Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the life of one of the grand pioneers of the National Park Service, Brian O'Neill.

Brian was a passionate and dedicated advocate for our National Parks. He served as a magnificent steward of our beloved treasure, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.

The Golden Gate National Recreation Area (GGNRA) encompasses 76,000 acres of land and 50 miles of shoreline within Marin, San Francisco and San Mateo Counties, and includes world-famous sites such as Alcatraz Island, Muir Woods and the Presidio of San Francisco. It is the most visited unit of our National Park System, receiving more than 20 million visitors annually, and is one of the largest urban National Parks in the world.

Brian O'Neill's leadership in our National Parks spanned more than 28 years. As General Superintendent of the GGNRA, Brian met the challenge of leadership in every measure. His enthusiasm soared to the heights of the giant redwoods of Muir Woods, his spirit of partnership spanned the Golden Gateway from Fort Point to Fort Baker, and his vision saw to the Farallone Islands and beyond.

On a daily basis, Brian inspired a staff of 425 employees, a volunteer force of over 20,000 and more than 30 major facility and program partners. Under his leadership, GGNRA has developed park operational partnerships that have served as national and international models.

Brian was a prominent figure in the transitioning of the Presidio of San Francisco from a military installation to a National Park. For more than two centuries, the Presidio stood as the Sentinel of the Golden Gate. Today, thanks to a strong public-private partnership, the Presidio has been transformed into a National Park like no other, and as a place of peaceful reflection and recreation for all people. The transformation of the Presidio from Post to Park has been exciting in its innovation, and is due in large part to Brian's leadership.

For more than a century, Fort Baker played a key role in the defense of San Francisco Bay. Today, thanks to the leadership and commitment of Brian, Congresswoman Lynn Woolsey and many others, Fort Baker offers a world-class retreat and conference center, a hands-on children's museum and learning center, and the Institute at the Golden Gate dedicated to dialog and action on global environmental issues. Ft. Baker's post-to- park transition was truly a collaborative effort that brought together the entire community--a hallmark of Brian O'Neill's leadership. Moving forward, Ft. Baker will play a key role in advancing the cause of both local and global environmental stewardship and preserving our planet for our children and the future.

Another highlight of Brian's lifetime of accomplishment was returning Crissy Field from the barren, broken asphalt of a former World War II airstrip to the historic wetlands and verdant marsh along the Presidio's window to the Bay. Crissy Field was one of the first attempts to restore historic wetlands along San Francisco Bay, and the first effort ever in San Francisco. Brian worked with Toby Rosenblatt, the Haas family and many others to bring the resources, talent and energy together in a great success that provides public recreation and environmental restoration. Today, Crissy Field serves as an example of the important alliance that can be developed between local and federal partners for the benefit of the community and for the entire National Parks system.

Brian provided leadership for the Bay Area Ridge Trail Council, the Bay Area Open Space Council, the Association for the Central California Biosphere Reserve, the San Francisco Planning and Urban Research Association, the Headlands Institute, the Rails-to-Trails Conservancy's California Advisory Council, the Gulf of the Farallones National Marine Sanctuary Advisory Council and the Save-the-Bay Association Advisory Council. He was a key advisor to the Department of the Interior on partnership matters.

As Phillip Burton, a goliath of our National Parks, stated when he created the law preserving GGNRA and the Presidio, ``Even in a remote setting, the features of this park would be outstanding.'' In furtherance of Phillip Burton's vision, Brian O'Neill's enduring legacy is an outstanding National Park that is sustainable, and accessible for all to enjoy, and is a great source of pride to all of us.

My colleagues in Congress and I are deeply saddened by his passing, and are grateful for the legacy of natural beauty and cultural heritage he has left for future generations to enjoy. We will miss his enthusiasm, his spirit and his vision. I hope it is of comfort to his wife Marti, and his children Kim and Brent, that so many of us share in their loss.

I thank the gentleman for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, it is indeed an honor and a personal privilege to join our colleagues on the floor of the House today to pay tribute to the life and celebrate all that we all knew and loved about Jack Kemp.

Our Members have spoken with great eloquence, with great emotion, with great knowledge of the contribution that Jack Kemp made to our country. He was a formidable Member of Congress. I, fortunately, came to Congress just in time to overlap with his leadership and service here, so I saw firsthand the leadership and skill and intellect that he brought to his work.

He was a gentleman. He was civil at all times. He commanded respect on both sides of the aisle by virtue of his character, his personality, and his commitment to what he believed in. And he was an articulate spokesperson for what he believed in and a respectful opponent of other views.

The story of his exploits on the football field are just incredible, and his first game with the Buffalo Bills is just historic and remarkable. In reading about that, it was said that what he lacked in size and weight on the field he made up for in intellect. He was a smart player and was able to pull off great victories right from the start as a Buffalo Bill.

I hear the emotion in Mr. Lungren's voice. And when I went over to thank our colleague yesterday for the moment of silence that Peter King requested and that Mr. Rangel spoke to, I went over to thank him and Mr. Lungren said, ``Don't forget, he's a Californian.'' And I said, ``I know, born in Los Angeles.'' We take great pride in that.

On both the gridiron and in the Halls of Congress, he was the voice for social equity--anybody that knew him knew that--from demanding that the American Football League integrate its All-Star game to insisting that his party remain true to the roots of the party of Lincoln.

We all know his commitment to supply side and his accomplishment of Kemp-Roth--imagine having his name on that. He was a very respected Secretary of HUD, Housing and Urban Development. When he was appointed, people across America knew that they had a friend at the Cabinet table, that they had a friend in the Secretary's office.

He leaves behind a legacy in the football record books, of course, and the history of our Nation. Any one of us who served with him--and I do believe that we all did because his legacy lives on here, and so that we all can have the privilege of calling him colleague--those of us who did have the privilege of serving with him know what a great honor that was.

And so I hope that is a comfort to his family, his wife Joanne, whom he adored--everybody who knew him knew that--his four children, Jeff, Jimmy, Jennifer and Judith--we had some J's going there--and his 17 grandchildren. Seventeen grandchildren. He had enough enthusiasm and love and personality to have raised 17 grandchildren. Not many people can make that claim. I hope it is a comfort to his entire family that so many people deeply, deeply, sincerely mourn their

loss and are praying for him at this sad time.

Mr. Rangel, at the request of Mr. Boehner, will have a bipartisan delegation attending the services on Friday to celebrate the life of Jack Kemp. He was a patriot. He loved America. And in his service and leadership to our country, God truly did bless America.

I thank the gentleman for yielding.

It is indeed an honor to call Mr. Spratt ``colleague.'' We say that from time to time about our Members, but never is it truer than in the case of Chairman John Spratt of South Carolina. He is a gentleman who has brought the values of our country, the principles of our great democracy, to bear on writing a budget.

Because of his leadership, today, for the first time in many, many years, we have a President's budget on the floor that is a statement of our national values. What is important to us as a Nation is reflected in this budget. It is a very happy day for our country, Mr. Spratt, because of your leadership.

I thank all of the members of the Budget Committee for their hard work, expressing their views, coming forth with a budget that is a blueprint for the future. I also want to commend our conferees, Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro and Congressman Boyd, for assisting you in the conference process.

Starting at the beginning of this year, this Congress passed a stimulus package to take our country in a new direction. Since that time, we have been on a sprint to create jobs, to lower the deficit, to cut taxes for the American people. This blueprint, this budget, is a bookend to that stimulus package. It is the foundation for how we go forward into the future.

