Floor Statements

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Health Promotion FIRST (Funding Integrated Research, Synthesis and Training) Act, legislation to provide the foundation for solid planning and a scientific base for health promotion.

Between one half and two-thirds of premature deaths in the United States and much of our health care costs are caused by just three risk factors: poor diet, physical inactivity, and tobacco. Recent news reports have highlighted the alarming increase in obesity across the Nation. In the last 10 years, obesity rates have increased by more than 60 percent among adults--with approximately 59 million adults considered obese today.

We also know that medical costs are directly related to lifestyle risk factors. The September 2000 issue of the American Journal of Health Promotion reported that approximately 25 percent of all employer medical costs are caused by lifestyle factors. Emerging research is showing the value may be closer to 50 percent today.

Medical care costs are reaching crisis levels. Some major employers are actively exploring discontinuing medical insurance coverage if costs are not controlled. The Federal Government has the same cost problems with its own employees, and the cost to Medicare of lifestyle- related diseases will only increase as Baby Boomers retire, and more and more beneficiaries are diagnosed with lifestyle-related illnesses.

An obvious first step to addressing our health and medical cost problems is to help people stay healthy.

The good news is that both the public and private sectors are starting to do more in the area of health prevention and health promotion. For instance, the Medicare Modernization Act of 2003 included several new prevention initiatives for Medicare beneficiaries.

Also in recent years Congress and the Administration have worked together to pass numerous pieces of legislation to establish grants to provide health services for improved nutrition, increased physical activity, and obesity prevention.

However, despite the success of many health promotion programs, there is a quality gap between the best programs and typical programs. This occurs because most professionals are not aware of the best practice methods. Furthermore, even the best programs reach a small percentage of the population and do poorly in creating lasting change.

The Health Promotion FIRST Act will build the foundation for a stable coordinated strategy to develop the basic and applied science of health promotion, synthesize research results and disseminate findings to researchers, practitioners and policy makers.

The bill directs the Department of Health and Human Services to develop strategic plans focusing on the following: how to develop the basic and applied science of health promotion; how to best utilize the authority and resources of the Department of Health and Human Services and other federal agencies to integrate health promotion concepts into health care and other elements of society; how to synthesize health promotion research into practical guidelines that can be easily disseminated and; how to foster a strong health workforce for health promotion activities.

Additional funding is also provided for the Centers for Disease Control and the National Institutes of Health to augment current activities related to health promotion research and dissemination.

We have made a good start, at the Federal level, in addressing the needs of health promotion. However, we need to go further. I believe this legislation will serve as a good basis for Congress and the administration to take the next step in developing health promotion programs for the next decade.

Mr. President, I join with Senator Biden today to introduce legislation reauthorizing the Tropical Forest Conservation Act of 1998 (TFCA) through fiscal year 2007. Since its creation, the TFCA has helped conserve 40 million acres of tropical forests in the world.

The current TFCA authorization, P.L. 107-26, expires at the end of fiscal year 2004. The House of Representatives has already voted in favor of H.R. 4654, which is identical to the legislation we introduce today. We hope the Senate will be able to take speedy action on this important program.

Senator Biden and I proposed TFCA in 1998 based on the 1991 Enterprise for Americas Initiative (EAI) that allows the President to restructure debt in exchange for conservation efforts in Latin America. The TFCA expanded on the EAI and allows protection of threatened tropical forests worldwide through ``debt-for-nature'' mechanisms.

With TFCA, the State Department has reached agreements generating $70.4 million in long-term commitments for tropical forest conservation. In addition, private donors, including the Nature Conservancy, the World Wildlife Fund, the Wildlife Conservation Society and Conservation International, have contributed more than $5 million to TFCA swaps, leveraging U.S. Government funds.

Seven TFCA agreements have been concluded to date in Bangladesh, El Salvador, Belize, Peru, the Philippines, Panama and Colombia. With the reauthorization of TFCA, the State Department will be able to complete negotiations with Jamaica and Sri Lanka, and pursue agreement with Guatemala, Ecuador, Paraguay, St. Vincent, Botswana, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, India, Indonesia, Brazil and Kenya.

