Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of ``The Temporary Payroll Tax Cut Extension Act of 2011.'' This bill is an updated version of H.R. 3630, as amended by the Senate that sends the right message at a critical time for Americans.

At the final hour, with less than three days before millions of Americans decide between whether to buy a toy for their child or turn up their heat, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have finally recognized the importance of working in a bipartisan fashion to provide a tax break to middle class families, to support the unemployed, and to prevent cuts to the payments Medicare provides to doctors.

It appears returning home and facing constituents who would not be able to pay rent or place food on the table for their families, have caused House Republicans to realize that political posturing impacts the lives of those who can least afford it. I stand firm in my support of measures that will help families and those who are trying their best to weather the challenges caused by this economy.

I supported the measure the Senate passed last Saturday. Although not perfect I believed then as I do now that it would grant the American people the certainty they need as we head into a new year.

The Senate Amendment to H.R. 3630 received overwhelming bipartisan support in the Senate; passing by a margin of 89 to 10. After a period of negotiation, language has been added to provide simplicity for payroll administrators, and mollify my colleagues on the other side.

The Senate version would allow employees to continue to pay a 4.2 percent tax on wages, and the self-employed would be required to pay 10.4 percent; which represents a 2 percentage point cut in taxes.

This tax cut would provide a much-needed boost to the economy as the resulting tax savings could be used for investment, savings accounts, and for the purchase of both goods and services. This kind of commercial activity is what will keep the economy moving.

The Senate Amendment removes onerous unemployment provisions from H.R. 3630. Namely, the provisions that would allow states to test those who apply for unemployment benefits for illegal drugs and a provision that would require a GED, a high school diploma, or attendance in a course to attain a GED prior to being able to qualify for unemployment benefits. These provisions stigmatize the unemployed and penalize those who without benefits may not be able to afford job training.

In addition, the Senate amendment to H.R. 3630 removes a $300 million special interest provision, which had passed the House. These funds would have only helped a handful of specialty hospitals while cutting billions of dollars in funding from community hospitals. In effect, the Senate Amendment rejected the assault on the elderly, the unemployed, and the middle class that could be found in the original House version.

Rules Committee's Last Minute Change to Their Agenda

Earlier this week, the Rules Committee was originally scheduled to convene an emergency meeting at 7:05 p.m. The purpose of their meeting was to discuss a motion to concur with the Senate amendment to H.R. 3630. I arrived at the Rules Committee prepared to give testimony to buttress the two amendments I proposed to the measure and to give my support to the Senate Amendment to H.R. 3630.

The Committee refused to accept my amendments and also refused to accept testimony; to add insult to injury, they delayed the meeting from 7:05 p.m. to 9:15 p.m. Again, I was prepared to speak on the measure and my amendments. To my surprise, the Rules Committee failed to discuss or bring up the motion to concur with the Senate Amendment to H.R. 3630.

It is my belief that something must have occurred prior to and immediately after the 7:05 p.m. meeting that would cause the Republican led Rules Committee to drastically change its agenda.

By 9:15 p.m. Rules began to address a completely different agenda which did not include the Motion to Concur with the Senate Amendment. I am askance by the Committee's failure to address this issue head on and rather choosing to bend to whatever pressures they received prior to meeting on the Senate amendment.

My amendments would have made it clear that hedge fund managers would finally be required to pay their due share of carried interest; at minimum they would be required to pay the same amount in taxes, as their housekeepers.

In addition my second amendment would have ensured that millionaires would also pay their fair share of taxes. Because of the actions of the Republican led Rules Committee, I never got the opportunity to express my support for these important amendments, nor did I have the opportunity to support the Senate Amendment. This was an unforeseen and drastic change to the agenda.

Certain Republicans Never Intended to Support a Payroll Tax Cut

There is little doubt that there have been factions within the Republican Party who never intended to support a payroll tax cut for middle class Americans. When the idea of a payroll tax cut initially surfaced there was an instantaneous reaction against the idea among certain conservative Republicans. The behavior of the Rules Committee, which changed the agenda at the last minute, is a probable example of these internal disagreements. Why else would they fail to bring forth the Motion to Concur with the Senate Amendment to allow the Full House to decide whether or not the Senate Amendment was the right choice for the American people.

Less than two weeks ago a Tea Party Republican made it clear that he did not support a payroll tax cut. In order to convince him to support H.R. 3630 is seems that other provisions had to be added, provisions like the Keystone Pipeline.

A Tea Party Republican made it clear that ``[Republican Leadership] certainly seem to be dragging me kicking and screaming to the `yes' line'' Such is the comment of a Member of Congress who wants us all to believe that he was undecided on a payroll tax cut. I wonder how many promises had to be given before the American middle class could have a chance of receiving a much needed cut in taxes.

This Tea Party Republican's position was also shared by a Senator, who is part of the Senate Republican Leadership. This Senate Republican Leader voted four times against proposals to keep the tax holiday. According to this Republican Leader ``We get paid to vote . . .'' and he certainly did his duty and voted, he voted against payroll tax cuts for the middle class. These are examples of people who never intended to support a payroll tax cut, if less than two weeks ago they were firmly against this position. In the case of one of the two, commonsense and reason prevailed. In the case of the other, partisan politics and in-fighting appears to have won out, and the middle class will be paying the price.

Washington Republicans, in general, found themselves in a quandary. Should they support a measure that would protect provisions in Medicare, extend unemployment, and provided a payroll tax cut or stick to partisan politics? Washington Republicans apparently did not believe that a break, which would have lowered the payroll tax from 6.2 percent to 4.3 percent, would help job growth next year.

Then there are those, like one Republican Member of Congress, who express a greater concern with not giving the President what some would consider a victory.

The victory would not be for the President, the victory would be for the American people. For the moms and dads who as a result of the payroll cut would be able to buy their child a new pair of shoes, place an additional meal on the table, or pay their rent.

It is not a surprise that those Republicans, who dug their heels into the ground, long before today, are the very Republicans who are allowing the American people to bear the brunt of this stalemate.

As referenced above, the version of H.R. 3630 that passed in the House had a list of poison pills. These nightmare provisions would have harmed not only the health of Americans but the health of the American Economy.