In the first 100 days, it enables us to make the claim with these two pieces of legislation and bills that have come in between, for example, the SCHIP, children's health insurance, 11 million children in America; the public lands bill, the biggest conservation bill in many, many years; and other initiatives contained in our agenda in the past few months, enables us to say that more has been done in this period of time for health care than in decades, since Medicare was passed in this Congress and signed into law. More has been done on education than in generations, since the GI Bill was passed during World War II, and even more than that. And in terms of energy, there is absolutely no contest. It is far out there in terms of breaking ground and reducing our dependence on foreign oil, creating new green jobs for a green future for America's economy, for honoring our moral responsibility to protect God's beautiful creation, and to keeping our environment clean and healthy for our children. These three, education, health care and energy, are what the business community and other sectors of our community tell us are the investments that we must make in order to turn our economy around.

So here we are today with a budget before us that creates jobs, reduces taxes, and takes us over a path of lowering the deficit. It does so in the most

transparent way of any budget in our country's history, and certainly in this Congress' history. As it does so, as I say, it focuses on those three pillars of the Obama agenda: education, health care and energy.

In terms of energy, in the first 100 days an article in Fortune magazine of April 29 states that this is ``the greenest budget ever. Obama's $3.55 trillion budget proposal is a one-two punch for cleantech. It boosts funding for renewables while slashing tax breaks for fossil fuels. Obama's wish list,'' now, this is another organization called Climate Progress, ``Climate Progress called the Obama wish list `the first sustainable budget in U.S. history.' It includes $15 billion per year for cleantech over a decade,'' and it goes on.

This is in addition to the initiative that was passed earlier on in the recovery package known as the stimulus package. It is called ``greener stimulus.'' ``Signed in February, the stimulus package is chock-full of cleantech goodies with $43 billion for grants for clean power, extensions of tax credits for solar, wind, geothermal and energy efficiency programs, smart grid funding, weatherization programs and a new tax credit for cleantech hardware manufacturing.''

I mention that because we must see this budget in the context of the issues which we are trying to advance. Of themselves, they are worthy. They have their justification, as I mentioned in the case of energy. But they are also investments that will grow our economy and create jobs.

When it comes to health care, another pillar of the Obama budget, as the President says, health care reform is entitlement reform. As we go forward with universal, quality, accessible health care for all Americans, which this budget will lead us to, we will be reducing the cost of health care for the American people, and in lowering those costs, we will lower the cost to our budget and the cost to the deficit of Medicare and Medicaid.

This is not just about the personal health of the American people. That would be justification enough, the personal well-being of our country. And it is not only about health care, it is about the health of the American people. It is about prevention. It is about diet, not diabetes.

So we are moving in a path that lowers costs, makes America healthier, and in doing so, as I say, not only helps individuals with their health, personal well-being, but we are helping businesses to compete. Health care costs are a competitiveness issue, and if we're going to compete domestically and internationally, we must lower health care costs for businesses. It's about costs to our economy, of all of this money spent on health care and not having the commensurate health of America to go with it. And, again, it's about lowering the cost, reducing entitlement. Health care reform is entitlement reform.

In terms of education, this budget calls for innovative approaches from early childhood to tax credits for costs of college, as well as increasing the funding for Pell Grants and making college more affordable. So, from earliest childhood to higher education, and then beyond, this budget is a path not only for, again, the self-fulfillment of the American people, but the innovation of America. Innovation begins in the classroom.

So all three of these are measures which, again, are justified and necessary in their own right, but will reduce the deficit, will create jobs, and will do so in a new way, taking us in a new direction.

So, having said that, this is a budget about the future. I was very tempted, when I saw the leader with his voting card, to bring a picture of my granddaughter, my new granddaughter, just a little over a month old, to the floor. Oh, we do have it here. I won't resist the temptation, for two reasons. First of all, I can't take my eyes off of her, and second of all, this is what our commitment is about. It's our commitment to the future, to these children.

As we go forward, we must take the country in a new direction, and in doing so, reduce the deficit. We are not here to heap mountains of debt on our children and our grandchildren. That is what was done in the last 8 years in the Bush administration. This budget calls a halt to that and says no. It says no more debt.

We're going in the opposite direction. We're reducing the deficit as we create good-paying jobs in our economy, as we cut taxes for the middle class in our country.

This is a magnificent blueprint for the future. And again, I salute Chairman Spratt for his extraordinary leadership in bringing it to the floor today and urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' for a new direction for our country.

Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him for his extraordinary mastery of the budget and for presenting us with the opportunity to vote for a statement of our national values here today.

Madam Chair, President Thomas Jefferson wisely stated that ``Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.'' That is so. But some are. The difference of opinion over this budget is a difference of principle, in fact, more than one principle. This budget is a statement of our national values and upholds the American principles of opportunity, security, responsibility and fairness.

It upholds the principle of fairness with tax cuts for the middle class, for 95 percent of the American people. It upholds the principle of fairness with health care for all Americans as a right, not a privilege. The budget will not only create a healthier America, but by lowering health care costs, health care reform is entitlement reform. By curtailing the rising costs of Medicare and Medicaid, health care reform will significantly reduce the deficit.

This budget upholds the principle of opportunity by advancing the President's investments in education from early childhood through post- secondary education and training. It supports the President's goal of improving education and training a workforce that is prepared to compete and succeed in the global economy.

This budget upholds the principle of security. The first responsibility we have as elected officials is to keep the American people safe. I am proud that in doing so, this budget gives the biggest increase ever to our veterans, the first time a President has submitted a budget which exceeds the veterans' independent budget. I hasten to add that in the last Congress, the new direction Congress exceeded the veterans' benefits under the leadership of Chet Edwards and Mr. Spratt as well. On the battlefield, the military promises to leave no soldier behind. And when they come home, we promise to leave no veteran behind.

This budget upholds the principle of responsibility. The budget resolution begins the process of turning around the Republican budget legacy of deep deficits, mounting debt and economic decline due to the Bush administration's reckless fiscal policy. It takes steps to put the budget back on a fiscally sustainable path by restoring fiscal responsibility and cutting the deficit by more than one-half by 2013.

It upholds the principle of responsibility for our planet by investing in science, technology and renewable energy resources to reduce our dependence on foreign oil. That is a national security issue, an economic issue, an environmental health issue and a moral issue, if you believe as I do that

this planet is God's creation and we have a moral responsibility to preserve it. It is God's beautiful gift to us, and it is our responsibility to convey it to the next generation intact.

Mr. Spratt, thank you again for this budget which will create economic growth, make America healthier and honor our veterans.

Decisions are liberating. By deciding to support this budget, Members are freeing themselves from past mistakes and stale assumptions. They are unleashing the possibilities of the future. This budget is the logical progression of the bold initiatives already taken in the first 3 months of this year. By providing health care for 11 million American children in the SCHIP Act and the recovery bill and the omnibus bill's investments in NIH cancer research and in health IT, this Congress has done more for health care in America than has been done in decades.

In terms of education, with the investments we made in the Recovery Act, the omnibus, the Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act, and now this budget, we have done more for education than has been done in any one other period of time in our history.

On energy proposals, we plow new ground. As President Obama said, ``We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.'' We have made the investments that will spur new growth of energy that we can produce here in America, creating new green collar jobs for American workers. This budget also allows for fiscally responsible legislation that will promote energy independence over the long term.

In terms of science, we have made bold and new investments in the area of science in both the Recovery Act and the omnibus. We also just passed a landmark public lands bill that will protect 2 million acres of natural heritage, the most sweeping conservation legislation in decades. So in terms of energy and the environment, we have made historic progress.

This budget is in stark contrast to the Republican budget's hollow shell. We must always strive to find common ground here in the Congress. However, when the American people voted for change in November, they did not vote to send us here to split the difference. They sent us here to make a difference. Sadly, that difference of opinion on this budget is a difference of principle.

Mr. Spratt, again, I thank you and members of the committee for giving us the privilege of upholding America's principles of fairness, opportunity, security and responsibility today by voting ``aye.''

Madam Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Archie Green, a distinguished San Franciscan, who died on March 22, 2009.

