Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join the Coalition on Child Abuse & Neglect in honoring Alvin Benjamin for his strong commitment to assisting and advocating for victims of child abuse.

Al has been a dedicated supporter of the Coalition on Child Abuse & Neglect, helping them carry out their mission of being a voice for all children. This non-profit organization is devoted to preventing child abuse and expanding services to children and their families. In achieving these goals, the Coalition on Child Abuse & Neglect educates the community about the issues surrounding child abuse and works with them to find adequate solutions to the problems.

In addition to providing aid for child abuse victims, Al is also the Founder and President of the Benjamin Companies, a nationally acclaimed real estate development and management company. The guiding force behind the Benjamin Companies is developing communities that are in harmony with both the residents and the environment. Al started this organization in the early 1960's by building luxury apartment complexes on Long Island, and meeting the needs of the increased number of Long Island residents. Today, the Benjamin Companies has greatly expanded its activities to include projects in New York City (and the surrounding metropolitan areas), New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and even Florida, while continuing to service the residents of Long Island.

Mr. Speaker, I commend Alvin Benjamin for his support for and dedication to victims of child abuse. As the Coalition on Child Abuse & Neglect celebrates 25 years of service to children, they chose to recognize Al's important contributions at their annual Voice for All Children Gala. I ask my colleagues in the House of Representatives to please join me in honoring Alvin Benjamin and the Coalition on Child Abuse & Neglect for their efforts in preventing child abuse and wishing them both many more years of success.

Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to control the time in opposition and will be in favor of the legislation.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

First, I want to say it has been a privilege to work with the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley) on a completely nonpartisan basis for almost half a decade on this particular legislation.

The Foley-Ackerman amendment closes the loophole that currently allows war criminals who enter the United States to remain in the United States. This measure enjoys bipartisan support in both the House and the Senate. A bill sponsored by the chairman and ranking Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, Orrin Hatch and Patrick Leahy, has been reported out of the Judiciary Committee in that body.

At this very moment, with our Nation engaged in a conflict in Iraq, which previously had a regime that committed every kind of grotesque criminal behavior that our Nation deplores, the U.S. Code provides no, again, no, assurance that Saddam Hussein's henchmen, Iraqi war criminals, perpetrators of torture or atrocities from there or other places could not somehow come into the United States and enjoy the very benefits that they have so cruelly deprived of others.

It is hard to believe but it is true. Some of Saddam Hussein's most brutal thugs, if they were able to hide their past and slip past the INS, they could conceivably apply and receive either U.S. permanent resident status or even possibly citizenship.

How do we know this? Because war criminals from other conflicts have been surreptitiously coming to the United States since World War II. We cannot continue to leave the United States open to monsters who have committed horrible atrocities against innocent civilians, and we need to slam that door shut and to shut it tightly. We must also capture those war criminals who have already entered the United States and show them the door.

The Foley-Ackerman amendment provides the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigation, the OSI, with the statutory authority to hunt down these thugs and criminals and, through the courts, remove them from our country.

The OSI is currently tasked with finding and expelling Nazi war criminals seeking to evade the consequences of their unprecedented and horrific crimes. Since its creation in 1979, this elite team of prosecutors and investigators has been methodically removing Nazi war criminals who were able to sneak into the United States. Based on its terrific past performance, its current readiness, and most critically, its desire to perform the mission, OSI is the right agency to ensure that this land remain free from the most vile criminals and violators of human rights.

Mr. Chairman, the very notion that anyone who has perpetuated genocide or committed these horrible crimes, these acts of torture, would be able to get into the United States is shocking enough. The fact that there is currently no law on the books to find these criminals and to remove them from our country is even worse. War criminals should have no safe haven or refuge anywhere, least of all in this land of liberty, and that is why I am encouraging all of our colleagues, Mr. Chairman, to vote in support of the Foley-Ackerman amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Mr. Chairman, I have no further speakers, and I yield our time to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley).

Mr. Speaker, during the past 4 years, relations between the United States and the 23 million people on the Island of Taiwan have remained strong. One of the reasons our ties with the Republic of China on Taiwan have endured has been due to the excellent diplomatic skills of C.J. Chen, Taiwan's Representative at the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (``TECRO'') in the United States. TECRO is Taiwan's unofficial embassy here and Representative Chen--or C.J. as he is known to his many friends on Capitol Hill--is Taiwan's unofficial ambassador.