Unemployment

Republicans targeted the unemployed by slashing 40 weeks of unemployment insurance. Such an action would have negatively impacted the lives of millions of families.

These are the very families who are still struggling under the weight of the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. The Senate rejected this assault on families and the elderly.

It was clear that our failure to act to support the Senate amendment to H.R. 3630 would have resulted in twenty-two jurisdictions with the highest unemployment rates being the hardest hit these states are: My home state of Texas, Alabama, California, Connecticut, DC, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Idaho, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee and Washington.

According to report released by the Department of Labor just two weeks ago, 3.3 million Americans would lose unemployment benefits as a result of H.R. 3630 compared to a continuation of current law. In my home state of Texas alone, 227,381 people will lose their sole source of income by the end of January.

There is nothing normal about this recession. Republicans seem to want to blame the unemployed for their unemployment. Until it was clear that the American people would not stand behind Republican efforts, House Republicans continued to put in jeopardy tax cuts for the middle class and aid for the unemployed. In this economy the unemployed are not to blame; it is the failure of Republican leadership to bring forth any job creating measures before this house. Currently, there are over four unemployed workers for every available job, and there are nearly 1 million fewer jobs in the economy today compared to when the recession started in December 2007. In our nation's history there has never been so many unemployed Americans without work for such a long period of time. Republicans are clearly out of touch.

For every dollar spent on unemployment insurance, a study found an increase in economic activity of two dollars. According to the Economic Policy Institute extending unemployment benefits could prevent the loss of over 500,000 jobs. Further, a study by IMP AQ International and the Urban Institute found unemployment insurance benefits reduced the fall in GDP by 18.3 percent. This resulted in nominal GDP being $175 billion higher in 2009 than it would have been without unemployment insurance benefits.

If Congress fails to act before the end of the year, Americans who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own will begin losing their unemployment benefits in January. By mid-February, 2.1 million will have their benefits cut off, and by the end of 2012 over 6 million will lose their unemployment benefits.

We must act now to extend unemployment insurance and remove dastardly provisions related to drugs and education that do nothing more than insult the integrity of the jobless.

Currently, 9.8 million people are receiving unemployment insurance in some form. We have 7 days to act. On December 31, federal unemployment insurance benefits are set to expire, which means nearly 2 million will be

cut off from unemployment insurance early next year if Congress doesn't act now.

And if partisan politics is not to blame, I am not sure what else the issue could be as Congress has never allowed emergency unemployment benefits to expire when the unemployment rate is anywhere close to its current level of 9.1 percent.

The Impact on Americans Poison Pills in H.R. 3630

The reforms to unemployment and other provisions that we sent over to the Senate, sweeping as they were, may have been lost amid other features of the Republican package.

Drug Testing

Under current law, states are not allowed to deny workers unemployment insurance for reasons other than on-the-job misconduct, fraud or earning too much money from part-time work. H.R. 3630 would have allowed states to screen those who applied for unemployment benefits for illegal drugs. The drug testing requirement in H.R. 3630 is burdensome and onerous.

Unemployment is at its highest in twenty-five years, the economy is in a downward spiral, millions of people are just getting by and the Republicans want to further degrade them.

A worker advocacy group recently described the drug testing element in the House-passed bill, the ``most disturbing'' part of the Republican unemployment reforms. ``Devising new ways to insult the unemployed only distracts from the current debate over how to best restore the nation's economy to strong footing and the discussion over how to best support the unemployed and get them back to work''

No evidence has been presented that the drug testing requirement is necessary because there is no evidence to support that the average person who applies for unemployment insurance is an illegal drug user. The inference that those who need this benefit must be screened for drugs is offensive. Hardworking Americans are depending on a benefit they worked to attain. The Senate amendment to H.R. 3630 removes this offensive provision.

I want to follow my friend from Missouri and add my appreciation to the troops who have come home and to their families, and I thank my colleagues for joining in wearing a yellow ribbon in honor of them. I hope they will go home and do the same and will encourage their communities to do so.

But I am standing here to confront the hypocrisy and the joke of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle in suggesting that the conferees are meeting when they full well know that no conferees are meeting, because no one has been appointed except the one-sided conferees.

Frankly, they want us to be Americans first, not Tea Partiers, not lovers of the special interests. The other body put forward a very thoughtful initiative to keep us going so that the lights will not be turned off in some poor mother's home and so that some senior citizen can still go to his doctor. They wanted to make sure 2.3 million and 134,000 people in Texas would have their unemployment. I'm saddened by this crisis. I'm here to work. I'm going home for an emergency, and I'll be back.

The lady who went off the floor should not have been confronted that way. She spoke. She's ready to work. What about the empty chairs on the other side? They are not ready to work. It's all about a joke. This is an insult to the American people.

Mr. Speaker, we are here basically because the Joker has taken control of the Congress. Everyone knows that this is a procedural calamity that will not work. The House bill was dead on arrival in the other body because it raised the premiums of Medicare on seniors.

Let me tell you what we're doing today. The Washington Republicans are taking a high-risk gamble. This is gambling. This is throwing the dice. Dean Heller, a Senator, said, It is important that we extend the short term to get to the long term on payroll tax. Richard Lugar said, We must do what is best for the American people.

My voice may be a little raspy, but I am watching the trees and the lights in people's homes. As we go through the house, you can see those lights brightly shining, and then you get closer to that tree, and you see them beginning to pop and burn as the Christmas tree burns. And then those who have lights in their homes, candles, you see them burning to the very end. It is extinguished.

They're putting the American people in darkness. That's what this joke is doing, not even allowing us to be able to have an up-or-down vote on the Senate bill that gives us 2 months to help out seniors, to have their doctors, and to be able to have the Medicare reimbursement for our doctors fixed.

I submit into the Record the Rules Committee agenda, which showed at 7:05 p.m. on Monday night that the House would vote on the Senate compromise to extend the payroll tax cut and unemployment insurance extension. At 9:15 p.m. the Tea Party Republicans said no--and the American people now have lost their holiday season. Millions will now suffer.

This is a joke. Vote against this rule.

agenda--emergency meeting, monday, december 19, 2011, 7:05 p.m.

A motion to concur with the Senate amendment to H.R. 3630

(Middle Class Tax Relief & Job Creation Act of 2011).