Born on June 29, 1917, Archie went on to a long and unique career. A scholar-worker, as he called himself, he blended his participation in the Civilian Conservation Corps, his service in the United States Navy during World War II, his experience as a shipwright and union member, his dedication to the study of workers' culture, his responsibilities as a family man, his scholarly training that resulted in a Ph.D. in folklore, his experience as a university professor and, above all, his unwavering dedication to social justice.

Archie Green's contributions are many and I wish to mention a few of the most prominent ones. Archie envisioned a national center that would preserve and present American folklife and spent years lobbying the Congress tirelessly for the passage of federal legislation that would make this a reality. In time, this effort was successful and the American Folklife Preservation Act was unanimously passed by Congress and signed into law by President Ford in 1976. This led to the establishment of the American Folklife Center at the Library of Congress. For this work, Archie was honored in 2007 with the Library of Congress' Living Legend Award.

Archie wrote many books and articles about the diverse traditions of working people and other ordinary Americans. In our city of San Francisco, he worked diligently to draw attention to the contributions of all working people. He was instrumental in the preservation of structures along the waterfront that are a direct link to shipping, longshoring and other maritime occupations that were so important to the city's growth. He was also a leader in the effort to erect plaques identifying other important labor landmarks around the city.

In 2000, he was one of the founders of the nonprofit Fund for Labor Culture & History, a national organization dedicated to promoting a greater understanding of ``laborlore,'' which has convened meetings that bring together activists, trade unionists, scholars, and artists to discuss their various perspectives on workers' culture.

While we mourn the loss of our friend, we celebrate the life of a generous and inspirational person who used his many skills to raise the nation's awareness of the traditions of working people and the indispensable role they have played in forging our personal identities and our national heritage.

I hope it is a comfort to his wife, Louanne Green, his three sons, his sister, his four grandchildren, and to his many family and friends that so many in our country mourn their loss and are praying for them at this sad time.

Madam Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for yielding, as I join my colleagues in commemorating and honoring the memory of the Oakland, California, police officers who were senselessly murdered while on duty. I associate myself with the remarks of Congresswoman Barbara Lee, author of this resolution, and join Congresswoman Tauscher and Congressman McNerney in again remembering these brave heroes.

Madam Speaker, our colleague, Congresswoman Lee, spelled it out so very well, the senselessness of these deaths, the heroism of these police officers, and the quality of their lives. As elected officials, our first responsibility is to protect the American people, whether in their homes, their neighborhoods and communities, or to protect our country as a Nation. This is not possible without the heroic courage of our public safety officers in our country.

Every day when they leave for work, they risk not coming home. I hope that their families don't think of that every day, but on a day in March, this fact was driven home very brutally to four families.

Madam Speaker, a giant pall hangs over the Bay Area in California. These deaths have hit people very, very hard, as you would expect, and I think you can feel some of that in this Chamber this afternoon because of these personal losses and individuals who were killed, and also because of the threat that this is to every public safety officer in our country.

I'm so proud to be able to speak about this resolution honoring the lives and mourning the deaths of four Oakland, California, Police Department officers. Their names have been mentioned, but I think they deserve being mentioned over and over again: Sergeant Mark Dunakin, Sergeant Ervin Romans, Sergeant Daniel Sakai, and Officer John Hege.

I hope that it's a comfort to their families and to their friends that so many people throughout our country, starting with the President of the United States, the dignitaries that Congresswoman Lee said were at the service, and spoke, some of them, at the service. But probably more important than all of that are all of the people, the everyday people in the country, in Oakland, and the Bay Area, who feel this loss very, very personally.

In our resolution that has been put forth by the committee, we talk about these four brave officers and that ``the senseless slayings of Sergeants Dunakin, Romans, and Sakai, and Officer Hege represents the first multiple-fatality shooting of law enforcement officers in the United States in more than a year.'' And, ``whereas the killing of'' these gentlemen represents the deadliest incident in California public safety since the Newhall Incident, which was referenced by Congresswoman Lee. That was a long time ago, 40 years ago, and these senseless killings ``serve as a reminder that the risks assumed by police officers daily in serving and protecting their communities continues to be enormous.''

It recognizes the bravery, the devotion to duty, and the love of community of these fallen heroes, and that they have forever earned a place in the hearts and memories of the citizens they willingly risked their lives for.

Congresswoman Lee went into the personal stories of Sergeant Dunakin, Sergeant Romans, Sergeant Sakai and Officer Hege. So I won't repeat that except to take pride in their personal lives, as well as their professional execution of their duties.

And whereas, in this resolution, we say, ``in the face of this horrible loss, the people of Oakland, California, have come together and rededicated themselves to making Oakland'' a better place as the Congresswoman referenced, I also want her to know that our entire State feels their pain, prays for the families of those who were lost, and also extends our sympathy to all of them.

I think I can say that without any fear of contradiction that, as Speaker of the House, I speak for all of us here when I say to those families, thank you, we're sorry, we're praying for you, and your loved ones will always have a place in our hearts and in history as heroes for our people.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of legislation that helps to ensure freedom of the press. This right is a cornerstone of our democracy, and a principle that we cherish and promote around the world.

Arthur Hays Sulzberger once said, ``Freedom of the press . . . belongs to everyone--to the citizen as well as the publisher . . . The crux is not the publisher's `freedom to print'; it is, rather, the citizen's `right to know.' ''

The right to know, as provided by a free press, keeps our nation informed and holds those of us in government accountable.

It is appropriate that we debate media shield legislation in the same week that we will debate the federal budget. Because this legislation will make clear to confidential sources that they will be protected in most circumstances when they bring forward public evidence of waste, fraud and abuse in government and in the private sector.

News organizations are facing serious economic challenges across the country. Our policies should enable our news organizations to thrive and engage in the news gathering and analysis the American people expect.

Essential to this effort is the media shield law we debate today.

Nearly all states have recognized the importance of a free press with some form of a press shield protecting the confidentiality of journalists' sources. However, that protection is lacking at the federal level and in federal courts.

This has hampered the essential work of the press. In recent years, more than 40 reporters have been subpoenaed for the identities of confidential sources in nearly a dozen cases.

The federal government's policies and actions should protect and preserve the press's ability to speak truth to power. This legislation does so with appropriate national security safeguards, striking a careful balance between liberty and security.

Freedom of the press has long been an issue of importance to many of us in this body. When I was Ranking Member of the Intelligence Committee, I encouraged President Clinton to veto an Intelligence Authorization bill that would have made it easier to prosecute journalists. We fixed those provisions and passed a bill that both protected our nation and protected our fundamental freedoms.

Madam Speaker, today we have an opportunity to strengthen and protect the freedom of the press that has served our nation so well and to protect all journalists.

As we protect and defend our nation, we must now protect and defend the Constitution by enabling our press to be free, as our Founders envisioned. I urge my colleagues to give this legislation the strong bipartisan vote it deserves.

I thank the gentleman for yielding. I wish to also acknowledge his leadership and that of Mr. Kind on this important issue--the issue of global warming, of clean energy, of how we reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and how we do so as a national security issue, as an economic issue, as an environmental issue, and as a moral issue to preserve our beautiful planet, which is God's creation.

I listened attentively to what you had to say and look forward to your weighing in as we write legislation to do just that.

I rise to call attention to the serious challenges facing the people of North Dakota--the record crest of the Red River threatening the city of Fargo, the ice jam causing flooding on the Missouri River and forcing evacuations in Bismarck, and flood and other related impacts in other parts of the State.

As you know, our colleague, Congressman Earl Pomeroy, has flown home already to get back into making sandbags, as he has done already this week. North Dakotans are no strangers to floods, Mr. Speaker. Grand Forks was devastated by the Red River flood in 1997, forcing the entire city to rebuild.