C.J. has been a member of Taiwan's foreign service for the past 37 years. More than two-thirds of his long career has been spent focused on Taiwan's relationship with the United States, Taiwan's most important trading partner and strategic ally C.J. started working in Washington in 1971 in a junior position at the Republic of China's Embassy. He was present at the time of derecognition and was a participant in the dialogue which led to the enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979. During the next 25 years, C.J. was appointed to a series of increasingly important positions in the Taiwant government involving relations between Washington and Taipei, culminating in his appointment first as Deputy Foreign Minister and then Foreign Minister.

During these years, C.J. developed strong friendships with Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle in both Houses of Congress. His credibility has been high with every Administration with which he has interacted. Therefore, Taiwanese President Chen chose C.J. to serve as TECRO Representative at the beginning of his Presidency, knowing that C.J. would provide him and his government the best counsel, the most accurate advice and the best information on critical aspects of the relationship between Washington and Taipei.

Mr. Speaker, I have had the privilege to travel to Taiwan on many occasions, including a most recent visit earlier this year. My knowledge of Taiwan has been greatly enhanced by the friendship I have developed with C.J. over the past 22 years. I will miss having him in Washington as TECRO Representative. But I am heartened to know he and his lovely wife Yolanda will be returning to Taipei where he will continue to make important contributions on matters between the United States and the people of Taiwan. As C.J. concludes his Tour as Taiwan's unofficial ambassador, I am certain all of my colleagues wish him well and congratulate him on a job well done. I look forward to seeing him again in Taipei or whenever he returns to Washington in the future.

Mr. Speaker, I rise proudly to inform the House that the winner of the U.S. Institute of Peace's (USIP) 2004 National Peace Essay Contest is Vivek Viswanathan, a junior at Herricks High School in New Hyde Park, New York. Out of more than 1,000 contestants from all 50 States, U.S. territories and even overseas schools, Vivek's composition, ``Establishing Peaceful and Stable Postwar Societies Through Effective Rebuilding Strategy,'' was judged by USIP's distinguished Board of Directors to be the national first place essay.

Having met Vivek, and having seen what a mature and thoughtful young man he is, I know how proud his parents and family must be at this time. A well-rounded individual, interested in public and world affairs as well as sports and music, Vivek is a terrific example of what America's youth are capable of.

Vivek's essay is lucid, concise and compelling. In light of the ongoing post-conflict struggles in Southeast Europe, Afghanistan and Iraq, I believe his observations are worth the attention of the whole House and I will ask that Vivek's essay be included in the Congressional Record.

Unlike many putative experts, Vivek's understanding of post-conflict dynamics begins with the observation that ``the discontinuation of armed conflict does not imply resolution of the underlying concerns that caused the conflict.'' Many American lives and millions of dollars might have been saved had our government acknowledged this basic premise months ago.

Vivek points out simple keys to success in helping states recover: The plan for reconstruction must be tailored to the specific situation at hand; the international community must supply an abundance of resources both economic and military; and the reconstruction process must have a national rather than international imprimatur to be accepted by the society being rebuilt. Sadly, it seems to me these very common-sense approaches have been lacking in our own recent stabilization efforts.

The good news, I hope, is that our struggles today will inform the leaders of tomorrow, the Vivek Viswanathans who will write and study and guide our country in the future. All of the contestants in USIP's contest are worthy not only of our praise, but our strong encouragement. Their enthusiasm, their concern and their passion for a better world are the best guarantee of our Nation's bright future.

Mr. Speaker, Vivek Viswanathan richly deserves our congratulations, and I know the whole House will join me in wishing him the very best for the future, a future of continued achievement and ever greater distinction and one, we may hope too, of peace.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the distinguished ranking member for his leadership on this very important issue.

Mr. Chairman, it is important to be clear about what this amendment does not do. It does not cut the overall level of assistance to Egypt but merely redirects a portion of our military assistance to economic assistance.

For many years we went in the opposite direction. We decreased our economic assistance to Egypt, while our military aid has remained the same. At the same time, I have wondered why Egypt needs all of these advanced weapons from us. Who are they arming themselves against? Finland?