A motion to go to conference on H.R. 3630 (Middle Class Tax

Relief & Job Creation Act of 2011).

H. Res. 501--Ways & Means Energy & Commerce House

Administration Transportation & Infrastructure--Expressing

the sense of the House of Representatives regarding any final

measure to extend the payroll tax holiday, extend Federally

funded unemployment insurance benefits, or prevent decreases

in reimbursement for physicians who provide care to Medicare

beneficiaries.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Motion to Concur on H.R. 3630 ``Middle Class Tax Relief and Job Creation Act of 2011.'' This legislation sends the right message at a critical time for Americans.

The Senate passed a measure this past Saturday that, while not perfect, will grant the American people the certainty they need as we head into a new year. The Senate Amendment to H.R. 3630 received overwhelming bipartisan support in the Senate. It passed by a margin of 89 to 10.

The Senate version would allow employees to continue to pay a 4.2 percent tax on wages, and the self-employed would only pay 10.4 percent; which represents a 2 percentage point tax cut.

This tax cut would provide a much-needed boost to the economy as these tax savings could be used for investment, savings accounts, and for the purchase of both goods and services. This kind of commercial activity is what will keep the economy moving.

The Senate version would remove provisions in the bill that implies that would stigmatize the unemployed by implying they use illegal substances and penalizes those who must choose between paying rent or taking job training courses. The Senate Amendment removes the onerous unemployment provisions from H.R. 3630. Namely, the provisions that would allow states to test those who apply for unemployment benefits for illegal drugs and one that would require a GED, a high school diploma, or attendance in a course to attain a GED prior to being able to qualify for unemployment benefits.

In addition, the Senate amendment to H.R. 3630 removes a $300 million on a special interest provision. The provision, which had passed the House, would only help a handful of specialty hospitals while resulting in billions of dollars in cuts from community hospitals. The Senate Amendment removes this poison pill. In effect, the Senate rejected this assault on the elderly, the unemployed, and the middle class.

Mr. Speaker, we are doing what the American people have asked us to do. I thank the gentleman from New York for championing the cause of the American people, and I thank our whip, Mr. Hoyer, for understanding that we need an up-or-down vote on the Senate compromise and a motion for this conference that will not occur to do what is right for the American people.

I've already said that the holiday season for so many has just gone up in smoke. The lights on the Christmas tree have just burst and the tree is burning. The candles throughout the house are now down and smoldering, and people are bemoaning the condition that Washington Republicans have put them in.

Mothers, single mothers, families without are now begging for a lifeline; and the gigantic ship, the cruise ship, is cruising on by and allowing them to drown in the dusty and dark waters of this land. I don't understand where there is no mercy, where there is no understanding.

My good friend from Michigan will see that his constituents, 70,000 of them, will lose unemployment benefits; the Speaker from Ohio, 58,000 will lose unemployment benefits; Texas, 134,000. They understand that this is smoke and mirrors.

I said in the Rules Committee, at 7:05 last night, we had a right to vote on the Senate bill that was put before us. That rule was changed midstream.

The American people need to understand, we had in line, through the Rules Committee, controlled by the Republicans, to put on the agenda for us to vote up or down on the Senate bill. We were not allowed to do that because they thought the Senate bill, for reasonable people, might pass. They thought that Senator Lugar's words might prevail, in the ears of the Washington Republicans, that said, do what is right for the American people. They thought Senator Snowe's words might prevail, which is to say, we all have disagreement, but let us not hold up unemployment.

Thank you.

Let us not hold up the unemployment; let us not hold up the payroll tax, because those individuals said they didn't want it in the first place.

Mr. President, if you have Executive order powers, let's just pass it; let's just rule on it; let us come back and deal with it for a year, because they know they're not serious, and I'm not going to see the holiday season go up in smoke for the American people. That is a disgrace.

Mr. Speaker, as the Ranking Member of the Committee on Homeland Security's Subcommittee on Transportation Security, I am pleased that we are on the floor today to consider the Senate amendment to H.R. 1801.

Approval of this measure today will, for the first time this Congress, result in transportation security legislation reaching the President's desk.

In this budgetary climate, we must ensure that the Transportation Security Administration is maximizing its resources and adequately integrating efficient screening process across its checkpoint security programs.

This legislation strives to do that by ensuring that an expedited screening program is established for members of the Armed Forces, which includes over 20,000 men and women in the Houston metro area.

These men and women sacrifice their time and family life to defend our liberty.

Affording them the opportunity to be respectfully screened in an expedited manner will ensure that we continue to honor their service and what their commitment means to the American public.

H.R. 1801 represents common-sense legislation with bipartisan support.

The Senate amendment ensures that there is a strong collaboration between the Department of Defense and the Transportation Security Administration.

Furthermore, H.R. 1801 establishes parameters for expedited screening process for members of the Armed Services without compromising security.

I am happy that I was able to work with Mr. Rogers and other members of the Subcommittee on Transportation Security and Full Committee on Homeland Security on this bill.

However, I hope that we do not stop here. This legislation represents only a small slice of the legislative action we must act on to adequately address transportation security.

Transportation security threats are evolving and more work must be done.

I look forward to continuing our work on the Committee on Homeland Security and producing additional bipartisan measures that strive to enhance our Nation's transportation security efforts.

With that Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure.

I thank the gentleman and the Speaker and the chairman for their kindness and recognition for 2 minutes today.

Coming in from Houston, I had the privilege of being with Reservists that

visited one of my hospitals that serves military families and, of course, the soldiers and veterans. They serve them on the issue of posttraumatic stress disorder.

I say that because it was a feeling of warmth and family, first acknowledging, as I wear this yellow ribbon, of those who have come home and those who have done their duty.

I believe that the acknowledgment of Sir Winston Churchill is an appropriate action for this Congress, but really on behalf of the American people. And I read quickly this quote in brief of his words: ``Sure I am that this day, now, we are the masters of our fate; that the task which has been set us is not above our strength.''

Although this was in the context of World War II, I plead with my colleagues who are all arriving back by train, bus, airplane, and car, that this is a time that is within our strength to not, in any way, yield to the tasks and not accomplish on behalf of the American people. We are masters of our fate.

We have before us the Senate conference on the payroll tax and employment extension. Vote on it. Vote together in a bipartisan manner. Realize that there are differences, but that we have another day, as was devised by the Senate, by February, to be able to debate this issue.