North Dakotans are no stranger either to the ideal of neighbors helping neighbors. Through the weekend and early parts of this week, thousands of people--including high school and college students, National Guardsmen and women, and our own Congressman Earl Pomeroy, among many others, have stood shoulder-to-shoulder filling sandbags to protect Fargo and other cities from the dangers of rising waters. Others have come together to offer shelter to those forced to leave their homes.

As of late last night, Fargo residents and out-of-town volunteers had filled over 1 million sandbags--over 1 million sandbags--and they aren't stopping. I salute the work of these Americans coming together in common purpose in this time of need.

While there is and will be a significant Federal role assisting those impacted, the work of the community is the first line of defense. Congressman Pomeroy has briefed me about the seriousness of this situation, and I have assured him that this Congress will be following the situation closely and are prepared to respond as required.

President Obama has swiftly acted, declaring North Dakota a Federal disaster area. Congress will act with no less speed to ensure that the people of North Dakota have everything they need as the flood waters recede.

I know that the Governor is working with Mr. Pomeroy in a bipartisan way and I look forward to communicating with the Governor to see how we can be helpful.

The thoughts and prayers of this entire Congress and the American people are with the people of North Dakota and we will work with them to ensure that they have all they need in the days and weeks ahead.

As we extend expressions of sadness to the people of North Dakota for what they are going through, I want to also associate myself with the remarks earlier of our distinguished Democratic Leader, Mr. Hoyer, in acknowledging the passing of a great lady, Christine Sarbanes. While you could say wife of Senator Paul Sarbanes, she is also the mother of John and her other children, of whom she was very proud--John, our colleague--and other children of whom she was very proud. But she was a star in her own right--in academia as a teacher, and a great lady, who will be sadly missed by all who knew her.

Everyone who did know her had the highest respect for her and extend to her family our sympathy. I hope it is a comfort to them that so many people loved Christine Sarbanes, mourn their loss, and are praying for them at this sad time.

With that, my colleagues, I thank you for yielding and for your leadership on the important subject of climate change and clean energy.

Well, he impressed us all when Fargo was flooded before-- and now Bismarck, which was really kind of a surprise. He told me that when he was sandbagging, he was standing next to I think a heart surgeon on one side and a prison inmate on another. And it really didn't matter. They were all there to help the community.

But those of us who have experienced natural disasters in our communities know that this is a very fragile time for people because they have lost their personal resources--their home, their clothes, the rest--and it's hard to be a neighbor when you don't even have a home to go home to yourself. But the spirit that they have is something that will see them through.

We have to do our part so that as soon as they have fought and met the emergency rescue needs and the rebuilding, that they have no doubt that the Federal Government and this Congress will be there for them.

I join you in saluting Congressman Pomeroy and his work on behalf of the entire State--he has an entire State. A Member of Congress with the entire State of North Dakota.

I thank the gentleman.

I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for his leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor and his ongoing leadership in protecting the national interest of the American people as chairman of the Financial Services Committee.

I also want to acknowledge the leadership of Chairman Rangel of the Ways and Means Committee for the legislation that was debated earlier about how the American people can get their money back, money paid in bonuses for failure, money paid that belongs to the taxpayers.

Mr. Speaker, today we are gathered on the floor to address a symptom, the bonuses, a symptom of the challenge that we face in our economy and in our financial situation in our country. I believe the President is on the right path and did an excellent job in his leadership when we passed the Recovery Act here. This Congress is moving forward with regulatory reform to address the lack of regulation, supervision, and discipline in the financial markets that brought us to this place. The President's initiatives on housing will help people stay in their homes. Addressing the housing crisis is essential to addressing the financial crisis in our country. And then we have to deal with the stability of our financial institutions.

In the course of doing that, with a massive infusion of cash from the Fed on September 16--long before some in this body were even elected to the Congress--the Federal Reserve transferred these funds and the many funds since then without any requirements or conditions.

We come to a point where it is very clear that there are many in our country who believe that the way a free market system works for them, and not in the national interest, is to nationalize the risk and privatize the gain.

They are entrepreneurial, take risk, enjoy the benefits when success is there. But when it is not, these undue risks have to be paid for by the taxpayer, or so they think. That's just not right.

We all believe in a free market system. We all see that capitalism produces jobs and creates capital, and that is important. It creates wealth and that's important to the success of our economy, creating jobs especially. But it isn't right, it just simply isn't right, when there is a reward, a spelled-out-in-advance reward, for those who will take undue risk and when they fail, they get a bonus; the taxpayer gets the bill. This must end.

And today with these two resolutions, I think that we are making two important statements. One is that the administration should continue in its efforts to recover the money and prevent these bonuses from going forward. And the other is that we want our money back and we want our money back now for the taxpayers. This isn't that complicated. It isn't that complicated.

There are other steps that we can take, and in working in a bipartisan way on the committees of jurisdiction, the Financial Services Committee for one, we will have other pieces of legislation which will ensure that this can never happen again. We're working with the Judiciary Committee to say when is the national interest so offended that it is okay, then, to revisit a contract?

You hear all this talk about, oh, we can't revisit contracts. It's the Constitution. And we respect that, and we would not do so unless we would do so very carefully. But nobody seems to have a problem saying to auto workers in Michigan that their contracts must be revisited, that they have to take a deep cut in order to sustain an industry because that industry is important to our national security; we must have a manufacturing base and we cannot have it be undermined. So if the workers contracts are so subject to review and revision, why is it that when somebody gives a contract for a bonus to somebody for failure which is known not to be in the national interest that you can't even bring up the subject?

Well, that isn't the subject for today in terms of legislation, but the subject of fairness and justice is. And I would hope that going forth from today, we could work strongly in a bipartisan way to address the real challenges to our economy and the challenge that the fragility of our financial institutions poses. We have to really say is it worth it to us to transfer hundreds of billions of taxpayer money, as Secretary Paulson asked us to do on September 18 when he and Chairman Bernanke visited the Congress? What are the results? Where is the credit circulating on Main Street?

Just getting back to the bonuses for a minute, because of the failure of AIG and the downturn for so many other financial institutions in our country, our people do not have job security. They're afraid of losing their jobs, their homes, their pensions, the college education of their children. It's just not right. There is a direct connection between this nationalizing the risk and privatizing the gain and the economic security of America's families and the strength of Main Street.

So let's take a step and say we want our money back. Here's one way to get it. And then let's work together to do more in that regard to bring justice to the system but, more importantly, to work together to bring stability to our economy.

With that, I urge our colleagues to support the resolutions before us.

I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him and Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for bringing this important legislation to the floor, not only in Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen's situation as the ranking member but as a cosponsor of the legislation.

Thank you, Mr. Berman, for carrying on a proud tradition of Mr. Lantos as ranking member on Foreign Affairs and then as chairman. He also served, as you know, as Chair of the Human Rights Task Caucus in the Congress of the United States.

It is with great sadness, Mr. Speaker, that I rise in support of this resolution. I so had wished decades ago that we wouldn't be standing here now still pleading the case for the people of

Tibet. I thank Rush Holt for giving us this opportunity again, with Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen, sponsoring this legislation; Howard Berman, as I mentioned, the chairman; Frank Wolf, and Mr. McGovern, the co- Chairs of the Human Rights Caucus in the Congress carrying on a strong tradition, Jim McGovern's carrying on that tradition.

But as Mr. Rohrabacher mentioned, and I see Mr. Smith there, we have been fighting this fight for a very long time.

My colleagues, going back a generation when the Dalai Lama first came to the Congress with his proposal for autonomy, back in 1987, would we have ever thought then that over 20 years later we would still be making this case? Remember after Tiananmen Square, which will be 20 years in June, and we've talked about human rights in China and Tibet. They said peaceful coexistence, peaceful engagement, this is going to lead to the improvement of human rights in China and Tibet. A generation has gone by, 20 years later, and what do we have? A more repressive situation in Tibet. A situation so bad it moved His Holiness in the statement he released on the occasion of the 50th anniversary to say that life for the Tibetans under the repression of the Chinese regime is ``hell on Earth.'' His Holiness used those terms. A man of nonviolence and gentle nature would be moved to use those words.