I have met repeatedly with senior Egyptian military leaders and posed this question to them. The answer I get is that they need capabilities to respond to the ``unknown threat.'' But someone, somewhere, must have an idea of what that threat is. Otherwise, how do you know what equipment to buy or what capabilities you need?

I recognize that Egypt has admirably provided the United States with overflight rights and swift transit through the Suez Canal. I also recognize that a certain level of interoperability between the United States and Egyptian forces is necessary in order for them to participate in future peacekeeping missions. Therefore, some level of military assistance is necessary to maintain that interoperability.

But I believe what Egypt needs now is not a larger, more powerful military, but a stronger, more prosperous economy. Decreasing our economic assistance while military assistance remains the same does neither Egypt nor us any favors.

Egypt faces significant economic challenges. Real wages stagnate, there is a growing debt burden, unemployment is far in excess of official estimates. All of this requires us to redouble our efforts to encourage economic reform in Egypt. Egypt's current economic growth rate is insufficient to absorb the 600,000 to 800,000 new entrants into the job market each year.

What is needed is more and faster reform, but the insistence of the government of Egypt on going slow on economic reform and has continued to discourage foreign direct and indirect investment, a key input if the Egyptian economy is to grow at a rate that will actually lower unemployment.

Shifting the emphasis of our aid to Egypt will also assist in supporting political reform there. Egypt has recently been saying all of the right things about political reform, although not much seems to be happening of late. The energy and enthusiasm for reform that emerged after Egypt's National Democratic Party's conference last year seems to have dissipated with opposition parties charging that the NDP has not consulted with them on the next steps in the reform process as promised.

Mr. Chairman, Egypt is an important partner to us in the pursuit of peace in the Middle East and Egypt has in the past taken courageous steps to pursue that peace. For that reason, I support the amendment and urge our colleagues to do so as well.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution and I thank the chairwoman of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia for her leadership in bringing H. Res. 615 to the floor. As an original cosponsor of this resolution I am very pleased that the House will, I hope, pass the resolution by an overwhelming, if not unanimous vote.

Israel's isolation at the United Nations puts the lie to claims that Israel is not held to a double standard and demonstrates clearly that many of those urbane diplomats who like to talk about peace and reconciliation cannot even stomach the thought of Israel taking its rightful place at the U.N. While space is reserved and rights are held for such pariah states as junta-led Myanmar, dictator-ruled North Korea, the tyranny of the mullahs in Iran and the Palestinians' own thugocracy, democratic Israel is uniquely isolated at what is supposed to be the forum for all nations to deal with each other on equal terms.

Ironically, every day, because of the hostility and prejudice that precludes Iraeli participation in the Asia regional group, the credibility and mission of the United Nations is undermined by exactly those states that call most vigorously for the Arab-Israeli conflict to be resolved in accordance with the will of the United Nations. The stench of this hypocrisy easily reaches Washington all the way from U.N. headquarters in New York City.

The resolution before the House calls for renewed efforts by this Nation to secure for Israel full membership in the Western Europe and Others Group at the U.N. the membership bloc our own country belongs to. Such a step is entirely appropriate given the close ties between Israel and the other nations in the bloc, as well as shared values and belief in democracy that characterizes this group's membership at the

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution. I strongly believe that this House needs to speak out against the disgraceful ruling by the International Court of Justice, ICJ. I just wish that what we said to the Nation and to the world through this resolution was a more fulsome explanation of U.S. policy about not just Israel's security fence and the appropriate role of the ICJ, but the peace process, the Roadmap, the need for Palestinian political reform, and a complete cessation of Palestinian terrorist violence.

In this respect, I would commend to Members' attention H. Con. Res. 390, a resolution I introduced in March together with several distinguished colleagues in the House that highlights not just Israel's right to defend itself, and our strong support for that right, but also speaks clearly about our vital national security interest in resolving the conflict according to the terms of U.N. Security Council resolutions 242, 338, and 1397.

Indeed, what makes the ICJ's horrendous ruling more than a meaningless annoyance is its unfortunate potential for misuse. Considering the predilection shown by Palestinian leaders to pursue any line of political action, except for those that require them to set their own house in order and prevent violence from blocking the path back to direct negotiations with Israel, I think we can fully expect the ICJ's ruling to become the latest and most salient Palestinian excuse for inaction, recalcitrance, and doublespeak.

