Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, this past Sunday marked the tenth anniversary of the deplorable terrorist attack against the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Eighty-five innocent human beings, including frail little girls and boys were killed, and 300 were wounded, by elements linked to the global terrorist network. Today, sorrow, despair and frustration still permeate the air, as justice remains an elusive, abstract concept for the victims and survivors of the AMIA bombing. This cannot and must not continue.

For this reason, the resolution I drafted with the Ranking Member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Lantos, renews and redirects international attention to the AMIA bombing, in order to ensure that justice is finally served--to ensure that the terrorists are held accountable, and that they are no longer allowed to roam freely, enjoying virtual impunity for this horrific act.

It was clear from the onset that the AMIA attack and the earlier one on the Israeli Embassy, were part of a campaign of violence targeted at the Jewish community in Argentina and throughout the world, by radical militant groups in the Middle East. Considerable evidence now supports this linkage, attributing the bombing to the terrorist group Hizballah, based in Lebanon, supported by Syria, and sponsored by Iran.

Argentine authorities shave issued various arrest warrants for Iranian government officials who are believed to have been involved in planning or carrying out the attack against AMIA. Among these are the former Iranian minister of security and intelligence; a former cultural attache at the Iranian Embassy in Buenos Aries; an Iranian diplomat; a former minister of education; and the Iranian Ambassador to Argentina during the 1990s. It is further reported that one of the suicide bombers responsible for the murder and injuries of hundreds in the AMIA attack, had contact with the Iranian embassy in Buenos Aires in the days prior to the bombing.

Additional evidence indicates that the tri-border area, where Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil meet, was used to channel resources for the purpose of carrying out this terrorist attack. We now understand the importance of this critical piece of information, as the tri-border area is today widely reported to be a cesspool of Islamist terrorist activity. Yet, despite this growing evidentiary record, the decade since the AMIA bombing has been marred by negligence in the initial phases of the investigation, and by efforts to minimize the international connection to this second attack by the global terrorist network in our own Hemisphere.

The resolution we are considering today seeks to address this problem by, among other things: (1) Urging the Government of Argentina to dedicate the necessary resources for its judicial system and intelligence agencies to fully investigate and prosecute the AMIA case; (2) Calling upon the international community to cooperate fully with the investigation, including making all parties and information available to Argentine authorities, and, in particular, by honoring extradition requests for former Iranian officials who are now in third countries, such as Great Britain.

Notably, H. Con. Res. 469: (1) Encourages the President to direct U.S. law enforcement agencies to provide support and cooperation, if requested, to the Government of Argentina to ensure a resolution of the AMIA case; (2) Calls for the creation of a special task force of the Inter-American Committee Against Terrorism to assist Argentina in investigating all aspects of the AMIA attack, particularly the international connection; and (3) Urges OAS member nations to designate Hizballah as a terrorist organization if they have not already done so.

My colleagues, the wounds will not begin to heal until the investigation in to the AMIA bombing is pursued with vigor and determination, and until effective action is taken by all to ensure that justice is served. The scars will serve as a constant reminder of the need for vigilance in our Hemisphere, of the need for democratic countries to unite in condemning such horrid acts and work together to protect the right of every citizen, in every society, to live in peace and liberty free from the threat of terrorism.

This resolution is an important first step toward achieving that goal. It is a call to action. It sends an unequivocal message to all that the United States considers the resolution of this case to be a priority, that it is prepared to take the necessary steps to ensure this end, working both with regional neighbors, as well as with the Argentine government.

Ten years have already passed. We cannot wait any longer. It is time for the rule of law to be seen and to be heard in this important case. We cannot allow justice to be held captive by inaction.

I thank the over 50 co-sponsors of this resolution for their support, and would especially like to thank the House Leadership and Chairman Hyde, for allowing this measure to move expeditiously to the Floor, and ask my colleagues to render their overwhelming support by voting ``yes'' on H. Con. Res. 469.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize Marilyn March, Mary Cagle, and the entire staff of the CHARLEE Program for their valuable contribution to the abused and neglected children in my hometown of Miami, Florida.