The American people thought this was settled.

People who are hungry for payroll tax relief, $1,000; people who are looking for the unemployment extension; those who are getting $1,000, those who would be beneficiaries of the 400,000 jobs, and those who will be beneficiaries of the unemployment extension that will help them pay their mortgage or help them pay their rent or food or the necessities of life, putting those monies into the economy, the American people thought we were finished, thought we had compromised, thought we had risen to our higher angels.

And so, if our soldiers and those who are returning can do their job, I'm pleading, in a bipartisan manner, let us vote for the Senate bill. Let us move this forward, and let us realize that we are the masters of our fate.

Mr. Speaker, we just finished debating and reviewing, although the time was very short, the language that would fund this Nation. That is our duty.

I'm concerned, however, that some of the cuts impacted our seniors, our young people, and our environment. We must do better, and I certainly disagree with cutting again the appropriations for this Nation impacting our veterans and their families another 2 percent.

I voted against it, and I believe that we must ensure that if America is hit by a disaster, we pay for it. We have to fight this fight again.

However, Mr. Speaker, as our soldiers return, I thank Members who are wearing the yellow ribbon, but I ask you to go home and yellow ribbon your district offices. Ask your cities and hamlets and States to put yellow ribbons out to welcome the troops who are coming home and say a job well done.

It ended yesterday with the casing of the colors in Iraq. It is our obligation and duty to not let one soldier come home to a silent America and a silent community.

Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker.

Happy holiday to America. Let me reinforce that we live in a great country, and that is evidenced by the opportunity of Members to come to this democratic body and the other body to speak about the values of this Nation and the importance of our democracy and our responsibility to address the concerns of all Americans. It is good for us to have an opportunity for a dialogue and to be able to listen to each other.

I know that I'll be joined shortly by the whip of this Congress, Mr. Hoyer. So let me just quickly say that I remember serving in this Congress when President Bush was the President, and I always made the point that once we are elected, even as we come from constituency, even as we come out of tough political battles, it really is the oath that we take that ensures that we represent all of America, whether we have the glory of coming from a State that is claiming progressiveness or one that is conservative. When we get on that train or airplane or drive that car and come to Washington, D.C., we represent all of America.

So let me quickly just say that you're looking at a stack of papers that represent the approach that my Republican friends took to fund the needs of the American people. Under the Democratic Caucus and the Democratic Congress of last Congress, we had the appropriations bills, almost 12 of them, come to the floor, and Members openly debated all of the issues around the different bills dealing with transportation, housing, homeland security and defense. They had an opportunity to be on the floor. The constituents could email or call or say what is that in this particular bill. But under this Republican leadership, this is what they brought us and gave us 1 hour to read these pages because of the emergency of funding the American people.

That's not a way to run a country. It's not Democratic or Republican. It's not conservative or liberal. It's just not the way.

And I would offer to say that we're committed and should have done this weeks ago, extending the payroll tax relief, providing for 160 million working Americans and extending the unemployment, helping 6 million Americans. You see, I don't believe that those Americans care whether we are conservative Republican, whether we twitter, whether we email or whether we speak on the floor of the House. They want us to abide by the oath that we take when we stand and affirm our relationship with the United States and our obligation and duty to the American people.

When our soldiers who are coming home now, yesterday being the last day of war in Iraq, the casing of the colors, not one soldier that I visited in Iraq or Afghanistan ever put up and said, I'm a Republican or I'm a Democratic. Every one of them was proud to be an American. And that's what we are obligated to do on this floor.

You know, it saddens me to report to you and the American people, my colleagues, that the banks of America have $64 trillion in their accounts, refusing to spend it, to yield, to loan it to small businesses or those who want to buy homes. Our businesses have over $1.12 trillion in cash on hand.

It saddens me to hear that businesses who are protected by our flag and our soldiers and can do business in a democratic setting, just because of wanting more money, they will lift up their business and take it to another country and remove the employees who invest in this country. It saddens me.

I ask the simple question: Where there is a benefit, is there not burden?

And I do want to correct any impression that we tax Americans 90 percent. Yes, we need tax reform, real tax reform. We need to help Americans keep money in their pockets. But I can tell you, out of $10, we don't take $9. We want people to be able to work and reap the benefit of their work.

But may I just share with you that America is an umbrella on a rainy day, that when there are hurricanes and tornados and earthquakes, you expect us to come running and restore your communities. You expect us to take care of the dams and bridges, the highways, to ensure that America's infrastructure is working, that the electric grid can withstand a cyberattack, a potential homeland attack, if you will.

After 9/11, you asked America why, and you wanted us to get busy and get to work and ensure the homeland is protected. And I sit on the Homeland Security Committee. Every day our responsibility is to read the fine lines in the classified information to make sure that we are in front of the terrorists, whether it's a lone wolf or whether it is a massive attack. We have been fortunate, because of our young men and women in the military, because of our intelligence community, that we have not had a major attack on our soil since 9/11. That's what the government is all about. You cannot throw the baby out with the bathwater.

And we have some other responsibilities as well. The responsibilities of ensuring our children are safe and that we don't allow and condone sexual abuse of our children or bullying of our children. Yes, you can make a national statement on that, though we want families to get help and children to get help, but the circus that is going on in Penn State is so unacceptable.

I've introduced legislation to stop the Federal funding of any entity that covers up or tolerates child sexual abuse. I have introduced legislation to make a stand against the bullying and ask communities and school districts to establish best practices to help our children and families.

And then it is important to note that we do need to have the harmony and the collegiate collaboration that really speaks of this grand place, this august institution of which we've had so many

opportunities. One of our Members was interviewed in one of our newspapers here on the Hill, and he spoke eloquently as a protector of this institution, one who had been here even as a page, and he mourned for the lack of collegiate interaction.

Everybody thinks it's a joke to call people names; I do not. For we all come in different shapes, sizes, and colors, and it is unfortunate that groups get condemned because of their race, because of their sex, or because of where they come from, their lifestyle, their background, who they represent, who they come on the floor and attempt to advocate for. I do not in any way disallow anyone who comes with a different perspective from one that I may be suggesting today, and that should not generate name-calling.

