, with one-fifth of those deaths occurring over the past month.

Meanwhile, tens of millions of workers are jobless; food and housing insecurity is skyrocketing; and school closings threaten our children's education. And our most vulnerable communities are bearing the brunt of these crises, as the underlying health and economic disparities continue to grow.

President Biden's American Rescue Plan will take a comprehensive, strategic, and science-based approach to tackling the public health and economic crises. Here is what it will do.

It will put money in the pockets of the American people. It will put vaccines in the arms of the American people. It will put children back in school and workers back to work.

It will crush the virus and help us safely reopen schools, mounting a national vaccination campaign that includes community vaccination sites, ramping and scaling up testing and tracing, addressing shortages of PPE, investing in high-quality treatments, and addressing healthcare disparities.

It is sinful, Mr. Speaker, to see how few people in our communities of color have had access to vaccines up until now, but that will change under President Biden and with this legislation.

It will deliver immediate relief to working families bearing the brunt of the crisis, providing $1,400 checks per person to households across America and providing housing and nutrition assistance. Tens of thousands of people are food insecure in our country. Maybe 17 million children are food insecure in our country.

Access to safe and reliable childcare--let me say it again, safe and reliable childcare--and affordable healthcare, expanded unemployment insurance, and enhanced tax credits for families, low-income working families.

Finally, the plan will support communities struggling with the economic fallout, providing a lifeline for the hardest hit small businesses, especially those owned by minorities, and honoring our heroes. Yes, $350 billion to honor our heroes, about one-fourth of what you were giving to the top 1 percent in our country in your tax bill.

Why is that important? Because these are the entities, State and local county governments, townships, and the rest, that provide the services that the people need: healthcare workers, first responders, police and fire, transportation, sanitation, food workers, our teachers, our teachers, our teachers. They need the State and local governments to be funded. That is very important. In a bipartisan way across the country, it has bipartisan support. So, yes, it is $350 billion.

Again, it is to meet the needs. These people risk their lives to save lives, and now they may lose their jobs because of the cost of the coronavirus and the lost revenue from the pandemic.

Finally, the plan would support communities struggling with the fallout, again, providing a lifeline--that is this point I am making now--for hardest hit small businesses, as I mentioned, that are owned by minorities, frontline health workers, teachers, transit workers, and other essential workers risking their lives to save ours. It bears repetition.

The cost of inaction is growing by the day. If we don't enact this package now, we could end up with 4 million fewer jobs this year, and it could take a year longer to return to full employment. An entire cohort of young people may have lower lifetime earnings because they were deprived of another semester of school.

Millions of parents, particularly moms, can be forced to stay at home, reducing their wages and future job prospects. I believe the figure is 100

percent. But just about 100 percent of the jobs lost in December were women.

But if this package is passed and enacted in full by March, economic growth is projected to jump by nearly 8 percent this year and then by an additional 4 percent next year. At that pace, we will create 7\1/2\ million jobs this year alone and a total of 10 million jobs by the fall of 2022, reaching full employment.

But don't take it from me. Experts agree that this bold action is needed, especially as interest rates are at historic lows and the return on small investments has never been higher.

As Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, of whom we are very proud, stated:

Without further action, we risk a longer, more painful

recession now and long-term scarring of the economy later.

Right now, with interest rates at historic lows, the smartest

thing we can do now is act big. In the long run, the benefits

will far outweigh the costs.

Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody's Analytics, said just last week:

It is better to err on the side of too much rather than too

little. Interest rates are at practically zero, inflation is

low, unemployment is high. You don't need a textbook to know

that this is when you push on the fiscal accelerator.

Also last week, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, stated:

I am much more worried about falling short of a complete

recovery and losing people's careers and lives that they

built because they don't get back to work in time. I am more

concerned about that and the damage that will do.

Reconciliation bills have passed on a bipartisan basis 17 times in recent years, including one that I participated in to pass the Children's Health Insurance Program, CHIP, which delivered lifesaving healthcare to nearly 10 million children.

As I said, the need for action could not be more urgent. Americans cannot afford further delay.

Listen, listen, listen to your constituents. We should all be listening to our constituents. They are our bosses. We must meet their needs.

Listening to our constituents, respecting President Biden's proposal to meet their needs, we must work together to save their lives and their livelihoods.

I wish we could have a strong bipartisan vote on this budget bill because, as I said, this budget is a statement of our values, and our values are that we are here to meet the needs of America's working families. It is about our children, their health, their education, the economic security of their families, a safe world for them to thrive, a world at peace in which they can reach their fulfillment. It is always about the children.

It is not about heaping mountains of debt on them, as they did in their tax scam that they passed, and then to have the nerve to call this a tax break for the wealthy when it has low-income tax credits, childcare tax credits, refundability, billions of dollars for the working poor in our country.

Economists and the Treasury Secretaries of both parties have said, if you really want to turn the economy around, help the neediest the most, help the neediest first. We do this in this legislation as we bolster the middle class and crush the virus.

Mr. Speaker, I urge an ``aye'' vote.