Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's amendment. Mr. Chairman, it is not the place for Congress to be pushing for increased use of experimental treatments. This procedure is highly invasive, requiring an injection of…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, it is not the place for Congress to be pushing for increased use of experimental treatments.
This procedure is highly invasive, requiring an injection of medication into a collection of nerves at the bottom of the front side of the neck.
The VA and NIH are in the midst of a multiyear clinical trial to collect data on this treatment for potential use in treating post- traumatic stress disorder but do not yet have sufficient data one way or the other regarding this treatment. In fact, preliminary data show that SGB effects are not clear, and it is uncertain whether there is a direct link between the treatment and PTSD.
If this treatment is safe, effective, and appropriate for expanded use, then the healthcare experts at the VA should be the ones to expand the treatment for wider use. There is a deliberative process for expanding the use of emerging healthcare treatments, and we should let that process play out. It is really not Congress' role to micromanage medical decisions.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to oppose the amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I can appreciate the gentleman's passion. This treatment is being trialed and piloted in 11 facilities for a reason, because we have to make sure it is safe. He is not Dr. Perry. I am not Dr. Wasserman Schultz. In fact, it is important to note that in many instances when this treatment has been administered, while it might provide some immediate relief, oftentimes the PTSD symptoms come back.
This trial is being wrapped up in June, and then it will take about a year to analyze the data.
We are not medical experts. I have argued time and again on this House floor that Congress is not equipped to be making medical decisions, particularly specific medical decisions that affect a unique group of patients.
I certainly hope that this trial results in progress and relief and that it will be scientifically validated, but it is our responsibility to wait for the experts to provide us with those results before decisions are made and leave those decisions to the VA.
Mr. Chairman, with that, I oppose this amendment. We should use the process for expanding the use of emerging healthcare treatments, and we should let that process play out. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no,'' and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment, even though I am not opposed to it.
As a fellow Floridian, I just want to make sure I underscore the importance of making sure we preserve access to healthcare for veterans across our State. I look forward to working with the gentleman, as we have many times in the past, on ensuring that continued access. I understand his concerns and look forward to working with him, Judge Carter, and the VA to ensure continued access to his constituents.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment would completely eliminate funding in the bill for
the NATO Security Investment Program. The base bill already underfunds NATO infrastructure by $122 million less compared to the President's budget request, and even President Trump recognized the value of this program and the return on investment that the NSIP Program provides for the American taxpayer.
The President's budget requests $604 million for the NATO Security Investment Program, which is the amount required to fully fund America's commitments toward NATO infrastructure investments. The base bill provides only $482 million for the program, and this amendment would take that number all the way to zero.
As the war in Ukraine rages on, this is not the time to abandon deterrence in Europe and undermine our alliances in the region. Moreover, these investments are not only needed to meet NATO's requirements to deter aggression from our adversaries but also to directly support U.S. troops stationed in Europe.
Around one-third of active NATO security investment program projects are at U.S. theater posture locations, and an even larger number indirectly support U.S. troops stationed in or moving throughout the region. Yet, the United States' share of funding for this project is only 15 percent. If the United States were to pay a share proportional to our gross national income at the same rate as our allies, we would pay for around 47 percent of these projects.
To cut funding for this program is not only not fiscally sound policy, without the NATO Security Investment Program the operational requirements for these projects would not go away, and many of these projects would become a U.S. military construction burden.
Our MILCON dollars are already stretched thin, and this amendment would abandon projects for which our allies pay 85 percent of the cost burden. Even if you are concerned about the overall defense spending levels of various NATO countries, this direct contribution program is one program through which our allies pay a disproportionate share.
Mr. Chairman, I encourage all of my colleagues to oppose this irresponsible amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter), chair of the Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies Subcommittee.
Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I think the point of Judge Carter and my argument is that this funding does support our warfighters in Europe.
President Trump asked for, in spite of all the things that he has said about NATO, he asked in his budget for $604 million, and this budget is $122 million less than that, and the gentleman from Florida's amendment would wipe it out.
So I strongly urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment because it would eliminate funding for infrastructure investments on which our troops and our allies rely. This is not for foreign troops. This is for our troops. It is not fiscally responsible to eliminate funding for this jointly funded program, which provides critical infrastructure.
Mr. Chair, if we don't support the NATO Security Investment Program, then either we have to pay more to fund the cost of our infrastructure and Europe will be leaving us on our own, or we allow these needs to go unmet to the detriment of our men and women in uniform and American military readiness.
We need to make this decision about this amendment not based on rhetoric but on reality, and the reality is that this funding ensures that we can keep our troops ready and safe.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.