Well, I want to thank my good friend, Mr. Dreier, for setting this up this evening. This is so incredibly important. It's important to our Nation, it's important to our workers at a time when we're seeing our economy dipping, when we need…
Well, I want to thank my good friend, Mr. Dreier, for setting this up this evening.
This is so incredibly important. It's important to our Nation, it's important to our workers at a time when we're seeing our economy dipping, when we need to be able to produce jobs. And we look at how we produce jobs. Since last year, some 27 percent of our increase in gross domestic product came from exports. It's projected that just this year of our increase in gross domestic product, some 40 percent will be again from exports.
And I wish it weren't true, but it seems like perhaps the best kept secret in our Nation today is that the United States is the largest trading nation in the world. We're the largest exporting nation in the world.
I represent, as my good friend knows, a very rich agricultural district north of Sacramento in northern California.
One of the richest agriculture areas in the world, second largest rice producing district. Some 60 percent of all the dried plums in the world, prunes, are grown there, walnuts, almonds, these specialty crops. And America cannot consume all that we produce. As a matter of fact, one-third of all that we produce we need to be able to export. And to be able to see, again, talking about Colombia, what this does for American workers, we just heard about Caterpillar from our good friend from Illinois (Mr. Weller) just earlier in his district, the thousands that it affects. And so it affects in the district I represent.
Right now, because of our duty free status for the Andean nations, which we've gone in to try to help Colombia, Colombia was not always this great nation where some 42,000 former paramilitary, as we were talking about earlier, have gone from fighting the country to now being part of the country and supporting them. As we know, it wasn't always that way. And so some years ago we gave these Andean nations, including Colombia, Peru, Panama, and others, the ability to be able to export into the United States duty free, duty free, but yet we still have export duties, some as high as 60, 70 percent, going into their country.
And what this free trade agreement would do is it would be able to give us the same access to their markets that they currently have to ours, to our rice, to our walnuts, to our wheat, to our corn, to other commodities that are so very, very important.
So it is important what we're doing. It's important not only for, we were discussing the change in Colombia itself, which is our strongest ally in South America; we cannot turn our back on them, we cannot slap them in the face.
And Madam Speaker, I would like to place into the Record some of these editorials that you were speaking about, Mr. Dreier, for the Record.
[From the New York Times, Apr. 12, 2008]
Time for the Colombian Trade Pact
American workers are understandably anxious. Their incomes
went nowhere through six years of economic growth. Many are
losing their jobs as the economy slips into recession. Yet
concern about workers' plight should not lead Congressional
Democrats to reject the trade agreement with Colombia. This
deal would benefit the American economy and further the
nation's broader interests in Latin America.
It is time for Congress to ratify it.
The trade pact would produce clear benefits for American
businesses and their workers. Most Colombian exports are
exempt from United States' tariffs. American exports,
however, face high Colombian tariffs and would benefit as the
so-called trade promotion agreement brought them down to
zero.
The deal also would strengthen the institutional bonds
tying the United States to Colombia, one of America's few
allies in an important region that has become increasingly
hostile to the United States' interests. Perhaps most
important, the deal would provide a tool for Colombia's
development, drawing investment and helping the nation
extricate itself from the mire of poverty that provides
sustenance to drug trafficking and a bloody insurgency.
Violence in Colombia is way too high. We remain very
concerned over the killing of trade unionists by right-wing
paramilitary groups. Last year, we advised Congress not to
ratify the trade agreement until Colombia demonstrated
progress in investigating the murders and prosecuting and
convicting their perpetrators.
Though by no means ideal, the situation today has improved.
Thirty-nine trade unionists were killed last year, down from
197 in 2001, the year before the government of Alvaro Uribe
came to office. Prosecutors obtained 36 convictions for the
murder of trade unionists--up from 11 in 2006 and only one in
2001. The budget of the prosecutor general's office has
increased every year. Last year, it created a special unit to
prosecute labor murders that has obtained 13 sentences.
Pressure from the United States Congress has contributed to
this progress, nudging the Colombian government with its
offer that gains on the human rights front would lead to
ratification of the trade agreement. Washington must sustain
the pressure to ensure the energetic prosecution of crimes by
paramilitary thugs and further reduce violence against union
members. It has a powerful tool to do so: about $600 million
a year in mostly military aid for Colombia to combat drug
trafficking. The money must be approved by Congress every
year.
Rejecting or putting on ice the trade agreement would
reduce the United States' credibility and leverage in
Colombia and beyond. In a letter last year to Congressional
Democrats, a group of Democratic heavyweights from the
Clinton administration and previous Congresses wrote:
``Walking away from the Colombia trade agreement or
postponing it until conditions are perfect would send an
unambiguous signal to our friends and opponents alike that
the United States is an unreliable partner without a vision
for cooperation in our hemisphere.'' It would serve human
rights in Colombia no good.
Unfortunately, the agreement has become entangled in
political jockeying between the White House and Democrats.
The Democrats are right to demand assistance for American
workers, and the Bush administration should work with
Congress to expand the safety net for workers displaced by
globalization. But this should not stop the Colombian trade
pact from coming to fruition.