This legislation authorizes appropriations for debt reduction for eligible countries through fiscal year 2007 at $20,000,000 in fiscal year 2005 (as the President requested); $25,000,000 in fiscal year 2006; and $30,000,000 in fiscal year 2007.

A new section authorizes that funds can be used for audits and evaluations of the program. In addition, an amendment allows for TFCA debt reduction agreements to redirect reduced principal payments for forest conservation activities. Current law allows only the redirection of reduced interest payments into forest conservation funds.

The debt-for-nature mechanisms in the TFCA have proven to be an effective, market-oriented tool to leverage scarce funds available to international conservation. The host country places an amount in its tropical forest fund that typically exceeds the cost to the U.S. Government of the debt reduction agreement.

In addition to forest conservation and debt relief, TFCA strengthens civil society in participating countries by creating local foundations to support small grants to nongovernmental organizations and local communities.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I join with Senator Biden today to introduce legislation reauthorizing the Tropical Forest Conservation Act of 1998 (TFCA) through fiscal year 2007. Since its creation, the TFCA has helped conserve 40 million acres of tropical forests in the world.

The current TFCA authorization, P.L. 107-26, expires at the end of fiscal year 2004. The House of Representatives has already voted in favor of H.R. 4654, which is identical to the legislation we introduce today. We hope the Senate will be able to take speedy action on this important program.

Senator Biden and I proposed TFCA in 1998 based on the 1991 Enterprise for Americas Initiative (EAI) that allows the President to restructure debt in exchange for conservation efforts in Latin America. The TFCA expanded on the EAI and allows protection of threatened tropical forests worldwide through ``debt-for-nature'' mechanisms.

With TFCA, the State Department has reached agreements generating $70.4 million in long-term commitments for tropical forest conservation. In addition, private donors, including the Nature Conservancy, the World Wildlife Fund, the Wildlife Conservation Society and Conservation International, have contributed more than $5 million to TFCA swaps, leveraging U.S. Government funds.

Seven TFCA agreements have been concluded to date in Bangladesh, El Salvador, Belize, Peru, the Philippines, Panama and Colombia. With the reauthorization of TFCA, the State Department will be able to complete negotiations with Jamaica and Sri Lanka, and pursue agreement with Guatemala, Ecuador, Paraguay, St. Vincent, Botswana, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, India, Indonesia, Brazil and Kenya.

This legislation authorizes appropriations for debt reduction for eligible countries through fiscal year 2007 at $20,000,000 in fiscal year 2005 (as the President requested); $25,000,000 in fiscal year 2006; and $30,000,000 in fiscal year 2007.

A new section authorizes that funds can be used for audits and evaluations of the program. In addition, an amendment allows for TFCA debt reduction agreements to redirect reduced principal payments for forest conservation activities. Current law allows only the redirection of reduced interest payments into forest conservation funds.

The debt-for-nature mechanisms in the TFCA have proven to be an effective, market-oriented tool to leverage scarce funds available to international conservation. The host country places an amount in its tropical forest fund that typically exceeds the cost to the U.S. Government of the debt reduction agreement.

In addition to forest conservation and debt relief, TFCA strengthens civil society in participating countries by creating local foundations to support small grants to nongovernmental organizations and local communities.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act. This bill is intended to address both the immediate crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan and to support a comprehensive peace in all of that country. It would authorize $300 million to respond to the unfolding catastrophe in Darfur for the next fiscal year and to provide additional funds to begin reconstruction in Sudan upon the conclusion of a viable, comprehensive peace.

Events in Darfur constitute a moral and humanitarian tragedy of incredible proportions. The people of the Darfur region of Sudan are experiencing the full force of an ethnic cleansing campaign by the Government of Sudan. Numerous credible reports by U.S. and U.N. officials indicate that the Sudanese Government has armed and employed a militia of Arab Sudanese, called Janjaweed, to join it in a coordinated effort to kill and rape Darfur inhabitants and systematically destroy homes, villages, and all means of subsistence. This campaign has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced 1.2 million African Sudanese of which 200,000 are now refugees in Chad. A second phase of this campaign may prove to have the most devastating effect through the onset of famine and disease--unless, the international community responds quickly.