So I thank all who are responsible for bringing this resolution to the floor because, as we know, this week marks the 50th, five decades, of waiting for this peaceful evolution to take place, this peaceful evolution that was going to lead to more democratic freedoms. This was against a peaceful uprising against the Chinese Government and then led to the exiling of His Holiness out of Tibet.

With this resolution we remember that day and honor the many brave Tibetans who sacrificed their lives for freedom. Thousands of them did. With this resolution we recognize the hospitality of India for receiving the Tibetans into that great nation. His Holiness and the nation of India share a tradition of nonviolence and compassion, and we salute India for extending that to the people of Tibet as they escaped.

For the last year, Tibet has been under martial law, and the human rights situation has severely worsened, according to the State Department report. There has been no progress in the discussions with the Chinese government. It is long past time, 50 years, for Beijing to respect the human rights of every Tibetan, indeed, of every Chinese. The United States Congress continues to be a bedrock of support for the Tibetan people, and we do so in a strong, bipartisan way.

As I mentioned, in 1987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, spoke in the Capitol at the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. I was a brand-new Member and invited there by Congressman Lantos. It was there that he outlined his ``Middle Way Approach'' that calls for autonomy for Tibet.

On Capitol Hill, over 20 years ago, His Holiness declared a statement of autonomy for Tibet. Twenty years later, we were all proud to stand with President Bush as he presented the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in the words of the President, for his ``many enduring and outstanding contributions to peace, nonviolence, human rights and religious understanding.''

Last year, as Mr. Holt mentioned, we had a congressional delegation that visited India, where we were able to meet with His Holiness. This visit, either by coincidence or karma, took place only a matter of weeks after a protest that swept across the Tibetan plateau and the crackdown by the Chinese authorities.

So when we were in India, and seeing all of these people who were escaping from Tibet and prisoners who had been tortured in prisons in Tibet telling us their stories, they were stories that were fresh and current and tragic, and we were hopeless and helpless in how we could help them in a very real way.

What we can do is put the moral authority of the Congress of the United States in the form of this resolution, with a broad bipartisan vote, down as a marker to say that we understand the situation there, that we encourage it to be different and, as Mr. Rohrabacher said, that we are on the side of the Tibetan people. But it shouldn't be a question of taking sides, it should be a question of resolution, resolving a difference, and that's what we hope the Chinese government will do.

Just on a lighter note, when we were there, in addition to visiting the prisoners, and those who had escaped over the mountains only a matter of days before, we visited the children in their schools. They were adorable. They had made flags that were Tibetan flags on one side and American flags on the other. They had flags of the country of India.

The children were so appreciative of the hospitality of India, so grateful to the American people for speaking out on behalf of them, and so proud of their Tibetan heritage. They are beautiful.

The preservation of the culture of Tibet is, of course, a very important part of our enthusiasm for change. But, as I say, on the lighter side, as we were traveling through the streets, our delegation, our bipartisan delegation with Mr. Sensenbrenner, who is the most senior Republican who came on the trip and was very powerful in his statements there, but as we were traveling through the roads, the roads were lined with people and they were waving flags, American, as I said, American, Tibetan, Indian flags along the way.

One sign caught my eye. It said ``Thank you for everything that you have done for us--so far.'' So far. So, in any event, more is expected. More will come.

I told you about His Holiness' speech and about his statement that he put out, and he called the situation there, the Tibetans who are in the depths of suffering and hardship, that they are literally experiencing hell on Earth.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit His Holiness' statement for the Record.

The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Fiftieth

Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day

(Embargoed until 10th March, 9 a.m.)

Today is the fiftieth anniversary of the Tibetan people's

peaceful uprising against Communist China's repression in

Tibet. Since last March, widespread peaceful protests have

erupted across the whole of Tibet. Most of the participants

were youths born and brought up after 1959, who have not seen

or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were

driven by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that

has continued from generation to generation is indeed a

matter of pride. It will serve as a source of inspiration for

those in the international community who take keen interest

in the issue of Tibet. We pay tribute and offer our prayers

for all those who died, were tortured and suffered tremendous

hardships during the crisis last year, as well as those who

have suffered and died for the cause of Tibet since our

struggle began.

Around 1949, Communist forces began to enter north-eastern

and eastern Tibet (Kham and Amdo) and by 1950, more than 5000

Tibetan soldiers had been killed. Taking the prevailing

situation into account, the Chinese government chose a policy

of peaceful liberation, which in 1951, led to the signing of

the 17-Point Agreement and its annexure. Since then, Tibet

has come under the control of the People's Republic of China.

However, the Agreement clearly mentions that Tibet's distinct

religion, culture and traditional values would be protected.

Between 1954 and 1955, I met with most of the senior

Chinese leaders in the Communist Party, government and

military, led by Chairman Mao Zedong, in Beijing. When we

discussed ways of achieving the social and economic

development of Tibet, as well as maintaining Tibet's

religious and cultural heritage, Mao Zedong and all the other

leaders agreed to establish a preparatory committee to pave

the way for the implementation of the autonomous region, as

stipulated in the Agreement, rather than establishing a

military administrative commission. From about 1956 onwards,

however, the situation took a turn for the worse with the

imposition of ultra-leftist policies in Tibet. Consequently,

the assurances given by higher authorities were not

implemented on the ground. The forceful implementation of the

so-called ``democratic reforms'' in the Kham and Amdo regions

of Tibet, which did not accord with prevailing conditions,

resulted in immense chaos and destruction. In Central Tibet,

Chinese officials forcibly and deliberately violated the

terms of the 17-Point Agreement, and their heavy-handed

tactics increased day by day. These desperate developments

left the Tibetan people no alternative but to launch a

peaceful uprising on 10 March 1959. The Chinese authorities

responded with unprecedented force that led to the killing of

tens of thousands of Tibetans in the following months.

Thousands were arrested and imprisoned. Consequently, nearly

a hundred thousand Tibetans fled into exile in India, Nepal

and Bhutan. During the escape and the months that followed

they faced unimaginable hardship, which is still fresh in

Tibetan memory. At that time, I too, accompanied by a small

party of Tibetan government officials including some

Kalons (Cabinet Ministers), escaped into exile in India.

Having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist government

carried out a series of repressive and violent campaigns that

have included ``democratic reforms'', class struggle,

collectivisation, the Cultural Revolution, the imposition of

martial law, and more recently the patriotic re-education and

the strike hard campaigns. These thrust Tibetans into such

depths of suffering and hardship that they literally

experienced hell on earth. The immediate result of these

campaigns was the deaths of hundreds and thousands of

Tibetans. The lineage of the Buddha Dharma was severed.

Thousands of religious and cultural centres such as

monasteries, nunneries and temples were razed to the ground.

Historical buildings and monuments were demolished. Natural

resources have been indiscriminately exploited. Today,

Tibet's fragile environment has been polluted, massive

deforestation has been carried out and wildlife, such as wild

yaks and Tibetan antelopes, are being driven to extinction.