CHARLEE stands for Children Have All Rights, Legal, Educational and Emotional. It was established in 1983 through the efforts of the Junior League of Miami, the National Council of Jewish Women, and the Episcopal Diocese of southeast Florida.

It has an extensive history of providing critical services such as foster care and treatment services for Miami-Dade counties' neediest children.

As a mother of two teenage daughters, I realize the profound impact that a positive relationship with one's primary caregiver can have on the development of our most precious resource, our young people.

Mr. Speaker, I am proud of the work CHARLEE does, and I wish all of CHARLEE'S volunteers much future success in helping our precious children.

Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend, my distinguished colleague from California, for the time, and I rise in strong support of the Sherman/Ros-Lehtinen amendment and ask my colleagues to render their full support to it.

Iran's unconventional weapons program, and its fondness for using terrorism as statecraft, have made this pariah state a litmus test of the war on terror.

For at least two decades, the Iranian regime has been pursuing a covert nuclear program. It has undertaken a number of efforts for the manufacture and testing of centrifuge components, including at facilities owned by military industrial organizations.

According to multiple reports of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Iranian regime's deceptions and nuclear activities have dealt with the most sensitive aspects of the nuclear cycle.

Just last month, after the international community once again called on Iran to ``come clean'' with its efforts to develop a nuclear weapons capability, the Iranian foreign minister and the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council retorted that Iran has to be recognized by the international community as a member of the nuclear club and that Iran is on an irreversible path, their own words, toward becoming a nuclear state.

It is, therefore, imperative that the international community join forces to deny Iran any and all avenues to bring to a halt Iran's progress on this path.

This Chamber has repeatedly articulated this position. Most recently, we adopted by an overwhelming vote H. Con. Res. 398 which clearly underscored the denial of financial and other resources to Iran is an overarching priority for the United States.

Yet, through the World Bank, Iran is receiving hundreds of millions of dollars in loans.

Now, we will hear some argue that these loans are for nonlethal programs. However, given the fungible nature of the fund, there is no effective way of preventing the manipulation of these funds.

We certainly cannot trust the terrorist regime in Teheran to apply those World Bank funds to good, humanitarian use; and, as we have discovered recently with the investigations into the UN's handling of the Oil-For-Food program, we certainly cannot trust international institutions to practice due diligence and oversight.

Further, even if the loans are applied for basic services in Iran, that just enables Iran's mullahs to increase their budget allocations to fund terrorist activities and intensify their efforts to develop nuclear weapons.

The Sherman/Ros-Lehtinen amendment seeks to bring an end to this farce. Given that this is an appropriations bill, we cannot go even further. However, the amendment is a good first step.

The amendment seeks to cut U.S. contributions to the World Bank by an amount equal to its recent loans to Iran. In turn, it shifts these funds to U.S. AID's child survival programs; that is, it denies funds to the Iranian regime while helping prevent children from dying from preventable or easily treatable diseases, providing them with immunizations and other inexpensive treatments.

I ask my colleagues to vote an overwhelming ``yes'' on the Sherman- Ros-Lehtinen amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Lantos amendment. It is with sadness and great concern that I rise today to propose a shift in military aid to Egypt. I am saddened that Egyptian society is suffering from illiteracy, decreasing per capita income, and is clamoring for the right to exert their fundamental freedoms and civil liberties, while the Egyptian government has embarked on a significant military buildup of the sort one would expect from a nation under imminent threat.

Yet, as all of us know, Egypt currently occupies a secure, strategic environment, further improved by Libya's decision to verifiably disarm and dismantle its chemical, biological and nuclear missile programs.

Egypt's military aid is particularly daunting when considered within the context of the $1.3 billion in annual military aid that the U.S. provides to Egypt, in essence making us in this Chamber enablers of this increase in Egyptian battle units, Harpoon missiles and fast- attack aircraft.

This cannot and must not continue.

You will hear that the administration has concerns about this amendment. However, the amendment that I have cosponsored on a bipartisan basis is in keeping with President Bush's priorities to bring freedom, democracy and economic liberalization to the Middle East.

This amendment merely shifts funds from military aid to economic assistance for the purpose of supporting Egyptian civil society and improving the quality of life of the Egyptian people. It is in keeping with U.S. public diplomacy efforts by sending a clear message about U.S. priorities for Egypt's future and the future of Egypt's people. It builds goodwill with the people of the region by supporting educational, economic and political development, goals which contribute most effectively to Egypt's internal stability.