By noting the deficiencies of the resolution at hand, I don't mean to understate the wretchedness of the ICJ's ruling. I would note that the court's ruling is as awful as it was predictable, which is to say, entirely. Anyone who expected the ICJ to render an unbiased opinion, forget the shameful call the court actually issued for Israel to, in effect, defend itself by digging its own graves, is several degrees past naive and well on their way toward the title of ``hopeless sucker.''

The ICJ's opinion is riddled with flaws and stretches of remarkable illogic. The principal failing, if one can identify just one, is the complete reliance on a pro-Palestinian lens. The result, as clearly demonstrated in the court's opinion, is a misapprehension of the nature of the territory at issue, the nature of the conflict between the parties, the legal standing of the parties and the appropriate role for the court itself. Not surprisingly, the court took garbage in, and spit garbage back out.

In this light, the court's refusal to look at either the lengthy Palestinian campaign of terror which has resulted in nearly 1,000 Israeli deaths, or at the actual and ongoing contribution that the fence has already made to stopping Palestinian suicide bombers, is entirely predictable. It also smacks of casual anti-Semitism. When the deaths of hundreds of Jews is of no interest, and condemnation is ready only for non-violent self-defense measures, more than a hint of a double standard is detectable.

Again, Mr. Speaker, I do support the resolution, and I believe it is vital that the House speak strongly and clearly about this recent travesty. I urge Members to vote in favor of the resolution and to make clear their strong and unshakeable support for the one true democracy in the Middle East, the State of Israel.

Mr. Chairman, times have sure changed since this appropriations bill was last presented to this Congress. We were a country free of mad cow disease and I was trying to pass an amendment requiring that no funds from the bill be used to allow downed animals into our food supply. I stood before this Congress and said: Let us do everything we can to make sure that mad cow disease never enters this country. Let us take precautionary measures and prevent downed animals--livestock too sick to walk or stand--from entering our food supply and require those animals to be humanely euthanized.

This year, we are no longer a country free of mad cow disease and the USDA has since wisely implemented a series of interim final rules to strengthen food safety regulations in the United States. I applaud the USDA and FDA for their recent actions to strengthen safeguards against mad cow disease. I was pleased to read about recent regulations to remove highly infectious cattle materials from food, dietary supplementals and cosmetics. Though these regulations should have been in place years ago, I am thrilled to see that the USDA and FDA have embraced common sense policies to protect Americans.

In good faith that the USDA will continue to enact sound policies to strengthen food safety laws and protect cattle from inhumane treatment, I will not be introducing my amendment again this year. As the USDA reviews the 22,000 public comments regarding their interim ban on downed animals, I urge the Department to consider the overwhelming number of comments--over 99 percent--that are strongly in favor of the ban.

Mr. Chairman, I would also like to take this opportunity to assure fellow Members in this House, that any attempts to weaken or destroy the ban, will be met with the fury and resistance of the American people, who have overwhelmingly expressed their strong voice for a permanent downer ban. Let the record reflect that we fully expect that the final downer rule will be as strong, if not stronger, than the interim final rule. Tainted meat from sick animals has no business with American families. Let us not wait until the first case of the human form of mad cow disease is confirmed before taking actions to ensure the safety of our meat. Let us continue to work with the USDA and FDA to implement policies so we never ever have to see an American fall victim to mad cow disease.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 460, and I thank the leadership on both sides of the aisle for their efforts in bringing this important statement of Congressional support for Israel to the floor. Few causes unite our political system as much as support for our beleaguered ally, our fellow democracy, the State of Israel, which long before September 11th was fighting daily against radical Islamist terrorism.

American support for Israel has been a key element of our foreign policy ever since President Harry Truman defied his advisors and chose to make the United States the first nation to recognize the new Jewish state in Palestine. That historic decision put the United States firmly in the camp of those who support the return of the Jewish people to Zion, with full sovereignty over their affairs, and perfect legitimacy in their right to live as a free and independent people in their own homeland.

In the sixties and seventies, when the rest of the world turned its back on Israel, during those years when the Arab states swore to destroy Israel and drive the Jews into the sea, it was the United States that sold Israel the arms it needed to defend itself. During the eighties and nineties, as the threat of armed conflict began to fade with the supply of U.S. military equipment to the Israel Defense Forces, and diplomacy began to displace the threat of war, it was the United States that led the world toward a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. And so it is today.

