Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise to offer a perfecting amendment to a good grant proposal offered in section 1512. Under H.R. 6, the Secretary of Energy may provide…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise to offer a perfecting amendment to a good grant proposal offered in section 1512.
Under H.R. 6, the Secretary of Energy may provide grants to merchant producers of cellulosic biomass ethanol and waste-derived ethanol. My amendment would simply allow producers of other renewable fuels approved by the Department of Energy to also apply for these grants.
This amendment simply expands the types of renewable fuels eligible for funding under the grant program in H.R. 6. There is no change in cost to the grant program or H.R. 6 under my amendment.
Currently, there is no available technology that can convert much of the urban waste into ethanol; yet there is at least one such technology that can convert urban waste into components for another DOE-recognized alternative fuel called P-Series fuels.
P-Series is a family of renewable nonpetroleum liquid fuels that can substitute for gasoline. P-Series fuels were officially designated as an alternative fuel by the U.S. Department of Energy in 1999. Forty- five percent of P-Series fuels are made from ethanol; the rest is made up of MTHF, natural gas liquids and butane. Both the ethanol and MTHR are derived from renewable domestic feedstocks, such as corn, wastepaper, cellulosic biomass, agricultural waste, and wood waste from construction.
Since P-Series fuels are not derived from petroleum, the DOE concluded that P-Series fuels would efficiently and effectively help replace petroleum imports. DOE also found P-Series to have environmental benefits because of the reduction in hydrocarbon and CO emissions, toxics, and greenhouse gases. P-Series fuel addresses three problems: the need for nonpetroleum energy sources, solid waste management, and affordability.
A pilot plan for this technology is operating in South Glens Falls, New York. It was constructed with funds invested by the U.S. Department of Energy. Associated Technology was developed at the U.S. Department of Energy's Pacific Northwest National Laboratory. This conversion process is well regarded and is deserving of the same level of assistance that are intended for ethanol conversion technologies. It won the President's Green Chemistry Challenge, a competition sponsored by the U.S. EPA's Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics.
The U.S. Government spent considerable time and effort to develop this technology. Expanding the renewable fuels eligible under the grant program will be a win for all. Mr. Chairman, I know of no opposition to this amendment. I urge my colleagues to approve this simple amendment to H.R. 6.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me say I am disappointed that the majority does not agree that we ought to really look at renewable fuels. This, to me, is part of the reason why the bill is so problematic. I do not believe there is a commitment on the majority side to look at renewable fuels.
This does not strike anything. This does not add any more money. This just allows companies to apply for these grants from the Secretary of Energy. If the Secretary of Energy feels it is not worthy or it is one company, they can reject it. This does not add anything. This just would show that we are serious in looking at other renewable fuels. Why would we want to restrict the amount of the different kinds of renewable fuels that we can look at?
This is technology into the future. We should be expanding these things. Here we are just saying, Open it up and let other groups apply. They can be rejected if it is not meritorious. We believe P-series fuels are very important and can help us in the future to look at alternative sources of energy other than gasoline.
I am deeply disappointed, and I think this again shows the problems with the underlying bill. The majority is not really serious in my opinion, with all due respect, in trying to find alternative ways that Americans can get their energy from other than gasoline. That is why this bill is a big sock to the oil-producing companies and to the special interest industries, because whenever we want to expand it to help the American people, we are told, no, no, it is no good.
Again, this does not add any money. This just says let other people apply. If a Secretary of Energy deems these applications are not good, they can reject them. I can see no reason why there is opposition.
I am very disappointed, and I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, serious problems deserve respectful consideration. The intense polarization of the energy debate has been compounded by the leadership's insistence on repeatedly forcing Congress to consider essentially the same bill. Congress had a great opportunity to produce a balanced energy policy that is diversified, reduces our dependence on oil and invests in alternative energy, but our leadership chose to essentially recycle an old bill that favors special interests over consumers.
This is not the way to make policy. American energy policy is at the crossroads and our national security is being compromised daily by our dependence on foreign energy supplies. Today, oil is at over $50 per barrel and we still haven't passed reliability standards to address the electricity blackout that assaulted the Northeast and Midwest in 2003. Blackouts cost consumers $80 billion, and yet this bill caps the necessary spending to do an acceptable job of providing reliability. Partisan politics have paralyzed this Congress into deadlock and our Nation's energy has suffered the consequences.