These 50 years have brought untold suffering and

destruction to the land and people of Tibet. Even today,

Tibetans in Tibet live in constant fear and the Chinese

authorities remain constantly suspicious of them. Today, the

religion, culture, language and identity, which successive

generations of Tibetans have considered more precious than

their lives, are nearing extinction; in short, the Tibetan

people are regarded like criminals deserving to be put to

death. The Tibetan people's tragedy was set out in the late

Panchen Rinpoche's 70,000-character petition to the Chinese

government in 1962. He raised it again in his speech in

Shigatse in 1989 shortly before he died, when he said that

what we have lost under Chinese communist rule far outweighs

what we have gained. Many concerned and unbiased Tibetans

have also spoken out about the hardships of the Tibetan

people. Even Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party Secretary, when

he arrived in Lhasa in 1980, clearly acknowledged these

mistakes and asked the Tibetans for their forgiveness. Many

infrastructural developments such as roads, airports,

railways, and so forth, which seem to have brought progress

to Tibetan areas, were really done with the political

objective of sinicising Tibet at the huge cost of devastating

the Tibetan environment and way of life.

As for the Tibetan refugees, although we initially faced

many problems such as great differences of climate and

language and difficulties earning our livelihood, we have

been successful in re-establishing ourselves in exile. Due to

the great generosity of our host countries, especially India,

Tibetans have been able to live in freedom without fear. We

have been able to earn a livelihood and uphold our religion

and culture. We have been able to provide our children with

both traditional and modern education, as well as engaging in

efforts to resolve the Tibet issue. There have been other

positive results too. Greater understanding of Tibetan

Buddhism with its emphasis on compassion has made a positive

contribution in many parts of the world.

Immediately after our arrival in exile I began to work on

the promotion of democracy in the Tibetan community with the

election of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile in 1960. Since

then, we have taken gradual steps on the path to democracy

and today our exile administration has evolved into a

fully functioning democracy with a written charter of its

own and a legislative body. This is indeed something we

can all be proud of.

Since 2001, we have instituted a system by which the

political leadership of Tibetan exiles is directly elected

through procedures similar to those in other democratic

systems. Currently, the directly-elected Kalon Tripa's

(Cabinet Chairperson) second term is underway. Consequently,

my daily administrative responsibilities have reduced and

today I am in a state of semi-retirement. However, to work

for the just cause of Tibet is the responsibility of every

Tibetan, and as long as I live I will uphold this

responsibility.

As a human being, my main commitment is in the promotion of

human values; this is what I consider the key factor for a

happy life at the individual, family and community level. As

a religious practitioner, my second commitment is the

promotion of inter-religious harmony. My third commitment is

of course due to my being a Tibetan with the name of ``Dalai

Lama'', but more importantly it is due to the trust that

Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet have placed in me.

These are the three important commitments, which I always

keep in mind.

In addition to looking after the well being of the exiled

Tibetan community, which they have done quite well, the

principal task of the Central Tibetan Administration has been

to work towards the resolution of the issue of Tibet. Having

laid out the mutually beneficial Middle-Way policy in 1974,

we were ready to respond to Deng Xiaoping when he proposed

talks in 1979. Many talks were conducted and fact-finding

delegations dispatched. These however, did not bear any

concrete results and formal contacts eventually broke off in

1993.

Subsequently, in 1996-97, we conducted an opinion poll of

the Tibetans in exile, and collected suggestions from Tibet

wherever possible, on a proposed referendum, by which the

Tibetan people were to determine the future course of our

freedom struggle to their full satisfaction. Based on the

outcome of the poll and the suggestions from Tibet, we

decided to continue the policy of the Middle-Way.

Since the re-establishment of contacts in 2002, we have

followed a policy of one official channel and one agenda and

have held eight rounds of talks with the Chinese authorities.

As a consequence, we presented a Memorandum on Genuine

Autonomy for the Tibetan People, explaining how the

conditions for national regional autonomy as set forth in the

Chinese constitution would be met by the full implementation

of its laws on autonomy. The Chinese insistence that we

accept Tibet as having been a part of China since ancient

times is not only inaccurate, but also unreasonable. We

cannot change the past no matter whether it was good or bad.

Distorting history for political purposes is incorrect.

We need to look to the future and work for our mutual

benefit. We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and

meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable

Tibetans to live within the framework of the People's

Republic of China. Fulfilling the aspirations of the Tibetan

people will enable China to achieve stability and unity. From

our side, we are not making any demands based on history.

Looking back at history, there is no country in the world

today, including China, whose territorial status has remained

forever unchanged, nor can it remain unchanged.

Our aspiration that all Tibetans be brought under a single

autonomous administration is in keeping with the very

objective of the principle of national regional autonomy. It

also fulfills the fundamental requirements of the Tibetan and

Chinese peoples. The Chinese constitution and other related

laws and regulations do not pose any obstacle to this and

many leaders of the Chinese Central Government have accepted

this genuine aspiration. When signing the 17-Point Agreement,

Premier Zhou Enlai acknowledged that this was a reasonable

demand, but not the right time to implement it. In 1956, when

establishing the Preparatory Committee for the ``Tibet

Autonomous Region'', Vice-Premier Chen Yi pointing at a map

said, if Lhasa could be made the capital of the Tibet

Autonomous Region, which included the Tibetan areas within

the other provinces, it would contribute to the development

of Tibet and friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese

nationalities, a view shared by the Panchen Rinpoche and many

Tibetan cadres and scholars. If Chinese leaders had any

objections to our proposals, they could have provided reasons

for them and suggested alternatives for our consideration,

but they did not. I am disappointed that the Chinese

authorities have not responded appropriately to our sincere

efforts to implement the principle of meaningful national

regional autonomy for all Tibetans, as set forth in the

constitution of the People's Republic of China.

Quite apart from the current process of Sino-Tibetan

dialogue having achieved no concrete results, there has been

a brutal crackdown on the Tibetan protests that have shaken

the whole of Tibet since March last year. Therefore, in order

to solicit public opinion as to what future course of action

we should take, the Special Meeting of Tibetan exiles was

convened in November 2008. Efforts were made to collect

suggestions, as far as possible, from the Tibetans in Tibet

as well. The outcome of this whole process was that a

majority of Tibetans strongly supported the continuation of

the Middle-Way policy. Therefore, we are now pursuing this

policy with greater confidence and will continue our efforts

towards achieving a meaningful national regional autonomy for

all Tibetans.

From time immemorial, the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have

been neighbours. In future too, we will have to live

together. Therefore, it is most important for us to co-exist

in friendship with each other.

During the Kuomintang period, and particularly since the

occupation of Tibet, the Communist Chinese have been

publishing distorted propaganda about Tibet and its people.

Consequently, there are, among the Chinese populace, very few

people who have a true understanding about Tibet. It is, in

fact, very difficult for them to find the truth. There are

also ultra-leftist Chinese leaders who have, since last

March, been undertaking a huge propaganda effort with the

intention of setting the Tibetan and Chinese peoples apart

and creating animosity between them. Sadly, as a result, a

negative impression of Tibetans has arisen in the minds of

some of our Chinese brothers and sisters. Therefore, as I

have repeatedly appealed before, I would like once again to

urge out Chinese brothers and sisters not to be swayed by

such propaganda, but, instead, to try to discover the facts

about Tibet impartially, so as to prevent divisions among us.

Tibetans should also continue to work for friendship with the

Chinese people.

Looking back on 50 years in exile, we have witnessed many

ups and downs. However, the fact that the Tibet issue is

alive and the international community is taking growing

interest in it is indeed an achievement. Seen from this

perspective, I have no doubt that the justice of Tibet's

cause will prevail, if we continue to tread the path of truth

and non-violence.

As we commemorate 50 years in exile, it is most important

that we express our deep gratitude to the governments and

peoples of the various host countries in which we live. Not

only do we abide by the laws of these host countries, but we

also conduct ourselves in a way that we become an asset to

these

countries. Similarly, in our efforts to realise the cause of

Tibet and uphold its religion and culture, we should craft

our future vision and strategy by learning from our past

experience.