Though many are now willing to grudgingly accept Israel's right to exist, they continue to resist its right to define its own identity as a democratic Jewish state. In this resolution we make perfectly clear our ironclad support for this principle.

Though many are now willing to grudgingly acknowledge that Israelis have the right to live in peace, they continue to shrink from recognizing Israel's right to self-defense. In this resolution we make perfectly clear our strong support for that right, particularly in Israel's decision to take the fight against terrorism directly to those responsible for the violence.

Though many are now willing to concede that Prime Minister Sharon's plan for disengagement from Gaza is an important step forward, they continue to resist accepting this step as a demonstration of Israel's genuine willingness to make sacrifices for peace. In this resolution we make perfectly clear our appreciation for the real courage and powerful leadership this step represents.

Guileful advocates complain about Palestinian refugee rights and speak innocently of their so-called ``right of return.'' We know this is no more than a call for Israel's elimination by demographic means. Shrewd propagandists blandly describe the Palestinian campaign of terror, of bus-bombings and mass-murder in pizzerias and discos as an ``uprising'' and even have the nerve to complain of its cost to Palestinian civilians. We know the terrorists come from among the Palestinian people and it is incumbent on the Palestinian people to stop them without reward. Naive diplomats urge Israel to once again shake hands with terrorist thugs whose promises are worthless and whose intentions are only of Israel's ultimate demise. We know that political reform in the Palestinian Authority is an absolute prerequisite to achieving peace. Outrage and bile are spent in unlimited quantities over Israeli settlements, as if building a house and bombing a bus were somehow equivalent or even related. We know that Israel has already offered to make concessions for peace and that secure and recognized borders are essential for any final status agreement to hold. And we know too that ultimately, all the contentious issues between Israelis and Palestinians, over security, borders, refugees, water, Jerusalem and many others, will have to be decided not on a battlefield, but at a bargaining table; not by suicide bombers but by negotiators.

Mr. Speaker, Israel is engaged, as it has been since its first days as a sovereign state, in a fight for its life. Israel's enemies can fulminate and dispense their vitriol. We know, and we make clear today in this resolution that a safe, secure Israel is the fundamental requirement on which Arab-Israeli peace can, one day we hope, be made. I again thank the leaders of the House for bringing this important resolution to the floor and I urge all Members to join me in voting in support of it.

Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Last year, Mr. Chairman, President Bush announced a 5-year, $3 billion aid package for Pakistan in return for Pakistan's continued cooperation in the global war on terrorism. At that time, the President, through his spokesman, said that Congress would be looking closely at Pakistan's efforts on nuclear nonproliferation, on combating al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and other terrorist groups, and the reestablishment of democracy.

Without question, Pakistani cooperation in the war on terrorism will be key to our success. Yet since the President's announcement, the media has been filled with reports of Pakistan's A.Q. Khan's nuclear network, where it turns out two-thirds of the axis got their nuclear technology and that Khan's agents tried to sell it to the other third.

In addition, there have been recent reports of uneven cooperation from Pakistan with regard to terrorism generally, and al-Qaeda in particular. These reports reach to the very heart of the administration's justification for supporting Pakistan.

Lastly, I do not think anyone can credibly say that the so-called referendum on General Musharraf's rule, or the parliamentary elections held last year, were either fair or free. Real democratization in Pakistan just does not seem to be high on General Musharraf's list, and we must do much more than to pretend it is high on ours.

My amendment would require the Director of Central Intelligence to issue a classified, that is classified report to the appropriate committees of Congress regarding, one, the efforts of any Pakistani entity or individuals to acquire or transfer weapons of mass destruction and related technologies or missile equipment and technology to any other nation, entity, or individual; two, Pakistan's efforts to curb proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them; three, Pakistani steps to ensure that their own nuclear weapons are secure; four, Pakistani efforts to dismantle terrorist networks operating inside Pakistan, including but not limited to al-Qaeda and the Taliban; and, finally, five, Pakistani steps to restore democracy.

The point, Mr. Chairman, of my amendment, is to help Members establish, on a classified basis, some of the facts about Pakistan's efforts and cooperation on all of these subjects. We will all be asked to support substantial military and economic assistance to Pakistan over the next several years, and I strongly support that proposition, but I believe that Members should understand the whole picture as they are being asked to approve this substantial assistance.