You might hear arguments about how this amendment undermines Egypt's efforts to provide security in Gaza. Let us not be fooled: Egypt is not using this military assistance for anything else but to strengthen its political stature in the region through a show of weapons and military capabilities.

Mr. Chairman, I think that it is time to say no more excuses, and let us vote for the Lantos amendment.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 615) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives in support of full membership of Israel in the Western European and Others Group (WEOG) at the United Nations, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my chairman, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), and the ranking member of the committee on International Relations, my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), and, most importantly, our leadership for bringing House Resolution 615 to the floor tonight. We could not have chosen a better time to consider this measure in light of the manipulation of the International Court of Justice by those who seek to deny Israel its sovereign right of self-defense, who seek to deny Israel the right to protect itself and her people against the unending attacks launched against it by Palestinian terrorists.

Later this week, we will see further corruption of the United Nations General Assembly by anti-Israel, antisemitic forces as they are expected to bring forth resolutions seeking to force Israel to comply with the nonbinding opinion issued by the International Court of Justice on Israel's security barrier.

This is illustrative of the bias that one of our strongest allies, Israel, faces within the United Nations system; and it further demonstrates how Israel's lack of membership in one of the country groupings of the U.N. places it at a significant disadvantage.

House Resolution 615 seeks to address this problem. It expresses the sense of the House of Representatives that Israel should enjoy full membership in the Western European and Others Group, WEOG, at the United Nations. Simply stated, this resolution seeks to correct the ongoing discrimination and inequality that Israel has been a victim of in the United Nations system.

As a first step toward correcting this wrong, on May 30, 2000, Israel accepted an invitation to become a temporary member of WEOG, which opened the door to Israeli participation in the U.N. Security Council, provided Israel is able to retain its status on the WEOG.

Nonetheless, Israel's membership to the WEOG is severely limited, and every 4 years Israel has to reapply, since its status is only temporary.

Israel is not allowed to present candidacies for open seats in most U.N. bodies, and it is not able to compete for leadership positions in major U.N. organs.

Even its participation in WEOG activities is restricted to U.N. headquarters in New York; and as such, Israel is unable to fully participate in discussions and consultations on a number of critical issues. It is unacceptable that Israel should remain an anomaly in the community of nations only because certain states refuse to allow it to occupy its legitimate place in the Asian group of nations.

As long as the United Nations institutional realliance on the regional system continues, its members are obliged by the principles of its charter to find a solution to the discrimination against Israel. The WEOG states can do so without sacrificing their vital interest. Rather, by admitting Israel, they will gain the addition of another member to the group of democratic states active in and contributing to the international organization system.

The WEOG is the only regional group which is not solely based on geographic considerations. It is composed of a group of states with Western democratic values as a common denominator. Israel's social/ political orientation is comparable to that of the WEOG states. Its voting pattern in the United Nations is congruent with that of the WEOG states. It shares a common cultural ideological outlook with these countries, and it is linked to them by strong economic ties.

Mr. Speaker, I am proud to have worked on this resolution with the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos). This resolution enjoys broad bipartisan support with over 40 cosponsors. It was passed unanimously at both the subcommittee and the full committee markups. Our interests would be well served if Israel were afforded the benefits of full membership to the WEOG. It is time to bring an end to the discrimination that Israel faces in the United Nations system.

As a free nation, Israel deserves our support and that of all democratic countries. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 688) commending the Government of Portugal and the Portuguese people for their long-standing friendship, stalwart leadership, and unwavering support of the United States in the effort to combat international terrorism, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 688. This resolution was introduced by the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes). House Resolution 688 commends the government of Portugal and the Portuguese people for their long-standing friendship with the United States and their unwavering support in the effort to combat international terrorism. Portugal has been a resolute and steadfast ally of the United States for many years.

As an important friend and ally, Portugal has recently exercised leadership within Europe in confronting terrorism and the threats of a post-September 11 world. Portugal has sent soldiers, medical teams, police and other personnel to Iraq and has continued to authorize the use of Lajes Air Base in the Azores for strategic staging and other requirements in the global war on terrorism.