I always say that we should hope for the best, and prepare

for the worst. Whether we look at it from the global

perspective or in the context of events in China, there are

reasons for us to hope for a quick resolution of the issue of

Tibet. However, we must also prepare ourselves well in case

the Tibetan struggle goes on for a long time. For this, we

must focus primarily on the education of our children and the

nurturing of professionals in various fields. We should also

raise awareness about the environment and health, and improve

understanding and practice of non-violent methods among the

general Tibetan population.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my

heartfelt gratitude to the leaders and people of India, as

well as its Central and State Governments, who despite

whatever problems and obstacles they face, have provided

invaluable support and assistance over the past 50 years to

Tibetans in exile. Their kindness and generosity are

immeasurable. I would also like to express my gratitude to

the leaders, governments and people of the international

community, as well as the various Tibet Support Groups, for

their unstinting support.

May all sentient beings live in peace and happiness.

The Dalai Lama,

10 March 2009.

I would also like to quote from the statement put out by the State Department last night. In part it says ``We urge China to reconsider its policies in Tibet that have created tensions due to their harmful impact on Tibetan religion, culture, and livelihoods. We believe that substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama's representatives, consistent with the Dalai Lama's commitment to disclaiming any intention to seek sovereignty or independence for Tibet, can lead to progress in bringing about solutions and can help achieve true and lasting stability in Tibet.''

I am very pleased with the statement from the State Department.

Mr. Speaker, the situation in Tibet challenges the conscience of the world. If freedom-loving people around the world do not speak out for human rights in China and Tibet, then we lose moral authority to talk about it in any other place in the world.

On the 15th anniversary of the Dalai Lama being forced into exile, we must heed his guidance and his transcendent message of peace, and we must never forget the people of Tibet in their ongoing struggle.

That is why I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and thank my colleagues for giving us this opportunity to do so today.

Mr. Chair, I thank Chairman Conyers and Chairman Frank for their strong leadership in bringing this much needed housing and bankruptcy legislation to the floor.

The legislation is the result of the perseverance of many Members, especially Brad Miller, the original author of the legislation and Mr. Cohen of the Judiciary Committee.

I also commend Zoe Lofgren, Ellen Tauscher, and Dennis Cardoza for their compromise that is reflected in the manager's amendment. They have worked diligently to make improvements to the bill to ensure that homeowners will avoid bankruptcy whenever possible by first and foremost providing homeowners to a workable and accessible loan modification process.

every 13 seconds

As Chairwoman Lofgren has said, we have a foreclosure in America every 13 seconds.

Every 13 seconds, a family is uprooted, their children are forced to switch schools, their biggest investment--their home--is boarded up, increasing blight and reducing property values.

Each foreclosure represents nothing less than the end of an American Dream. But with this legislation--the Helping Families Save Their Homes Act--we can protect the American Dream and preserve it for America's families.

what the legislation does

This legislation will reduce the number of foreclosures by providing incentives for loan modifications that will permit families to stay in their homes on a long term basis.

It reforms the HOPE for Homeowners program to make it more workable for both homeowners and lenders.

In addition to providing incentives to lenders and servicers, this legislation, thanks to improvements that Members have worked on, also provides important incentives to homeowners to work with lenders and servicers to modify loans and to avoid bankruptcy--a painful and intrusive process for families. For those who cannot be helped, the legislation permits existing home mortgages to be judicially modified under the Bankruptcy Code, similar to the treatment of other real estate such as investment properties.

Finally, the legislation strengthens our financial system to foster the flow of credit necessary for home refinancing by making permanent the new $250,000 deposit insurance limit for Americans' accounts in banks and credit unions.

president's plan

This legislation compliments the President's recently announced Homeowner Affordability and Stability Plan, which will help up to 7 to 9 million families restructure or refinance their mortgages to avoid foreclosure by refinancing or modifying their loans. Both the Obama plan and this legislation are long overdue steps to strengthen the housing market.

responsibility of borrowers and lenders

As we consider this legislation, we all agree on the principle that everyone bears a personal responsibility for their actions and their debts. This legislation upholds this principle.

Lenders must also act in good faith, responsibly lend to qualified homeowners, and work with homeowners who are at-risk of foreclosure because that is in the interests of lenders, borrowers, neighborhoods, and our nation's economy.

Yet, as 22 state Attorneys General recently noted, ``many servicers . . . remain unwilling or unable to act, even when their own economic interests dictate otherwise.''

close

When homeowners are unable to obtain relief, we must act to protect the American Dream of owning a home, to protect the neighborhoods ravaged by foreclosures, and to protect our economy, which has been ravaged by the decline of housing market.

Unless we address our nation's foreclosure crisis, more Americans will lose their jobs, will not be able to send their kids to college, and see their retirements savings continue to decline and disappear.

This bill helps homeowners, lenders, and neighbors. It is essential to our economic recovery. I urge my colleagues to take action today to stop foreclosures and help American families save their homes.

Madam Speaker, on January 20, 2009, just hours after President Obama took the oath of office, our nation lost a tremendous American: Richard Sklar.

My friend Richard Sklar was a master builder: of family, of ideas, of infrastructure, of peace, of the future.

My husband, Paul, and I first met Richard and his beautiful wife Barbara in the 1970s. I remember the day the Sklars moved into the neighborhood. My daughters Christine and Nancy met them first, running home to exclaim to me, ``A new family has moved in. They have children our age. Their mother is beautiful, and their father sings show tunes. And did I tell you, they're Democrats?''

My five children became fast friends with the Sklar children: Karen, Eric, Marc, and Pamela. We all quickly came to cherish Richard's larger-than-life personality, sense of humor, and love of life and family.

Richard was like the pied piper when it came to children. When one of my kids wasn't home, there was a good chance that the SkIars were hosting a basketball game, movie, meal, or party. Over 20 years ago, the kids saw the Smurf movie and bestowed Richard with the nickname ``Papa Smurf.'' They--and he--used it ever since.

With a zest for the organic and the exotic, Richard and Barbara were ``foodies'' long before the term was officially invented. You could count on expanding your palate at the Sklar tables in San Francisco and Napa. He was proud of his homegrown grapes and figs, and enjoyed the small celebrations--weekends in the country, birthdays, and family dinners--as much as the big holidays. Though Jewish and proud of his heritage, Richard put up the biggest Christmas tree anyone had ever seen.

Richard was a master builder of ideas. A brilliant engineer, businessman, diplomat and mediator, Richard brought his passion, talents and determination to every challenge he faced. As pragmatic as he could be in business, Richard was at heart a dreamer--always pursuing big ideas, big ideals, and big innovations.

Richard loved people--earning the respect of all, from the people on the street to the President of the United States. His confidence in their possibilities inspired greatness in return.

But Richard wasn't afraid to use tough love as well, because he was passionate, mission-driven and fearless in all his endeavors. In one such tough love work moment, he said ``I didn't come here to be uncritically loved; I get that from my grandkids.'' He certainly had his priorities in order.

Richard had an opinion about everything and was never shy about expressing his views--whether about family, movies, books, or politics. Richard wanted the last word in any conversation--and usually he got it.

Richard and I shared a birthplace--Baltimore, Maryland--and a love for progressive values and Democratic politics. Richard and Barbara were long involved in local and national politics from McGovern to Obama. They participated in every election cycle, building coalitions and urging participatory democracy. They opened their home for candidates for office at all levels of service. If you showed up at the Sklar house during Teddy Kennedy's 1980 campaign, any number of Kennedy family and friends might be there for breakfast or dinner.

And more often than not, you would see that great Sklar and Kennedy friend, Anna Eshoo. Richard delighted in Anna's success as a Member of Congress over the years.

Richard and Barbara taught their children to be active in civic life and have always taken great pride in their children's public service.

Throughout the years, Richard's role as master builder of ideas manifested itself in his work to preserve our planet for future generations. A force of nature himself, he never stopped thinking about new ways to save the planet, promote energy independence, and create innovative solutions by sheer force of will and intellect.