While I understand that executive agencies generally do not like reporting requirements, we are a coequal part of government, and we have to learn the facts and the truth, we have to authorize and appropriate the money, and we must be informed. I have personally, as well as others have personally, tried to get the information from the administration, particularly regarding A.Q. Khan, and those efforts have been rebuffed.

I do not believe my amendment would be unduly burdensome to the CIA, since they are supposed to be following the events in Pakistan anyway. I am merely asking that they put their information into some useful form for Members.

Mr. Chairman, the administration has said repeatedly and properly that weapons of mass destruction and the possibility that they may be acquired by terrorists is the single biggest threat facing the United States, and in Pakistan, we have the epicenter of both of those threats. Our relationship with Pakistan is a complicated one and presents the United States with one of its most difficult near-term foreign policy challenges. I think the Members must make intelligent decisions regarding Pakistan, and we should have as much information on a classified basis as possible.

Mr. Chairman, I urge Members to support the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I am glad that the gentleman does not have heartburn. I appreciate his sentiments. Nobody is suggesting that we oppose aid to Pakistan.

Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Harman), the ranking member.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the Great Neck Vigilant Fire Company. On June 6th, a parade will be held in honor of the 100th Anniversary of the founding of this extraordinary organization.

The rich history of sacrifice surrounding this courageous volunteer organization is a testament to the spirit that binds our communities together. Its medical personnel and firefighters have spent generations caring for their neighbors. At this moment, as many as sixty thousand individuals, including officers of the Unites States Merchant Marine Academy, depend on these brave fire and rescue volunteers to stave off potential disaster.

In their unflinching century of service to the people of New York, the members of the Vigilant Fire Company have exemplified the remarkable fortitude and courage America has come to associate with its firefighters. Selflessly volunteering to serve Great Neck and the surrounding communities, they have saved countless lives without expectations of reward.

Adaptability and a willingness to be innovative have long been hallmarks of this volunteer Company. It is often on the cutting edge of technological improvements in medical services and fire-fighting techniques. The Vigilant Fire Company aided in September 11th disaster relief and knows firsthand the value of preparedness. Under the leadership of Chief Conrad Singer, it has once again begun proactively engaging the community in planning for the unthinkable.

It is an honor to represent such a collection of generous individuals. Mr. Speaker, I ask all my colleagues in the House to join me now in recognizing this exceptional group of citizens.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to add my voice to the chorus of Members sharing their warm wishes, praise, and congratulations to the State of Israel on its 56th anniversary of its Independence Day. I too am deeply gratified and proud of the many accomplishments of this relatively young country and the ancient people who have brought it into being and sustained it against astonishing odds.

Last week, Members commemorated Yom HaShoah, Holocaust Remberance Day; today, Yom HaAtzmaot, Israel Independence Day. Appropriately, we go from tragedy to celebration, but there is no question the two events and the two moods are inseparable. Without the singular tragedy of the Holocaust there might not have been a State of Israel created; with a State of Israel in existence, there might not have been a Holocaust. Bonded together are birth and death; bottomless despair and limitless hope.

Unquestionably, Israel has achieved more than anyone might have believed fifty-six years ago. The Jewish State has created and sustained the only true democracy in the entire Middle East. Faced with an unending series of defensive wars, stringent military service requirements and necessarily high defense spending, in the entire region, Israel is the only country which routinely lives with genuine respect for civil rights, rule of law, due process, and authentic elections that reflect the will of a free people. The only state in the Middle East with a culture that is Western and open, full of dissent and argument, pulsing with innovation in the arts and constantly open to change is Israel. In the sphere of economics, Israel has transformed itself into miniature powerhouse. Israel's economy is vibrant and dynamic, pushing the boundaries of technology and attracting venture capital at a remarkable rate. Israeli scientists, doctors and engineers routinely contribute to the body of human knowledge, and produce inventions that make all our lives safer, more convenient and more enjoyable.

Given the historic combination of its emphasis on education and technology, and the freedom enjoyed by the Israeli people, it is no surprise that Israel, with a population of only a few million, has a gross domestic product above $100 billion and an industrial base greater than all its neighbors combined. Not surprising but still miraculous.