Indeed, the government of Portugal and the Portuguese people have committed a significant array of their country's resources to fight the terrorist threat all over the world.

The support of the government of Portugal and the Portuguese people is of paramount importance to the United States, and we would like to recognize that tonight.

Portugal and the people of Portugal deserve to be commended, and I commend the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes) for his efforts in bringing this resolution to the House floor tonight. I urge the adoption of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes).

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).

Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), for the undeserved praise and for his nice demeanor in yielding me such time in the beginning of the discussion on this important resolution before us tonight.

I rise in strong support of H. Res. 713, a resolution deploring the misuse of the International Court of Justice by the Palestinians. I want to commend the leadership for moving this measure expeditiously to the floor, and I thank the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence) for his efforts in making this a reality tonight.

I am proud to be an original cosponsor, Mr. Speaker, and I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this as a sign of our displeasure with the politicization of the International Court of Justice for Palestinian terrorist purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I wish that there were no need for such a resolution tonight. I wish that innocent civilians were not routinely murdered and injured by Palestinian terrorists inside of Israel. Yet those responsible for these painful, agonizing injuries celebrate their terror with virtual impunity from the international community as they manipulate mechanisms such as the International Court of Justice to rule in their favor.

As Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Arafat's Fatah said in a joint statement following the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, ``We salute the court's decision. This is a good step in the right direction.'' For Palestinian terrorists and their supporters, the door has been further opened.

This past Sunday, less than 2 days after this deplorable decision by the International Court of Justice, this advisory opinion, there was an explosion at a Tel Aviv bus stop which injured 32 innocent civilians and killed one young woman.

Among those injured was Saami Masrawa, an Israeli Arab who leads an Arab-Jewish friendship group in the Israeli area. Saami Masrawa had previously participated in a demonstration opposing the security fence. But after Sunday's bombing he recognizes the value of Israel's security barrier, and he has publicly stated, ``I will now be for it and form an organization in favor of it.''

Mr. Speaker, the barrier is not the issue. Terrorism and the Palestinian's addiction to death are the problems. They must find a leadership free from this kind of terror, free from corruption, free from the idea that terrorism will achieve its political objectives. The notion that terrorism is a legitimate form of interaction with Israel must be abandoned forever.

The construction of the security barrier must be understood as a measured response by Israel to the Palestinians' refusal to abandon terrorism and to surrender its use as a strategy. It is a sign that all Israelis demand that the Palestinians change their ways and make this change now.

Across the political spectrum, Israelis support the construction of the barrier as a way to ensure the safety of the Israeli people and of the nation itself.

It is appalling to see how the United Nations forced this recent judgment by the International Court of Justice. Not only did the issue of the nonbinding opinion last week state that Israel should remove its security fence, but the judges placed into question Israel's right to defend herself.

My colleagues, this right of sovereign nations to provide for its security and that of its people, and to defend against threats against it, is a right accorded to all nations. Unfortunately, the recent opinion seems to draw an exception when it comes to Israel. This is outrageous.

The judges of the Court added insult to injury by suggesting that this basic right of all sovereign nations did not apply because Palestinian terror groups are subnational actors; that is, not nation states.

This reference further minimizes the brutal and abhorrent acts committed by Palestinian terrorists against innocent Israelis. It undermines the actions taken by the United Nations following the terrorist attacks against our own Nation on September 11. It emboldens the terrorists to intensify their brutality and violence against free democratic nations such as Israel and the United States.

Mr. Speaker, it is clear from this process that the International Court of Justice has become politicized, and it is manipulated by the Palestinians for their own evil purposes.

This resolution that I had the pleasure of drafting with my colleagues on the Committee on International Relations, especially the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), addresses this critical issue. It underscores the security barrier is necessary. Israel has the responsibility to protect its people, and the fence has proven to be successful in doing so.

No nation, no international body can claim a right to act in judgment over Israel's sovereign right to protect her people. That the Palestinians of all people question the inherent right of self-defense of Israel from their very tactics of terror is absurd and even Orwellian. The very people launching the attacks against Israel are saying that Israel cannot and should not defend herself.