Although I appreciate Chairman Barton's willingness to extend hearings on energy this year prior to the 109th Congress's consideration of the Energy Policy Act, I was very disappointed that a letter that 14 of my colleagues and I sent to Chairman Barton at the beginning of February requesting that our committee invite the National Commission on Energy Policy to testify went unanswered. In February, Secretary Bodman testified of his familiarity with the NCEP's report and of his willingness to work with Congress to produce a bill in a bipartisan fashion. If the NCEP was able to bridge the differences between Republicans and Democrats, industry and labor, perhaps we could have too.
And yet, here we are again, with a bill strikingly similar to the one we considered over two years ago. There is a laundry list of problems in this bill. There is nothing in this bill that reduces our consumption of oil or reduces the price of oil. The Energy Information Agency has stated in a 2004 report that under policies proposed by the Energy Policy Act, by 2025, U.S. consumption is projected to increase to 28.3 million barrels per day and our country would increase its imports of foreign oil by 85 percent. It even found that gasoline prices under the bill would increase more than if the bill was not enacted.
The bill's provision protecting manufacturers of MTBE from liability for contaminating water supplies means that taxpayers will bear billions of dollars in cleanup costs, while at the same time paying MTBE manufacturers $2 billion in subsidies. In a much anticipated ruling yesterday in the Southern District of New York, a Federal judge who had consolidated over 80 MTBE lawsuits brought by local governments and State Attorney Generals, ruled that all of the cases can proceed against the oil industry. Including the MTBE liability waiver in the bill would essentially undermine this ruling, while at the same time cutting off the most effective tool that States and local governments have utilized to clean up their drinking water.
New York, which banned MTBE on January 1, 2004, will long be dealing with the repercussions of MTBE contamination. The New York State Department of Environmental Conservation says there are about 10,000 MTBE spills throughout the state. The average cost per clean up is about $1 million which translates to a cost of about $10 billion statewide.
In and around Jamaica, Queens, where more than a million NYC residents and businesses rely on groundwater instead of surface
water from the upstate reservoirs, MTBE has contaminated much of the groundwater supply in the aquifer. Gasoline refiners choose less expensive MTBE from among a number of oxygenate options and knew at the time of the contamination risk that MTBE posed to groundwater. The refiners should therefore pay for MTBE remediation efforts.
Perhaps most insulting to the taxpayers is the billions to be spent to prop up the ailing nuclear power industry. I have long supported shutting down Indian Point nuclear power plant because of safety concerns for New Yorkers. Yet, the Republicans in Congress have ignored these safety issues and instead provided tax dollars to subsidize building new power plants. While I am not opposed to nuclear power, these tax dollars would be better used to insulate homes and assist renewable energy production methods in being brought to market.
The fact of the matter is that this bill has some bad provisions that are simply anticonsumer and anti-environment. H.R. 6 weakens laws such as the Safe Drinking Water Act and the Leaking Underground Storage Tank program that protect the environment and the public health. This bill will allow oil drilling in the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge, even though the oil won't be available for a decade and even then at levels that would not significantly affect oil prices or imports.
I am proud that two of my amendments were accepted into the Energy Policy Act. The first, which I introduced during the House Energy and Commerce Committee consideration of H.R. 6, expresses the sense of Congress that energy cooperation between the United States of America and Israel is mutually beneficial, acknowledges the cooperative agreement between the U.S. and Israel and states the Department of Energy should report on past and future cooperative energy projects between the U.S. and Israel.
My second amendment expanded opportunities for producers of renewable fuels, such as P-Series fuels, to get grant funding. Currently, there is no available technology that can convert much of the urban biomass waste into ethanol. Yet there is at least one such technology that can convert urban biomass waste into components for another DOE recognized alternative fuel, called P-series fuels.
Since P-Series fuels are not derived from petroleum, the DOE concluded that P-Series fuels would effectively help replace petroleum imports. DOE also found P-Series to have environmental benefits because of the reductions in hydrocarbon and CO emissions, toxics, and greenhouse gases.
By virtue of my amendment, producers of alternative fuels like P- Series fuels will be able to responsibly address three problems: the need for non-petroleum energy sources, solid waste management, and affordability. This is good energy policy.
Our energy policy is intricately tied to our national security and our economic well-being. As the co-chair of the Congressional Oil and National Security Caucus, I know we need to ensure that our energy policy is diversified, reduce our dependence on oil, and create skilled jobs while reducing energy costs. We must ensure that we create policies that will protect the environment and our consumers. Unfortunately, this simply cannot be achieved under this Energy Policy Act, and so I must vote against it.