And the press loves it. They love to see us name-call against each other. They make that the story of the day. They don't talk about the yellow ribbons that Members wore, both Republican and Democrat, commemorating the return of our soldiers. And I personally thank them because I came to them and asked them to do so. I thank them--the Speaker, the leader, the Majority Leader, and of course the whip, leadership coming together to say thank you to our troops.

Members, why don't we, as we go through our holiday season, turn ourselves around. Let's not give fodder to the media, who simply likes to ridicule and make us look as if we're doing nothing. And whether or not I agree or disagree, I know Members are in their offices or in their districts and they are responding to the needs of our constituents.

And as I speak to our constituents back home, as we send this bill to the President and appropriations come that will help you in housing, help you in transportation and the environment, it is important for our local officials--and I look forward to working with my own City of Houston, let's be responsible in these dollars and make sure that the monies get to those who are in need. So that when constituents sit back home and they see the debating going on here and the ire going on here and maybe some of the disagreements, and then they wonder, Where is my help coming? We've sent it to the States, we've sent it to the cities, and it's important for you to hold them accountable as to the resources that are needed to improve your quality of life.

So I'm here today to announce that we're not going home, we're just pausing, because we have to come back and make sure that the payroll tax cuts are extended for working Americans, so that we can ensure that we don't lose 400,000 jobs and help 160 million Americans, many of them the families of soldiers that are returning home.

And then, of course, it is important for us to ensure that the unemployed--6 million of them--and some even beyond that, the 99ers who've come up against the wall of no unemployment insurance, are taken care of.

And can I just say to you, unemployment insurance is not a handout. I spoke with someone just the other day who had four boys that they had to take care of, was working and now on unemployment, trying to find work. But they worked. This is their insurance. This is the wisdom of America, to not let people be abandoned.

And so I would hope that we would find the collegiate ability to give the media back home and here more positive messages to take back and not utilize, if you will, the media waves in the First Amendment to ridicule an institution that so many of us and all of us hold dear, not for us being here present, not for any personal status, but we hold it dear and near because of the history of this place. So many decisions have been made.

The early Founding Fathers had a smaller setting just outside of these Chambers, but this is how we have come to be the longest lasting democracy, because we view this place as a place to work out our differences and not a place to raise our differences.

We've had some major crises in this country. I'd like to have been here and imagine what the Members were addressing in the 1929 collapse when, if you read your history books, people were jumping out of windows, primarily in places where they felt the financial impact. Congress had to come together. Decisions might not have been the best, but they made it through the 1930s. I know my grandparents have spoken about what that depression was really like. And then a President by the name of Franklin Delano Roosevelt dealt with World War II, but also dealt with the dismal conditions of this Nation and put America back to work to bring about the prosperity of the 1950s.

I have the greatest hope that we have that potential. And I know that President Obama believes in job creation and has done so--3 million jobs and more to come. And rather than focus on a company that would disregard the patriotic obligation to hire Americans and think that it's so easy to pick up--and it is. We are a democracy. We have no restraints on anyone planting their business anywhere, moving their business anywhere. But to think that we have lost the patriotism that would cause me to say, You know what? I'm going to suck it in, keep these hardworking Americans working--in whatever State it is--and I'm not going to fall victim to greed and leave, but I'm going to stay put and make sure that I am taking care of the American people, that's what I would hope to see in this country, all of us pulling ourselves together and pulling up our bootstraps, and making sure that we have the ability to work hard, and to ensure that as we work hard we can make this country a great place. That is the challenge that we have.

And I might say this one thing about bailouts and investments; you don't know how excited I am--and I'm not from Michigan--to be able to applaud again the automobile industry, because we were right in there recognizing that it wasn't just making cars in Detroit. It was all the car dealerships and all the guys and ladies that supported the Boy Scouts and boys and girls clubs and little leagues that were going to be impacted.

Oh, look at them now, many of them just rolling along, selling American cars again. That was the right thing to do.

And when we came after 9/11 and airlines came to us saying we just can't make it, and we had to extend a helping hand--I wouldn't even call it a bailout--but they needed us because of the horrific tragedy and attacks and murderous actions of 9/11. And thank goodness we did; and look, there are families being reunited on America's airlines today.

Sometimes the government has to do what is unpopular for the greater good. Yes, there are more things to do with the financial industry; there are questions to be answered about foreclosure that still continues. There is work to be done to help our families restore their wealth. There are questions to be asked about the wealth disparity, the numbers of impoverished, the children that are literally living in poverty, the numbers of families that are on supplemental food assistance, 46 million.

But for one moment, I have never thought that America was not a great country; I never doubted her. In spite of the accusations and the name- calling that comes about in the political process, I never doubt the greatness of America.

I yield to the gentleman from California.

I thank the gentleman from California. I think his presence on the floor indicates our bipartisanship and thank him for raising those comments about Christopher and our knowledge about him as well.

Let me also indicate my concern and sympathy to his family. That speaks to my point of coming together and being able to share and yield to a gentleman from the other party. As I do so, I would indicate that's how we should go forward as we come back to vote positively on the payroll tax extension next week and stay here until it is done and, of course, the unemployment insurance, but going forward in 2012 to answer some of the cries of many of those who have taken to our streets throughout America who have asked us about jobs, the Occupy Movement, that have been just Americans. I just call them Americans, who have taken up the constitutional privilege of petitioning their government.

Mr. Speaker, I want to make a commitment that our work will be focused on action and make the second part of the 112th Congress equal to what we did in the 111th with pay parity, with the GI Bill, with the affordable health care bill, and so many other items that were so valuable to this country, and when I say that, legislative initiatives.

Let me also say to the American public and our local communities, I know you think someone else is calling or emailing, but this is what democracy is all about. We want to hear from you on these issues of how we come together, not how we come together, but the importance of doing so and working on issues and whether or not you appreciate the concept of where there is benefit, there is burden, there is sacrifice, whether or not you think it's important that there are not homeless veterans or soldiers who are coming back who can't work, whether or not we want to encourage our corporations that have this massive cash on hand to realize what a wonderful, patriotic Nation that they live in, and to be able to work and ensure that we have the ability to do the job that is necessary to be done.