This judgment by this International Court of Justice is an injustice to

Israel. It is a dishonor to close to 1,000 innocent victims of Palestinian violence since 2000. I call on my colleagues and all Democratic nations to join together to prevent this perpetuation of injustice.

I want my colleagues to look at this poster. I call on our allies and partners, as they consider upcoming resolutions at the U.N. General Assembly seeking to impose the ruling on Israel, to think about the young faces, the old faces printed here on this poster. These are just some of the victims of Palestinian terrorism: babies, middle-aged, young, older Israelis, all innocent victims of Palestinian terrorism.

I want our allies and friends to think of Assaff Tzur. This was a 17- year-old Israeli boy who was just recently murdered, so recently that his name is not on this poster. He was killed in a bus bombing on March 5, 2003, on his way back from school.

I met with the father today of Assaff, as well as with other survivors of terror attacks and with families of Israeli victims of Palestinian terrorism. There was one common theme. There were mothers and fathers and sisters and brothers, and they said the security barrier could have helped prevent the murder of their daughters, sons, sisters, brothers, grandchildren, fathers and mothers.

In the case of Assaff Tzur, the suicide bomber who murdered him and 15 others on March 5, 2003, today would not have been able to cross into Israel to carry out this attack thanks to the border that stands today. Today, there is a security barrier that prevents terrorists from crossing into that section of Haifa and would have prevented the murder of Mr. Assaff Tzur, 17 years of age.

I think this reality summarizes the need for an overwhelming vote in favor of the resolution of the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), House Resolution 713. Let us send a clear message to the international community of where we stand as a nation. We call on them to side with us and with all democratic nations to side with the victims of terrorism, these faces, and not with the terrorists. The hypocrisy must end. Israel must be allowed to protect herself and remain safe from this kind of terrorism once and for all.

I thank the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence) for calling attention to this atrocity, and I ask my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the Pence resolution before us tonight.

Mr. Chairman, I thank my wonderful friend, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), for his steadfast leadership throughout the years in favor of human rights; and that is really what is before us today.

I know that it is tempting to make quips and jokes about this situation. It is not very funny to the Cuban people. It goes at their expense, but I want to point out some of the facts that have been misrepresented on the other side.

There will be no soap police. There will be no deodorant police. I know this is so funny. There is not much laughter in Cuba since Castro took office illegally. There will be no shampoo police because of these regulations, no toothpaste police. Call the Commerce Department and find out what the regulations say. All of those goods will be allowed to go into Cuba. Call the Commerce Department tomorrow and my colleagues will read what the regulations say. Please read them.

I rise in strong opposition to the Flake amendment. Mr. Chairman, after the deplorable attacks against our Nation on September 11, we committed ourselves to denying terrorists and their sponsors the financial resources to threaten the United States and our allies and our interests, and this became the pillar of our foreign and our domestic policy in our war against terrorism.

Yet, when President Bush takes steps to deny more than $1 billion annually to the Castro regime, a rogue regime that has been repeatedly classified by our own State Department as a state sponsor of terrorism, the President is rebuffed and undermined.

After reviewing the evidence of how the Castro regime has manipulated U.S. regulations to fill the coffers of his regime, the President was compelled to act firmly and expeditiously, and what was this evidence? I will tell my colleagues, Mr. Chairman.

More than $1 billion annually in funds and goods are sent to Cuba from those living outside the island through the shipments of gift parcels, remittances, and from vacations. In the year 2002 to 2003, the Castro regime received over $36 million in revenues from delivery of gift parcels. He is making a lot of money.

The regime earns another $20 million per year from excess baggage fees and customs duties, and the proponents of this amendment would ask us to ignore these facts, and they will claim that they would justify their positions using

humanitarian claims, while Castro becomes one of the richest men in our hemisphere.

The facts are the following: the new regulations continue to allow gift parcels for humanitarian reasons. That is the truth. That is the fact, but focus these gift parcels to include truly necessary items such as medicines, medical supplies and devices and unlimited food, just to name a few; and the fact is that gift parcels can be sent to immediate family members. This will ensure that the senior regime and Communist Party officials are not the beneficiaries.