The United Nations is meeting significant obstacles to providing life-saving food, medicine, and shelter to the displaced Sudanese. The Sudanese Government has established bureaucratic and administrative obstacles to the provision of assistance. In addition, the international community has not provided adequate resources given the magnitude of the human suffering in Darfur. The United States has been pressing for a more vigorous response to this humanitarian crisis. This bill would support diplomatic efforts already underway and ensure a significant flow of funding.

I am hopeful that Senators will join me in passing this bill quickly.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act. This bill is intended to address both the immediate crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan and to support a comprehensive peace in all of that country. It would authorize $300 million to respond to the unfolding catastrophe in Darfur for the next fiscal year and to provide additional funds to begin reconstruction in Sudan upon the conclusion of a viable, comprehensive peace.

Events in Darfur constitute a moral and humanitarian tragedy of incredible proportions. The people of the Darfur region of Sudan are experiencing the full force of an ethnic cleansing campaign by the Government of Sudan. Numerous credible reports by U.S. and U.N. officials indicate that the Sudanese Government has armed and employed a militia of Arab Sudanese, called Janjaweed, to join it in a coordinated effort to kill and rape Darfur inhabitants and systematically destroy homes, villages, and all means of subsistence. This campaign has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced 1.2 million African Sudanese of which 200,000 are now refugees in Chad. A second phase of this campaign may prove to have the most devastating effect through the onset of famine and disease--unless, the international community responds quickly.

The United Nations is meeting significant obstacles to providing life-saving food, medicine, and shelter to the displaced Sudanese. The Sudanese Government has established bureaucratic and administrative obstacles to the provision of assistance. In addition, the international community has not provided adequate resources given the magnitude of the human suffering in Darfur. The United States has been pressing for a more vigorous response to this humanitarian crisis. This bill would support diplomatic efforts already underway and ensure a significant flow of funding.

I am hopeful that Senators will join me in passing this bill quickly.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I pay heartfelt tribute to the Reverend Charles Williams, a visionary Hoosier friend who passed away yesterday at the age of 56.

I have looked forward to visiting with Charles Williams for many years. His dynamic leadership was best exemplified through his work leading the Indiana Black Expo, Inc., a not-for-profit community service organization comprised of ten chapters throughout the State of Indiana. Since 1983, he has been an effective advocate of an expanding number of Indiana Black Expo programs.

His accomplishments included founding the Circle City Classic football game, an annual event that raises funds for minority college scholarships. Most recently, Reverend Williams has worked diligently to inform men, especially African-American men, on the importance of prostate cancer screening. Afflicted with this terrible disease, he shared his personal testimony on struggles with prostate cancer in an effort to encourage other men to consider personal healthcare more seriously.

The Indiana Black Expo was founded in 1970, while I served as Mayor of Indianapolis. Each year, the Indiana Black Expo hosts the Summer Celebration. Currently underway, this event is the longest-running cultural showcase of

its kind nationwide. I look forward to visiting, once again, with thousands of attendees in Indianapolis this weekend.

I am honored to have this opportunity to pay tribute to the life of Reverend Charles Williams. At this difficult time, my thoughts and prayers go out to his family and friends.

Mr. President, I rise to submit a resolution expressing the Sense of the Senate on promoting initiatives to develop an HIV vaccine.

The HIV/AIDS pandemic is unlike any disease in history and has profound implications for political stability, development, and human welfare. The sheer magnitude of the crisis is overwhelming. An estimated 40,000,000 people around the world live with HIV or AIDS, and nearly 8,500 people die every day from AIDS. Last year alone, more than 3,000,000 people died from AIDS. Every 14 seconds, a child loses a parent to AIDS. An estimated 14,000,000 children have lost one or both parents to AIDS, and this number is expected in increase to 25,000,000 by 2010. According to recent projections from the World Health Organization and the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), if the pandemic spreads at this current rate, there will be 45,000,000 new infections by 2010 and nearly 70 million deaths by 2020. Sub- Saharan Africa has been hardest hit by the disease, with more than 75 percent of the people infected with HIV living in the region.