I know that Mr. Hoyer was coming to the floor, so let me just say to Mr. Hoyer, who will be coming to you in just awhile to, again, assure the working people of America that this Congress will have the payroll tax extended and the President will sign it as we note that he has said every day that he wants to sign it and will sign it.

Let me say to the unemployed, I know that the unemployment insurance allows you to pay your mortgage and to pay your rent and to pay your necessities, but let me say to you that we are looking to create jobs, more jobs in America. And I expect to be introducing legislation that will help the energy industry reduce the deficit, repair our coastal waters and our ecosystems, make sure that we are responding to the loss of wetlands and the deterioration by hurricanes that have come on that gulf region there to restore the healthy fishing waters but, as well, to develop our natural gas and the ability to utilize the present expiration that generates resources for the American people.

This is a season of giving, and I only want that America be known as a benevolent Nation, but strong and powerful in her values and, of course, respecting her military, but the military, based upon a civilian-led government that focuses on democracy, equality, and justice. And I say to my colleagues, let's come back here next week to finish our job; but 2012, let it be the no name-calling session. Let us focus on what we do for others, what we do for Americans; and let it not be as a progressive or a conservative, but let it be as an American. That's the call for this Nation: to come and stand as an American.

Mr. Speaker, it has been my privilege to share my thoughts with my colleagues, and I hope that as this legislation will be signed by the President, although it has had a very difficult journey, and I would have wanted a more expanded debate, we are glad that we are serving America. Let us be prepared to roll up our sleeves to do so in the coming early days of 2012.

Thank you very much, Mr. Speaker, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to join some of the calls of my colleagues and to indicate that I thought this a very special day, December 15, 2011. A few hours ago in Iraq, Secretary Leon Panetta performed the Casing of the Colors Ceremony, which is to acknowledge the colors--the red, white, and blue--that our brave men and women fought under in Iraq.

We have soldiers still fighting around the world, and I was just speaking to my constituency. We know that one brave soldier from North Carolina even lost his life in the waning hours of the ending of this war.

And so at the beginning of December, in Houston, I called for the Yellow Ribbon Campaign and for America to wrap herself in yellow ribbons, both in respect of our returning soldiers, to acknowledge a job well done, and to welcome them home to an unsilent America.

I would like to thank Speaker Boehner, Leader Pelosi, Whip Hoyer, and Majority Leader Cantor for joining and indicating that they would support the wearing of yellow ribbons by our Members today and tomorrow, both in celebration and in recognition of the heroism of our troops and, yes, acknowledgment of our fallen heroes.

This war was almost 9 years, one of the longest wars that America has ever fought. It was a war that used $800 billion, moneys that I hope we will invest in our returning troops and their families and all Americans as we go forward.

The loss of life was very painful, the idea of the burden on families. So I believe these yellow ribbons, although meager, will symbolize this Congress being unified as Americans, saying thank you to our troops. And, frankly, we have many other challenges that we should be addressing and making sure that our troops come home to a place that is welcoming.

This morning, our whip made a very important point about the maturity of America. Many remember the days of the Vietnam War. We know the passion in that war. But, unfortunately, it appeared that those who were called to battle by the Commander in Chief were the ones who received the ire of those who had a different opinion. America has now matured, and we recognize that whenever our soldiers accept the call of battle, they are for all of us. The treasure that they shed, the blood that they shed, has no respecting of anyone's political affiliation.

So I am grateful to have the opportunity to call upon us in a bipartisan manner to wear these ribbons that were put together by the Young Scholars Academy in Houston. The founding principal is Dr. Anella Coleman. They worked very hard on these ribbons, and I think it is important to teach our children early on to appreciate the democracy that they live in and appreciate the freedom that they have and to recognize those who are on the front lines.

I call upon the Iraqi Government as well. My point is that the soldiers have left them a gift--a gift which they can build on or they can undermine. A gift of democracy, freedom, the understanding of friendship, taking care of children, even in spite of what may be violent outbursts. Will they have a democratic government? Will they allow those who are in Camp Ashraf, who are stated to be in a camp that will close by December 31, will they resettle the refugees in this camp nonviolently, peacefully, Iranian exiles who fled to Iraq? They are concerned about their refugees in many countries, as they do these refugees. I will be calling upon countries to treat the Iraqi refugees fairly, as we all would. But it is a burden on the present Government of Iraq to live peacefully, to accept religious differences and promote religious freedom and the First Amendment and the right to the dignity of life.

And so let me thank the leadership for joining us. Members will find these ribbons in their Cloakroom, each Cloakroom. Let us join together and say: Thank you. Welcome home to our troops, a job well done. God bless you, and God bless America.

Members, thank you, and to my colleagues again, let me acknowledge the wearing of the yellow ribbon in a bipartisan way to say thank you to our troops.

But I do want to thank as well, again, the Young Scholars Academy and Dr. Anella Coleman, who were so kind to make these ribbons and to learn about our appreciation for the work of our troops coming home from Iraq. Over 100,000 have come home in the last 14 months, and I'm asking our Members to go home and yellow-ribbon your offices and your community, and have signs on your marquee that say, Welcome home to the troops, a job well done.

We never want our troops to come home from any battlefield, called to serve their Nation, to a silent America. And again, as we've supported or promoted better conditions for family and troops, we were able yesterday to give them a 1.9 percent increase in salary.

Now, as we go home for the holiday season, doing our work, let us say thank you to our troops. Thank you, Members, for wearing a yellow ribbon today.

Mr. Speaker, in the calamity of news reports proliferating across America regarding the epidemic proportions of child sexual abuse, I introduce Zero Tolerance For Child Sexual Abuse, H.R. 3650. I ask my colleagues to join me for a national statement of abhorring and standing against the abuse of our children.

On a much happier topic, I thank our leader for her comments on our returning troops, and I look forward to introducing a resolution thanking and congratulating our returning troops, having one day or two days in which our Members will join me in wearing a yellow ribbon and, as well, commemorating the return of our wonderful troops and thanking their families from wherever they have come for this holiday season.

What greater gift than the men and women who have served on the front lines to honor us by their presence here in the holiday season. Our message should be ``no silent State, no silent neighborhood, no silent community'' in reference to honoring them as they come home.

I thank the ranking member, and I thank the members of this committee.