Again, I ask my colleagues, what is wrong with a policy that seeks to deny the Castro dictatorship millions and billions in hard-earned currency? This Castro dictatorship is a regime that just a few days ago, just a few days ago from today hosted the foreign minister of Iran and other Iranian regime officials. What happened there?

The Iranian officials thanked the Cuban dictator for the regime support for Iran's nuclear quest, and he indicated that Iran and Cuba must stand together against U.S. efforts to deny Iran access to nuclear technology.

The Iranian foreign minister underscored the significance of sharing expertise and technical knowledge between two countries in various enterprises.

He said he ``conveyed the warm greetings'' of Ayatollah Khomeini and Khatami to Castro for ``resisting the political and economic pressure'' from the U.S.

What pressure was he referring to, Mr. Chairman? The very regulations and policies that we are debating today, that the proponents of this amendment seek to revoke.

The Iranian foreign minister also referred to Castro's 2002 visit to Iran. He called it a turning point in relations between the two countries, leading to stronger Cuba-Iran ties; and notably, it was during this visit that Fidel Castro, with the Ayatollah, stated, ``Together, Cuba and Iran can bring America to its knees.''

So this stronger Cuba-Iran relationship that the foreign minister was referring to is built on this mission, this shared goal of destroying the United States.

So I ask, why would we want to assist the Castro regime, a regime that seeks to destroy our country? Why would we want to assist this regime? What is wrong with trying to deny the Castro regime the financial means to pursue this goal of bringing America to its knees?

The facts speak for themselves, Mr. Chairman. The new regulations implemented by the President are in keeping with our global anti- terrorism efforts, specifically targeting terrorism financing. They do not affect true humanitarian flows between the U.S. and the Cuban people. They do not, and as our dear former President Ronald Reagan would say, toward those who would export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere, especially Cuba, we will act with firmness.

So I hope that our colleagues will act with firmness, will follow the Reagan example and act with firmness against the Castro regime because the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba has given us a mandate to identify measures that are going to help the Cuban people bring an end to the Castro dictatorship, and this is an element of a plan for U.S. assistance to a postdictatorship Cuba.

Castro has exploited U.S. humanitarian policies to shift burdens that should be assumed by the Cuban state; and instead, he has used it to generate hard currency that he uses to maintain the regime's repressive apparatus. These families can continue to send on a monthly basis medicine, medical supplies, food, personal hygiene products to their immediate family members, and also, and we have not talked about it, but nongovernmental organizations are providing humanitarian support and assistance to civil society groups in Cuba, and they will continue to do so with the President's recommendations.

I thank the chairman again for his time.

Mr. Chairman, I have the greatest respect for my good friends, but as a naturalized American, as a political refugee from an enslaved Communist regime, I would hope that my colleagues would never compare this greatest Nation on Earth, the United States of America, the beacon of hope and democracy for oppressed people everywhere, to what is going on 90 miles from my constituency, the beast of Fidel Castro, who enslaves his

people and who denies his people basic liberties.

Please do not insult my adopted country in that manner.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my esteemed chairman for yielding me time.

I rise in strong support of this resolution.

On June 30, as all of us know, Iraq will assume control of its own destiny. Iraq will enter the post-Saddam era with the hope of the world resting upon them. No longer will the Iraqi people be subjected to a climate of fear and desperation. Saddam's murderous,

thieving cronies have been removed. Uday and Qusay's henchmen likewise will no longer be free to roam the streets, terrorizing people.

The challenge now for the Iraqi people and their new government is to set their future on a course of open thought, popular choice for their leaders, and freedom of action in which to conduct their lives.

The Iraqi people understand that with this new-found freedom comes responsibility, a responsibility to remember the interests of all Iraqis. Each and every Iraqi has a stake in that Nation's future, and now, with our transfer of sovereignty to them, that stake can be fully realized.

We are honored to have played a role in empowering the Iraqi people and supporting them in their efforts to rebuild their country after decades of corruption and oppression. They have the opportunity to make their Nation a shining light for all to see, not only in the Middle East, but around the world. A nation filled with talent beyond imagination, Iraq can create a climate of freedom and opportunities for others to emulate.