San Francisco will always bear the mark of Richard the master builder of infrastructure. In his lifetime, Richard oversaw construction of the Moscone Convention Center, kick-started Muni, and supervised the reconstruction of San Francisco's historic cable car system.

When you attend a conference at the Moscone Center, commute on an electric bus, or catch a cable car ride, you are among millions of people benefiting from the city that Richard helped rebuild.

The Balkans bear the touch of Richard the master builder of peace. In the 1990s, President Clinton asked him to help rebuild war-torn Bosnia, where he coordinated programs with the European Union, World Bank and International Monetary Fund to bring economic reconstruction and strategic reform to eight Balkan countries. He was responsible for restoring basic electricity and water services, reopening the Sarajevo airport and strengthening mine removal efforts. He would return to the area a few years later to help with Montenegrin independence for which he received the highest non-citizen medal of honor.

Richard also served with distinction as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, and will be long remembered for his work to reform management, budgetary financing and personnel practices there.

Richard said that when he was an ambassador in Sarajevo, he made a point of writing out personal notes to the White House on the fax cover sheets that he knew the Bosnian staffers would surreptitiously read-- and discuss--as they sent his weekly reports back to Washington. He wanted the Bosnians to know that President Clinton never thought about Bosnia without considering ``what does Richard Sklar think?'' and that Richard Sklar never thought about Bosnia without knowing ``this is what President Clinton thinks.''

While Richard bore the title of ambassador, it is Barbara, with her grace and grit, who is the true family diplomat, negotiating strong personalities and countless adventures in parenting: from Eric's pierced ear to Marc's high school parties. Of course, according to Richard, Karen and Pamela were perfect.

As they traveled the world, Barbara provided the sense of home, keeping their network of family and friends together even while she developed her own networks in civics and philanthropy. Barbara's artistry captured on canvas their life from California to New York to Italy to the Balkans.

For their entire relationship, Richard called her, ``Beautiful Barbara.'' She was always the most beautiful person that he knew.

Like all great visionaries, Richard knew he was building a future he would not see.

Even when he became ill, Richard never stopped his work for the next generation. He continued his work on the local Public Utilities Commission, mentored political figures, and fought for a cure for cancer--if not for him, then for others. Richard taught us how to fight: never giving up, never losing hope, ever confident that the struggle was worth it for every extra minute it gave him with Barbara, his four children, and his eight grandchildren.

He also used the time to come up with new ideas about how to rebuild our country. How we will miss those phone calls and detailed voice messages--mine always contained strategic advice for the House Democrats.

My last message from Richard came after he heard President Obama's inaugural address. He thought it was wonderful, and characteristically had some thoughts to share about it. Later that same day, Richard left us.

Knowing Richard's interest in show business, the movie that I think best describes his journey is, ``It's a Wonderful Life''. With Richard Sklar in it, it was indeed a wonderful life.

Madam Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to a longtime labor and community leader, Mattie Jackson, who died February 7 in San Francisco. Mrs. Jackson devoted her life to fighting for equal rights in the workplace and social justice for all San Franciscans. During her tenure the rights of women and people of color were protected and preserved. She educated and mobilized union members to correct the unjust and unfair practices that existed in the workplace. She was an inspiration to all who knew her.

Mrs. Jackson was born October 3, 1921 in Livingston, Texas and moved to San Francisco with her husband in 1943. Mrs. Jackson began her distinguished career in the labor movement when she took a job at Koret of California as a blind stitch operator in 1947 and worked for the next 20 years as shop steward. In 1967 she joined the staff of the Pacific Northwest District Council of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) and the National Board of the ILGWU. As Manager over the next 20 years she earned the reputation of an unrelenting advocate for garment workers and a tough negotiator. She was chief negotiator of contracts for the Pacific Northwest Division from 1970- 1989. As a union leader her endorsement was sought by all those seeking elected office in the San Francisco area.

Upon her retirement in January 1990, the International President of the ILGWU, said, `Mattie Jackson is an institution not only throughout our union, but throughout the entire labor movement.'

To her beloved daughter, Gail Jackson, her grandsons, Toriano Gordon, Marco Boccara, and granddaughter Angelique Boccara, I extend my deepest sympathy. Mattie Jackson was a beloved friend of San Francisco and will not be forgotten.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to sing the praises of Mike Sheehy, a person who has served our country for over 30 years in the military and on Capitol Hill. Unfortunately for us, Mike Sheehy is moving on after over 30 years of service, and so it is with mixed feelings that I say how proud we are of him, but how sad we are to see him leave.

Mike began in the Congress of the United States as an aide in 1977 to Congressman Eddie Boland of Massachusetts. That is a name familiar to many of us here in the Chamber. He served as Chairman Boland's administrative assistant, and then went on to serve him as Staff Director and Chief Counsel at the House Intelligence Committee, and that is where many of us became more fully aware of Mike's contribution to our country.

He came to my staff in 2003 when I became House Democratic leader. He became the security adviser to that office. That same year he was recognized with the prestigious Director's Award, the highest award given by the Defense Intelligence Agency.

Mike is the proud father of three children, Beth, Matt and Tim. His children are continuing the family commitment to public service. Beth served in the Peace Corps in Kazakhstan and Matt served proudly in our Nation's military.

Of all the people that I have worked with and served with in this Congress and beyond, I can say that Mike Sheehy is truly an all- American patriot. He loves America. He came here after attending Marquette University and Georgetown Law School and serving in the Navy. Since then he has been serving our country, staffing the Congress of the United States.

Leaving after 33 years, he leaves a foundation of knowledge and experience and judgment to those of us who will carry on.

Thank you, Mike Sheehy, for your leadership and your service to our country.

I am pleased to yield to the gentleman.

I am pleased to yield to the gentleman from Texas.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, in conclusion I want to say that in addition to all the wonderful things that are said about Mike, simply put, without his leadership and knowledge staffing us on the Intelligence Committee at a crucial time in our country's history, we would not have had a 9/11 Commission. I know

that Mr. Roemer, who authored that legislation in the House, would subscribe to that characterization as well. So whether it's force protection, 9/11 Commission, ongoing safety of the American people, the list goes on and on, Mike Sheehy has been there to protect the American people, which is our first responsibility.

Thank you, and God speed, Mike Sheehy. Thank you very much.

Madam Speaker, on February 21, 2009 San Franciscans will celebrate the 100th anniversary of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) Local 6. Local 6 has a proud history of providing labor and services to the citizens of San Francisco; with electrical lighting and power systems for more than 125 years and communications systems for more than 150 years.

Electrical workers were the pioneers who changed the face of society. Recognizing the need for unity, fair compensation and safe working conditions, they organized and affiliated with other electrical workers and were chartered by IBEW on February 21, 1895 and newly chartered on February 21, 1909. From helping to rebuild our fire-ravaged city after the 1906 Earthquake to developing San Francisco's infrastructure, including schools, hospitals, civic buildings, bridges and transportation, the Bay Area would not be the magnificent area it is today without Local 6.

In our more recent history, Local 6 played an integral role in building the Bay Area Rapid Transit system (BART), seismic retrofitting of City Hall, relocation of the main pubic library building, the new municipal court and federal buildings, Pacific Bell Park, University of California's development of Mission Bay, and they have made high-tech switching facilities and modern communication systems available for use.

This is a great opportunity to recognize all the brave men and women who struggled and sacrificed so that we can enjoy the quality and life and standard of living that we have come to cherish.

I pledge to continue to fight in Congress for economic opportunity, good jobs and good opportunities for America's working men and women. I will work with President Obama and Secretary of Labor Hilda Solis to ensure fair wages, safe workplaces and job training for working Americans. I join my constituents and all those in the San Francisco Bay Area to salute Local 6's success and unrelenting commitment to working Americans and to look forward to a bright future.