I'd like to thank the chairman, and I use that with my kids at the breakfast table. You can talk not to exceed 3 minutes. But thank you very much for that time. When the new Congress came in session, this Congress, the 110th, we banned…
I'd like to thank the chairman, and I use that with my kids at the breakfast table. You can talk not to exceed 3 minutes. But thank you very much for that time.
When the new Congress came in session, this Congress, the 110th, we banned gifts by lobbyists. We banned meals paid for by lobbyists. We changed the rules of the reports on earmarks where Members were doing things that benefited themselves at taxpayers' expense.
Today we're considering the most comprehensive legislation on lobbying disclosure since the Watergate era, the most comprehensive legislation, because over the last 12 years, people saw a buildup in this people's House that gave them no confidence that their business was being done, but, in fact, the work of the special interests were done.
When that gavel on the Speaker's table comes down, it's intended to open the people's House, not the auction
house, and the American people lost confidence in this institution. The playing field was tilted to the special interests.
This legislation, time and again, alters fundamentally the law as it relates to the abuses that we saw over the last 12 years.
Now, I compliment my colleagues because in 1994 when they ran for Congress, they came to change Washington. They passed a lobbying bill, but after 12 years in power, rather than change Washington, Washington changed them. They became comfortable with power. They became comfortable and cozy with the special interests, and the American people said, enough.
It beared on us and the responsibility of Democrats to change the culture here, to break that link between lobbyists and legislation.
What happened at the end of the last 12 years was the special interest voices were heard at the expense of the American people.
So whether it's in banning the K Street Project that rewarded companies and institutions that hired the majority party's friends, whether it became gifts, trips and the reporting of those trips, whether it became when Members were negotiating their future employment and doing the work here on the floor of their future employer even before they left, every element of that reform needed to be changed. This bill, under this chairman, does it.
That will set the laws. Now it's the conduct of the Member to also understand there is a new day, there is change in the way you do things here in Washington.
About 6 years ago, the Congress altered, through passing campaign finance reform, the relationship between a contributor and a candidate. This alters the relationship between a lobbyist and the legislation.
Going forward, it would require a constant vigil, the attempt now is to ensure that at no point did those who represent the special interests have a capacity and an interest and an access that far outweighs the American people. That is the attempt of this legislation.
Whether it's the provision that relates to Jack Abramoff, the provisions that relate to the K Street Project, the provisions that relate to rangers or pioneers, that they don't have an ability to do things for Members or individuals that far exceed what the people who vote on election day for that Member and that their interests are heard.
We have to always come back and make sure that it is rules of the road to Washington don't tilt in favor of the special interests. This is a beginning, and it builds on what we did by banning on day one the gifts and meals by lobbyists, brings transparency to earmarks, and it brings transparency to the entire process as it relates to lobbyists' influence on legislators.
I commend our colleague and our chairman for his leadership on this legislation.
I would. I do appreciate it.
As you heard what I said from my friend from California, I said you came to change Washington and to pass lobbying reform. Over 12 years you came to change Washington; Washington changed the Republican Congress.
Now, to that effect, since you decided not to politicize it, but did decide to describe it, as a sham.
I don't think I will use that time.
Madam Chairman, as Ronald Reagan once said, facts are a stubborn thing. Let's take the section on required
recusal for Members and staff in negotiation for jobs. This bill has a closure on that, and it brings disclosure on that. The bill brought up before the Republican Congress last time just sits by on that.
Bans the K Street Project: This legislation only, in the last time, it said nothing on that. It was silent, except it was against the House rules.
Disclosure of lobbyist contributions to charities, conferences, or similar events Members have interests in: This bill has it. Last year, it did not.
The Harry and Louise disclosures, so interest groups could hide behind phony names and advertise against Members: This bill has it. Last year's did not.
Public database of Members' travel and financial disclosures: This bill has it. Last year's didn't.
Increased penalties: This bill has it. Didn't last.
Spousal lobbying, restrictions on their spouses: This bill has it; did not before.
Disclosure of lobbyist bundling will be considered in separate legislation. The goal is on comparison of the legislation. This is an improvement.
Second, to my good friend from California, I am glad you passed legislation last time. The Senate has now passed this. We're going to go to conference on this bill and actually get it done.
Number two, and, most importantly, I don't want to go forward looking back. My goal is to get this done, because as I said before, this is an institutional problem that requires an institutional solution, and that's what we have provided here.