This is a very tough decision. But in the midst of welcoming home many of our troops, I believe it is important to look at aspects of this legislation that have been corrected and aspects that have been enhanced.

Let me thank the members of the committee for the enhancement of the small business technology and the efforts on research and development. Let me thank them for the response on sexual assault and harassment policies that have been improved, as well as the improvement of the military pay for our military families and soldiers, and the enhanced resources that have been

put in to help our soldiers return to the workplace.

But I am concerned. And as I have reviewed this, let me specifically yield to the gentleman from Washington, the ranking member, and ask a question on detention, about which I think so many are concerned.

It is my understanding, along with present law, that this has been vetted, the language of detention and the response to civilians, American civilians and legal aliens have been vetted to be in sync with the Constitution, due process, and the right to habeas corpus if individuals are detained.

And I believe also that Congress has the privilege to be notified if someone is detained and has the ability to both intervene or interact with the executive, the President, on the particularly unique circumstances of a U.S. citizen being detained as a person that may be involved in terrorist acts.

I thank the gentleman and would argue the point that this is a difficult call but that this bill has value because it improves the law on the question of detention and compliance with the Constitution. It also improves the lives of our soldiers and families.

I support the legislation.

Mr. Speaker, just a few minutes ago I heard one of my colleagues on another matter dealing with children raise the question: Who lobbies for our children?

Frankly, I don't want to live in a country that doesn't hold our children as the precious resources that they are, to be coddled and nurtured, given the opportunities of life irrespective of their ethnic background, religious background, economic background, where they live in this country. I think the greatest testimony of a country's moral values is how they protect and respect their children.

Just an hour or two ago, Mr. Sandusky, in a Pennsylvania courtroom, decided not to listen to numbers of his accusers in this sordid scandal of child sexual abuse. That is his legal privilege. And as someone who adheres to the Constitution of due process and a right to a trial by one's peers, I'm not here to quarrel with a legal system that allows an accused--in this instance, a proposed defendant--to defend themselves. But I am here to challenge the crisis of sexual abuse of children in America and the sordid salaciousness of the coverup that adults have participated in. Shame on us. Shame on us.

As the chair and founder of the Congressional Children's Caucus, I raise my iron and I ask the media around this country to come from underneath the rocks and begin to attack the coverup and quietness of professional or amateur sports, of college sports, of high school and primary and secondary sports, of nonprofits who deal with children who have an inkling or a knowledge of the sordidness and the dastardly actions of sexually abusing children and not saying one word. And so this week I'm going to ask my colleagues to join me in introducing legislation that will cease and desist Federal funding going to colleges and universities and nonprofits who are found to have covered up charges of child sexual abuse.

When is it going to stop?

The heinousness of the alleged acts of Mr. Fine in Syracuse by the State laws suggest that the statute of limitations cannot reach him. The Federal law must speak. The voice of America must speak. And the irony of it is I listened to a commentator this morning say, How long will the coach be able to stay in Syracuse in the prominence of their season this year? As long as he wants. And no one has gotten to the bottom of what happened to those boys at Syracuse University.

Added to that is an ESPN tape that they sat on for how many years and no recrimination, no accusations against an entity that enjoys the trust and confidence and enjoyment of the American sports fans to have held a tape and denied that tape to at least be vetted to determine the harshness of what happened to a child.

Child sexual abuse cases, 90,000 of them are reported, but the numbers of unreported abuse are far greater, because it is documented that children wait at least 2 years before they're willing to tell even family members. Why? Because we, as adults, have made it so harsh, so accusatory for the child. The child is in fact the defendant, the wronged person. And God forbid, don't accuse a famous adult, for then you are completely maligned, thrown on the trash heap of life.

The boys that Mr. Sandusky was accused of acting against happened to be vulnerable children, vulnerable families, at-risk children, parents, single mothers, who were looking for a male role model. Isn't that allowed in America?

Aren't we familiar with raising that impoverished child up and giving the opportunity to be raised up by their bootstraps, getting some wonderful male role model, in the instance of girls, a woman role model? Isn't that the American way, that everybody has a door open to the greatest country in the world?

But that trust was violated, and those children now, basically grownups, did not survive and will not survive the mental conditions that they will be subjected to.

Mr. Speaker, as I close, let me say that children have died because of child sexual abuse. Join me in supporting this legislation to be able to say zero tolerance for the cover up of sexual abuse of children. It's a pox on our house. Where are the children's lobbyists? We must be that lobbyist.

Child Sexual Abuse Statistics

Although child sexual abuse is reported almost 90,000 times a year, the numbers of unreported abuse greater because the children are afraid to tell anyone what has happened, and the legal procedure for validating an episode is difficult (American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 2004).

It is estimated that 1 in 4 girls and 1 in 6 boys will have experienced an episode of sexual abuse while younger than 18 years. The numbers of boys affected may be falsely low because of reporting techniques (Botash, Ann, MD, Pediatric Annual, May, 1997).

Sixty-seven percent of all victims of sexual assault reported to law enforcement agencies were juveniles (under the age of 18); 34 percent of all victims were under age 12. One of every seven victims of sexual assault reported to law enforcement agencies were under 6. Forty percent of the offenders who victimized children under age 6 were juveniles (under the age of 18). (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000).

Most children are abused by someone they know and trust, although boys are more likely than girls to be abused outside of the family. A study in three states found 96 percent of reported rape survivors under age 12 knew the attacker. Four percent of the offenders were strangers, 20 percent were fathers, 16 percent were relatives and 50 percent were acquaintances or friends (Advocates for Youth, 1995).

Overview

Child sexual abuse has been at the center of unprecedented public attention during the last decade. All fifty states and the District of Columbia have enacted statutes identifying child sexual abuse as criminal behavior (Whitcomb, 1986). This crime encompasses different types of sexual activity, including voyeurism, sexual dialogue, fondling, touching of the genitals, vaginal, anal, or oral rape and forcing children to participate in pornography or prostitution.

Child Sexual Abusers

Perpetrators of child sexual abuse come from different age groups, genders, races and

socio-economic backgrounds. Women sexually abuse children, although not as frequently as men, and juvenile perpetrators comprise as many as one-third of the offenders (Finkelhor, 1994). One common denominator is that victims frequently know and trust their abusers.