The U.S. is leading global efforts to combat the pandemic through its $15 billion dollar Emergency Plan for AIDS relief and its commitment to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. But the human and economic toll of the HIV pandemic demands that these activities be complemented by accelerated efforts to develop an HIV vaccine. An HIV vaccine would prevent new HIV and AIDS cases, which could save millions of lives and dramatically reduce the negative social and economic consequences of the disease. Yet, HIV vaccine development is still not prominent on national or international public health agendas.

Developing an HIV vaccine is particularly challenging because HIV is one of the most complicated viruses ever identified. In addition, many private sector biotechnology companies have not invested money and expertise in the search for an HIV vaccine. Developing an HIV vaccine, therefore, is unlikely to occur without a well-coordinated and focused global research effort.

Recently, under President Bush's leadership, the Members of the Group of Eight Industrialized Nations (G-8), during their meeting at Sea Island, endorsed the establishment of a Global HIV Vaccine Enterprise. The Enterprise, an international alliance working to develop an HIV vaccine, would be modeled after the Human Gnome Project which brought together public and private sector researchers to map the human genetic code. Similarly, the HIV Vaccine Enterprise is intended to accelerate progress by promoting international public-private collaboration. It would coordinate the research efforts of scientists from around the globe to improve the chances of developing an HIV vaccine. President Bush also announced plans to establish a second HIV Vaccine Research and Development Center, in addition to the one at the U.S. National Institutes of Health. The new center will become a key component of the Global HIV Vaccine Enterprise.

The International AIDS Vaccine Initiative (IAVI) has been instrumental in laying the groundwork for such an enterprise. The IAVI is an international organization that collaborates with developing countries, governments, and international agencies dedicated to accelerating the development of a vaccine to halt the AIDS epidemic. The IAVI, however, cannot accomplish this task alone. Here in the United States, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation have joined forces to help address the financial problems faced by small biotechnology companies. They founded BIO Ventures for Global Health to help small biotechnology companies address the problems they confront in developing new medical products for poor countries. The wider application of this model would greatly improve the development of vaccines and other medicines aimed at improving health in the developing world.

I commend the President's leadership on this critically important issue. The G-8's endorsement of a Global HIV Vaccine Enterprise is a big step forward in the development of an HIV vaccine. My resolution acknowledges the President's and the G-8's actions towards this goal and urges them to continue to cooperate with other countries, particularly those hit hardest by the HIV/AIDS pandemic, to achieve this important objective.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I yield myself as much time as I may require for this statement from the time allocated to our side.

Madam President, today the Senate will have the opportunity to consider many nominations for diplomatic posts of some very talented Americans who have made themselves available for public service--some as a career, and others for temporary periods--and who have come before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in formal hearings, and whom the committee has sent to the floor for action by the Senate. It is my hope these nominations will be acted upon favorably today.

It is important to our country that these ambassadors and representatives to various other international organizations be in place as rapidly as possible. In an often-changing and sometimes dangerous world, we need that leadership. Our committee has tried to act in an expeditious manner to provide a fair degree of certainty to Senators, and a confidence level that these are good nominees who will represent our country well.

Prominent among those whom we recommend today is our former colleague, Senator John Danforth of Missouri. It is a great pleasure for me to address the nomination of Senator Danforth before the Senate now in this specific debate on his nomination. As a result of his three distinguished terms as a Senator from Missouri, he is well known to many Members of the Senate and to the Committee on Foreign Relations. It turns out that eight of us served with Senator Danforth in this body. We were able to identify ourselves during the hearing.

I had the privilege of coming into the Senate with Senator Danforth after the election of 1976, sworn in early in January, and had the pleasure of serving with him throughout the 18 years of his tenure.

After entering with Senator Danforth, as did Senator Paul Sarbanes of Maryland and Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah, in what was a large class of Senators--eight Democrats and eight Republicans coming in as new Senators from the election of 1976--those of us who had the privilege of serving with him can certainly attest to his integrity, his intellect, his sound judgment, and his good humor.