Even more amazing is that Israel has achieved all this while also fulfilling its mandate as the safe harbor and refuge of the Jewish People. To succeed as Israel has is remarkable; to do so while absorbing millions of Jewish refugees from post-War Europe, the Arab states, from Ethiopia, and from the former Soviet Union is unfathomable. Millions of Jews from around the world, including this country, have made alliyah, have ``gone up'' to the Land of Israel, and made it their home. The result is a country which is an incredible mosaic, a new country formed in a timeless land by an ancient people.

And, as we all know, the Israel Defense Forces have made their reputation on the field of battle as one of the premier military organizations in human history. Unfortunately, tragically, they have been compelled to do so by circumstances not of their choosing. Israel has been under attack and at war for every single day of its existence. This painful fact is not now, and never has been, a result of the choices of Israel's government which has always sought peace and been desperate to make peace.

Mr. Speaker, no other country in the entire world is forced to endure a state of constant siege. No other country in the world regularly endures calls by other states for its extirpation. No other country in the world suffers the indignity of having terrorists committed to its destruction routinely described merely as ``militants,'' or praised as ``martyrs.'' No other country in the world is so unfairly isolated and routinely singled out for criticism and contempt.

Since President Harry Truman decided to ignore his advisors and chose to support the creation of Israel, the United States has been a true friend and ally to the Jewish State. Our values, our heritage, and our interests guide our special relationship, and it is no surprise our ties have only gotten stronger. In a time when both countries have been compelled to fight back against terrorism, there is no question we will only go from strength to strength.

Mr. Speaker, I am enormously proud of the ties between our nation and the State of Israel, and equally so, the support this House has shown again and again, without fail. On this occasion celebrating the 56th anniversary of Israel's Independence Day, I know the whole House joins me in extending to the Israeli people and their government the most enthusiastic of congratulations and best wishes for the many, many years of freedom and prosperity that are certain to come.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to call the attention of the House to the Day of Remembrance for the Heroes and Martyrs of the Holocaust. Today is the National Commemoration day, and the Rotunda of the Capitol again will serve as the focal point of America's obligation to remember. Sadly, the Holocaust is not old news, even though the last camp was liberated in 1945, even though the last victim was killed in 1945, even though the Nazi regime fell in 1945.

Unfortunately Mr. Speaker, the Holocaust is a current event. It is not then, it is now. It is today, it is this moment. Today in America, Holocaust survivors are still struggling to win back their lost property and overdue compensation. Today in Europe, on the same streets the Nazis declared Judenrein--Jew-free--Jews are again being attacked and assaulted. Today around the world, newspapers and media outlets are spewing vicious, venomous anti-Semitic lies and incitement. Today in other countries, ethnic cleansing is taking place. Today, intolerance, xenophobia, racism, and anti-Semitism are realities in our world, and we cannot ignore this fact.

Our obligation as a nation which has adopted the ethos of ``Never Again,'' at a very bare minimum, is to remember. Our national commitment to remember the Holocaust is worth reflecting on and is something we can be proud of as long as we remain vigilant and aware of the unique nature of this tragedy in human history.

The American people's commitment is embodied in the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum and its ongoing mission. The American public also gives generously to non-profit groups that develop and share Holocaust education programs around the country. And most importantly, the United States remains an active and vocal supporter of universal human rights and guardian against the continued risk of genocide. There is, unfortunately, a justification for this activity beyond good heartedness.

The shame of this country's refusal to either admit Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution or even to bomb the railway lines to the concentration camps will forever remain a blackmark on our national honor. While this loathsome chapter of our national history cannot be unwritten, we can and must pursue policies that ensure such tragedies never occur again. Refugees continue to deserve the protection and assistance of the United States, and we must never be afraid to intervene to prevent genocide or ethnic cleansing.

We must also continue to build and strengthen the bonds of friendship and support between this nation and the State of Israel, which emerged out of the ashes of the Holocaust. While much of the world quibbles over, or disputes entirely, the right of the Jewish people to establish a state in their historic homeland, the United States has never for a moment doubted the rightness and morality of this enterprise or questioned the right of the Jewish people to have a state of their own. Indeed, many of those states which either assisted the Nazis in the liquidation of their Jewish populations, or simply sat by quietly as the Nazis fulfilled their vicious agenda, are today among Israel's most vigorous critics.