Child abusers coerce children by offering attention or gifts, manipulating or threatening their victims, using aggression or employing a combination of these tactics. ``[D]ata indicate that child molesters are frequently aggressive. Of 250 child victims studied by DeFrancis, 50 percent experienced physical force, such as being held down, struck, or shaken violently'' (Becker, 1994).

Child Sexual Abuse Victims

Studies have not found differences in the prevalence of child sexual abuse among different social classes or races. However, parental inadequacy, unavailability, conflict and a poor parent-child relationship are among the characteristics that distinguish children at risk of being sexually abused (Finkelhor, 1994). According to the Third National Incidence Study, girls are sexually abused three times more often than boys, whereas boys are more likely to die or be seriously injured from their abuse (Sedlak & Broadhurst, 1996). Both boys and girls are most vulnerable to abuse between the ages of 7 and 13 (Finkelhor, 1994).

Incest

Incest traditionally describes sexual abuse in which the perpetrator and victim are related by blood. However, incest can also refer to cases where the perpetrator and victim are emotionally connected (Crnich & Crnich, 1992). ``[I]ntrafamily perpetrators constitute from one-third to one-half of all perpetrators against girls and only about one-tenth to one-fifth of all perpetrators against boys. There is no question that intrafamily abuse is more likely to go on over a longer period of time and in some of its forms, particularly parent-child abuse, has been shown to have more serious consequences'' (Finkelhor, 1994).

Symptoms of Child Sexual Abuse

Many sexually abused children exhibit physical, behavioral and emotional symptoms. Some physical signs are pain or irritation to the genital area, vaginal or penile discharge and difficulty with urination. Victims of known assailants may experience less physical trauma because such injuries might attract suspicion (Hammerschlag, 1996).

Behavioral changes often precede physical symptoms as the first indicators of sexual abuse (American Humane Association Children's Division, 1993). Behavioral signs include nervous or aggressive behavior toward adults, sexual provocativeness before an appropriate age and the use of alcohol and other drugs. Boys ``are more likely than girls to act out in aggressive and antisocial ways as a result of abuse'' (Finkelhor, 1994). Children may say such things as, ``My mother's boyfriend does things to me when she's not there,'' or ``I'm afraid to go home tonight.''

Consequences of Child Sexual Abuse

Consequences of child sexual abuse range ``from chronic depression to low self-esteem to sexual dysfunction to multiple personalities. A fifth of all victims develop serious long-term psychological problems, according to the American Medical Association. These may include dissociative responses and other signs of posttraumatic-stress syndrome [sic], chronic states of arousal, nightmares, flashbacks, venereal disease and anxiety over sex or exposure of the body during medical exams'' (``Child Sexual Abuse . . .,'' 1993).

Cycle of Violence

Children who are abused or neglected are more likely to become criminal offenders as adults. A National Institute of Justice study found ``that childhood abuse increased the odds of future delinquency and adult criminality overall by 40 percent'' (Widom, 1992). Child sexual abuse victims are also at risk of becoming ensnared in this cycle of violence. One expert estimates that forty percent of sexual abusers were sexually abused as children (Vanderbilt, 1992). In addition, victims of child sexual abuse are 27.7 times more likely to be arrested for prostitution as adults than non-victims. (Widom, 1995). Some victims become sexual abusers or prostitutes because they have a difficult time relating to others except on sexual terms.

Mr. Speaker, I join with my colleague from Wisconsin in thanking the gentleman from California for his generosity, but I also thank my colleague from Wisconsin for her astute assessment that causes me to pause.

Her point of order is whether or not this is what we call ``an unfunded mandate,'' this bill that we will be discussing on the floor of the House. And even though the rule says that the points of order or the issues of being an unfunded mandate have been waived, please understand that that is an action that can be taken. It doesn't mean that it eliminates the truth.

And I raise a question, whether this humongous bill that we are going to discuss, that does not answer the crisis of what we are facing-- which is 6 million people without unemployment insurance who will not able to pay mortgage, rent, food, to be able to have a quality of life, to create income, to create some 700,000 jobs on the unemployment end, and to pull 3.2 million people out of poverty--is now going by the wayside. And the payroll tax cut now is shackled with unwanted baggage.

So I rise to argue the point of order as to unfunded mandates and argue to support the position of Mr. Levin from the Ways and Means Committee, which is to declare the unemployment issue an emergency, to do the payroll tax and a surtax on 1 percent of the American population for 10 years starting in 2013, and adopt a fix, used and paid for with Medicare savings. This is an unfunded mandate. This is not a bill that should pass, and we should support the unemployed and those who need a payroll tax cut.

I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts. I don't think anyone disagrees with my good friend who discussed the Keystone pipeline that it would create jobs. There's nothing that has been said that would suggest that at the appropriate time of review that that project would not go forward.

But what we're talking about today is a crisis in the American public dealing with two major issues: continuing a tax relief and tax cut for working and middle class Americans, number one; and, number two, to keep 6 million Americans from rolling into the street and falling on their own spear for lack of unemployment insurance being extended, disallowing them to pay their mortgage, disallowing them to pay their rent, and, in essence, saying to them there is no light at the end.

It is also about Republicans and their commitment to the American people. In their pledge to America, the GOP leadership indicated in September that they would end the practice of packaging unpopular bills with must-pass legislation. This is must-pass legislation. And look what they're doing besides the pipeline provision that has been supported in a bipartisan manner yet this in the wrong process; they have got broadband spectrum; they are ending jobless benefits to the extent that they are requiring burdensome drug testing on college persons who can't find a job; they are suggesting that if you can't find a job, it's your own fault; changes to Medicare that are burdening senior citizens; and, on top of that, we've got an appropriations bill to deal with.

My friends, there is a simple way of doing this. The Payroll tax can be increased by the surtax on just the 300,000 top 1% of America for 10 years, allowing 160 million Americans to get payroll tax relief.

How do we help the 6 million persons who need unemployment insurance? We call it an emergency. It is an emergency.

How do we fix Medicare reimbursement for our doctors? We use the savings from the ending of the Iraq war. It's a simple, clean process, a simple vote to help Americans.

How can they violate their pledge, Mr. Speaker, of not putting everything under the Christmas tree on a bill that must pass on behalf of the American people? That's the challenge today.

I'm against the rule and the underlying bill.