President Bush has made a very wise choice, in my judgment, for an extremely important position. The Committee on Foreign Relations signaled its agreement by voting him out of committee unanimously last Tuesday.

I will mention parenthetically that in a meeting at the White House this morning, President Bush asked specifically for consideration for the leadership on the part of those of us on both sides of the aisle to make certain we are represented at the United Nations as our now- Ambassador to the United Nations, Ambassador Negroponte, goes on to these very important responsibilities in setting up the new embassy in Iraq.

The job before Senator Danforth is a daunting one that will require all of his talents and his experience. As the Security Council vote 2 weeks ago on Iraq demonstrated, critical decisions are being made at the United Nations that have a huge impact on the outcome in Iraq, on the welfare of our troops there, and on peace in the world.

Success in Iraq is unlikely to be achieved without the active cooperation of many other nations, reinforced by the international legitimacy that can be secured and underlined at the United Nations.

Beyond Iraq, that same week, the United Nations Security Council met to discuss sanctions on Liberia, the peacekeeping mission in Cypress, and weapons of mass destruction generally. Other United Nations bodies addressed in that same week issues as divergent as women's rights, the need for greater access to potable water in this world, efforts to expand freedom of expression, and the role that primary education plays in childhood development. The United Nations remains the focal point of our multilateral diplomacy on so many fronts.

Being U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations requires one not only to deal with policies and politics in New York, it requires one to manage these same issues back here in Washington where many in Congress are sometimes skeptical of the United Nations procedures.

Our U.N. Ambassador must be able to explain to Congress why it is important to pay our dues and to pay them on time, and why peacekeeping operations can benefit the United States. Every U.N. peacekeeper in the Congo, Haiti, and East Timor allows U.S. troops to focus on our missions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.

At the same time, our Ambassador must be a forceful spokesperson for greater efficiency and transparency at the United Nations and an intolerance of corruption at the United Nations. The recent revelations regarding the Oil-for-Food Program remind us that close oversight must be part of our role at the U.N.

Senator Danforth's years of experience in Washington ensure that he will keep Congress informed about U.S. policies at the U.N. His talents as a bridgebuilder and a communicator will serve him well as he seeks to articulate both to the world and to the Congress the nuances of his work in New York.

Since leaving the Senate, Senator John Danforth has continued his commitment to public service. From 1999 to 2001, he headed the independent inquiry into the Branch Davidian standoff at Waco, TX. Since September of 2001, he has served as President Bush's special envoy for peace in troubled Sudan where he has devoted his time and his talents to reducing the suffering in that troubled nation.

In this capacity, he has made seven trips to Sudan and other nations in the region. This experience will be particularly useful when the United Nations Security Council begins debate on whether to send peacekeepers to try to maintain the fragile peace framework signed in Nairobi on June 5. We wish him success in this endeavor and pray this framework evolves into a formal peace agreement that finally ends the civil war that has resulted in more than 2 million deaths and over 4 million displaced persons.

The United States and the United Nations must work together in Sudan, Iraq, Haiti, Afghanistan, and many other trouble spots throughout the world. American credibility in the world, progress in the war on terrorism, and our relationships with our allies will be greatly affected by what can be accomplished at the United Nations in the coming months and years.

Senator Danforth is eminently qualified to meet these and other challenges. We recognize the deep personal commitment necessary to undertake this difficult assignment. We are grateful that a leader of his stature is willing to step forward. I recommend Senator John Danforth to the full Senate and ask my colleagues to send him on his way to New York with a unanimous vote.

I thank the Chair, and I yield the floor.

Madam President, I would like to yield time to the distinguished Senator from Missouri, Senator Talent. I yield as much time as he might require.

Madam President, I am advised there are no other Senators here wishing to speak on the nominations. I am authorized to yield back time on both sides of the aisle.

Madam President, I move to reconsider the vote, and I move to lay that motion on the table.

The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

I thank the Chair.

Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination list which was printed in the Record on the date indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that this nomination lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. President, today I stand to submit a resolution focused on the development of self-government in Kosovo. I am pleased that Senators Voinovich, Allen, Smith, and Biden have joined me in co- sponsoring this legislation.

I believe that Kosovo's future lies in building democracy, respecting human rights, and fostering ethnic reconciliation. I am hopeful that the United States will remain involved in Kosovo until it is self- sustaining. I also believe that a successful conclusion to Kosovo's status is crucial to Balkan reintegration into Europe and into Euro- Atlanta institutions.

It has been 5 years since the signing of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 that marked the end of a brutal conflict in Kosovo. Much progress has been made, but it is critical to focus on the work at hand: developing political processes that are inclusive and protect human rights, especially those of minorities. My resolution focuses on the process of getting Kosovo to achieve self-governance before its future status is determined.

The United States Senate must continue to support the efforts of UNMIK (the United Nations Mission in Kosovo) and KFOR (the NATO-led international security forces in Kosovo), and promote steps to foster the development of the Kosovo economy through strengthened cooperation with the South Central Europe region and Euro-Atlantic institutions. I was pleased to co-sponsor a resolution submitted by my colleague, Senator Voinovich, that condemned the ethnic violence that erupted in Kosovo last March, and that called upon the people of Kosovo to cooperate with UNMIK, KFOR and the Kosovo Police to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators of the violence.

I strongly support the Administration's new policy initiative for Kosovo, which was launched last November. It foresees periodic review of progress by Kosovo's autonomous institutions of self-government on establishing rule of law, multi-ethnic democracy, market economic reform, and stable relations with neighbors. My resolution calls upon the leaders of the Provisional Institutions of Self-Governance in Kosovo, and upon the leaders of the political parties and communities of Kosovo, to renew their efforts in cooperation with UNMIK, KFOR, and the international community to achieve political and economic stability. A critical step in Kosovo's development is a stable relationship with Belgrade. I urge both sides to engage in direct dialogue.

I believe that it is critical for the U.S. to continue to play a central role in Kosovo and provide strong assistance in achieving the benchmarks, and at an appropriate time, in determining a process leading to final status. I urge my colleagues to lend their support to U.S. policy in the Balkans and ask their support for this resolution.

Mr. President, I pay special tribute to Nancy Reagan who has been indispensable throughout the public life of the Reagans, and particularly during this past decade. It was my privilege to sit beside Mrs. Reagan during several White House and Republican Party events and to understand her strength and shared dream for America.

The service of President Reagan to our country can only be approached by understanding how wide he cast the net of potential achievement, and fulfillment of dreams, hopes and visions.

President Reagan actually believed and articulated that our country had a special destiny, that no barriers were insurmountable because we are Americans. He actually believed and said that the Soviet Union was an evil empire, that its political and economic institutions were disintegrating, and that if its leadership and people knew the alternatives which our country presented, they would choose democracy and market economics.

President Reagan was prepared to invest an increasing portion of our national treasure in military defense with the certainty that we would negotiate successfully with our adversaries from a position of strength. He shocked foreign policy and defense specialists by proposing that all intermediate nuclear missiles be destroyed, a negotiating position labeled universally as a bizarre arms-control non- starter.

He affirmed the staying power of NATO by deploying Pershing missiles to Germany and cruise missiles to Italy even after the Soviets declared that such deployment would end all arms control negotiations and stimulate Soviet nuclear buildup.

Add to this, President Reagan's startling proposal that the United States should develop a Strategic Defense Initiative to protect our country against incoming missiles fired upon us. He contended that we should and could try to defend ourselves against the so-called balance of terror.

He proposed to President Gorbachev that the United States and the Soviet Union ban all nuclear weapons. In fact, he was confident that if he could take Gorbachev on an extended tour of America that Gorbachev would want to shape the Soviet Union into many of our successful traditions.

Meanwhile, President Reagan knew that substantial new growth must occur in our domestic economy to pay for the special leadership role he had envisioned in foreign policy. He was confident that substantial cuts in individual marginal tax rates and a host of investment incentives would establish and sustain the longest peacetime prosperity we had ever enjoyed. Our prosperity underwrote the magnificent gains in free and fair trade which he championed and world wide wealth grew abundantly.