By contrast, the United States is, and I hope always will be, Israel's closest ally and friend in the international community. I am proud of America's support for Israel, and I think it is no coincidence that the United States and this Congress do so much answer the call of memory the Holocaust demands.

Today in the Capitol we recall the stark facts of the Holocaust: that in the years between 1933 and 1945, a modern, cultured, Western nation transformed from a democracy into a dictatorship; that this dictatorship initiated a war not only against the nations of Europe, but against the Jewish people; that to fulfill the mandate of genocide Nazi Germany established ghettos, special military killing units, a bureaucracy to manage the construction and operation of the concentration camps, slave labor camps and extermination camps, and a transportation system to bring Europe's Jews to their doom; and that at the end of the Nazis' regime, their campaign of persecution and annihilation had systematically murdered some 6,000,000 innocent Jews.

Mr. Speaker, we must remember this. To ignore the Holocaust is to risk its repetition and to clear a path for deniers and bigots and their agenda of hate. The Holocaust must be remembered. As a moral nation, we can do no less.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to extend my heartiest congratulations to the people of Taiwan on the conduct of their recent Presidential elections and to President Chen on his reelection. More than 80 percent of registered voters turned out in a clear demonstration that the people of Taiwan want a free and democratic future.

I continue to be impressed by the growing strength of democratic institutions on Taiwan and by the commitment of the people of Taiwan to freedom, democracy, and human rights. These are values that the people of Taiwan share with the people of the Untied States.

Mr. Speaker, I know that all my colleagues will join me in extending congratulations to the people of Taiwan, to President Chen and Vice President Annette Lu on their re-election, and in hoping that the future of Taiwan will be resolved through peaceful means.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Nicholas DiNapoli on the occasion of his 80th birthday. The son of Thomas ``Pete'' DiNapoli and Jeanette DiNapoli, Nick DiNapoli was born on April 6th, 1924, in Roslyn Heights, New York. He and his sister Tina attended Roslyn Public Schools and Nick was graduated from Roslyn High School in 1942.

From 1942 until 1953, Nick was an active member of the Roslyn Highlands Volunteer Fire Department and from 1943 until 1946 he served his country in the United States Army Air Corps, 4th Air Force, where he attained the rank of Corporal.

On September 5th, 1948, after returning from his service in World War II, Nick married Adeline Abbondandelo, also of Roslyn Heights, at St. Mary's Church where as a child he had been an altar boy. The newly married couple lived on Carlyle Place in Roslyn Heights until, on an especially proud day in 1953, they moved into the house they had built at 52 Coventry Avenue in Albertson.

It was around this time that Nicholas DiNapoli began working for the New York Telephone Company, where he rose from splicer's helper to splicer in 1948 and was eventually promoted to foreman in 1969. He served as Maintenance Supervisor, Auditor and Acting Manager before retiring in 1985 with 40 years of proud service.

Nick's children, Thomas Peter, born in 1954, and James, born in 1955, have been a constant source of pride. When his sons were growing up, Nick participated in many of their activities and became involved as an adult leader in the Albertson Little League and Troop 481 of the Boy Scouts of America. He attended ball games as well as camping and fishing trips with his sons and their friends. Tom is now the Assemblyman from the 16th Assembly District and James is the Deputy Chief of the Department of Public Safety for the New York State Courts. Some of Nick's fondest memories are of Tom's first election to the State Legislature in 1986 and of James' wedding to his wife Rachel in 1993.

Today Nick enjoys golfing, fishing and travel and he walks regularly to stay healthy. The joys of his life, however are his two grandchildren, Victoria Adeline, 9, and Nicholas James, 6. Though his beloved wife Adeline, passed away in 1991, Nick is lucky to have found a close companion in Kay Menschling. He is a member of St. Aiden's Roman Catholic Church in Williston Park and a member of American Legion Post 144. He has been a Legionnaire for over 50 years. Nick is also an Exempt and Honorary Member of the Roslyn Highlands Volunteer Fire Department.

Mr. Speaker, I wish Nicholas DiNapoli all the best on the occasion of his 80th birthday and in recognition of his many years of service to the community, I ask my colleagues in the House of Representatives to please join me celebrating his outstanding life.