When Ronald Reagan stood on a balcony of the Reichstag in Berlin and challenged Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, he could see white crosses just below where courageous persons seeking freedom had lost their lives in that pursuit. Everything still appeared to be so locked up and grim, and sophisticated observers were barely patronizing in comment on his Berlin wall challenge.

The ``evil empire'' crumbled, the Berlin wall and other walls fell, all of the Intermediate Nuclear Force weapons were destroyed exactly in three years as the INF Treaty provided, and the United States became the only superpower with the strongest economy and the ability, uniquely, to extend military authority around the world.

All of this occurred because President Reagan persuaded the Congress and his countrymen to build our armed forces, to build our economy through the growth incentives termed ``Reaganomics,'' to maintain the successful strategies of our NATO alliance, to utilize military force to support foreign policy as required, and to commence Strategic Defense Initiative research.

We now know that the Soviets were much weaker than experts estimated. We now know that they could not keep up the pace and that desperate attempts to do so led to the collapse of the Soviet Empire and then to the collapse of the Union, itself.

President Reagan advocated two more things which were inspiring and critically important in world history.

First, he rejected the Brezhnev Doctrine, the idea that territory which socialism had occupied could never be reclaimed. When he advocated this roll back of the iron curtain, he created deep anxiety and alarm among most international foreign policy advisers who loved liberty a lot, but loved stability even more.

U.S. Stinger missiles shipped to the expert ministrations of the Mujadahin in Afghanistan were a major instrument of the Soviet roll back, and the world watched in awe as the Soviet troops withdrew to a smaller Socialist world.

Second, President Reagan enunciated a new policy in a statement sent to the Congress after the Philippine election and revolution. He stated that henceforth, we would oppose tyranny of the left and tyranny of the right, that we were for democracy developed by people who sought to know and enjoy democracy and human rights. This statement was severely criticized by experts who suggested that in the ``real world'' a good number of dictators were friendly to the U.S. and certainly useful in waging the cold war against Communism.

In articulating his vision on the roll back of the Iron Curtain; in identifying with nations all over the world who applauded our passion for building democratic institutions; in celebrating human rights and free market principles; in all of these areas, Ronald Reagan was far ahead of the prevailing wisdom. Yet he ultimately brought other leaders in America and around the world to his point of view in a relatively short interval.

President Reagan was courageous and on the right side of history. He performed these deeds in a very public way which instructed and inspired others. Those of us in public service learned much from President Reagan as we watched him speak and act. He was charismatic, he was determined and consistent, and he enjoyed a remarkable batting average of being right.

Mr. President, this legislation supports the President's Global Peace Operations Initiative. That initiative contemplates a multi-year program to enhance global peacekeeping capacity by training and equipping military and security forces to facilitate the deployment of trained forces to international peace support operations.

The initiative stems from recognition of the concerns that have been identified in dealing with peace support operations. Specifically it has become clear that many countries have the political will to participate in peace support operations, but lack the capabilities and resources required to deploy and sustain themselves in the field. Similarly, some countries have the capacity to conduct traditional peacekeeping, but many missions, such as in Liberia, require combat- like peace enforcement tasks.

The Group of Eight, meeting this week, has endorsed the President's idea that the Group should pursue the goal of training at least 75,000 international peacekeepers over the next several years and develop a plan to provide logistical support around the world. The Group of Eight has had a longstanding interest, expressed at both the Kananaskis and Evian summits, in providing technical and financial assistance to sustain and strengthen peacekeeping capacity worldwide, particularly in Africa.

This bill supports that goal by authorizing a transfer of funding from the Department of Defense to the State Department for these activities. The administration has made clear to me that the Department of Defense believes that the costs for this program would be more than offset by the savings realized by not having to deploy U.S. military units to international peace operations.

The President's leadership and initiative demonstrates the strong U.S. interest in peace and prosperity worldwide and is an expression of U.S. confidence in growing African attention to and capacity in addressing security problems on and beyond the continent.