Yes, problems have arisen. Yet, we must acknowledge the positive developments that could not have happened without the brave men and women of the United States military and our allies. Through their courage, commitment, and sacrifice, we have managed to free an enslaved people. We have brought down a tyrant who has killed as many as 1 million of his own people. Thus, history will record that the United States brought a beacon of light and hope to a people that had only known misery, suffering, and brutality under Saddam Hussein.

The future will judge us to have done right by the Iraqi people, and for our own Nation as well.

We are, however, not naive about the challenges that lie ahead. Freedom and democracy take time and hard work. They take vigilance and dedication, dedication to truth and commitment to justice. These are things that come with patience.

The terrorists want to deprive the Iraqi people of their future, but Iraq can and will prevail. Iraq's chance is now. Let us stand by the Iraqi people as they struggle to enjoy these rights and liberties that they were denied for so very long. Let us be motivated by the knowledge that we have helped make the world a better place for the Iraqi people and for all.

As our beloved former President Ronald Wilson Reagan would say, ``You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. If we fail, at least let our children and our children's children say of us, we justified our brief moment here. We did all that could be done,'' and that we have done for the Iraqi people.

Mr. Chairman, on rollcall No. 308 I was unavoidably detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''

Amendment No. 5 Offered by Mr. Hensarling

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the Archimedes Club, especially its chairman, Doron Zilbershtein. This wonderful organization in my South Florida district will be holding its first annual boat race hosted by the Coconut Grove Sailing Club.

This event will allow selected families, teamed up with underprivileged families, to spend time together building boats that they will race to the finish line.

The Archimedes Club has shown an unwavering dedication to the community by developing character traits and social skills through boating activities. Its members will be donating their time and boating knowledge the weekend of July 23 to give water sports fans the opportunity to participate in challenging competitions.

The Archimedes Club plans to build on this race and to donate the boats that are built to other communities around Florida. This act shows the unselfish and unwavering commitment of the Archimedes Club to help others, and it does not stop at the local level.

For the sincere concern and the outstanding dedication to underprivileged families, I congratulate the Archimedes Club for all it has done. The members will inspire many more citizens to follow in their steps.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4053) to improve the workings of international organizations and multilateral institutions, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on H.R. 4053, the bill under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I ask that all my colleagues support H.R. 4053, the United States International Leadership Act of 2004. This bill was introduced by my distinguished colleague and ranking Democratic member of the House Committee on International Relations, and a dear friend of mine, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), who was joined by the chairman of the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), in advancing this idea of boosting U.S. diplomatic leadership within multilateral organizations.

On a daily basis, the U.S. is participating in a wide range of multilateral organizations, and this requires a strong, well-trained diplomatic corps. There are also times when high profile issues are being debated within the U.N. Security Council, and those demand astute and skillful negotiators. This bill strengthens the U.S. diplomatic representatives in multilateral situations, it encourages participation of foreign service officers in such positions, and it authorizes the establishment of an Office on Multilateral Negotiations, which will facilitate U.S. participation in these negotiations.

This bill also encourages the Secretary of State to establish a Democracy Caucus at the United Nations to forge common positions and work to update regional voting schemes.

Mr. Speaker, as a former chair of the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, I witnessed firsthand the negative dynamics developing in international fora and the need for freedom- loving Democratic nations to join together to offset these negative destructive patterns. Some of the steps outlined in this Act could go a long way to better represent the interests and the concerns of these Democratic countries.

This measure moved smoothly through the Committee on International Relations, and I encourage my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the passage.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), our distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules.

(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 460) regarding the security of Israel and the principles of peace in the Middle East.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the concurrent resolution under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of House Concurrent Resolution 460, regarding the security of Israel and the principles of Middle East peace.

I want to thank the gentleman from Texas, our majority leader, for his unwavering commitment to the State of Israel and stability in the region, and commend him, as well as the gentleman from Maryland, the Democratic whip, for their efforts in drafting this measure. It is a resolution that supports the principles outlined in the President's April 14 letter, and in doing so it articulates our own vision of the path toward a lasting peace. It has long been our enduring hope that Israel's neighbors would see the wisdom of laying down their arms and negotiating in earnest, instead of killing. Egypt and Jordan arrived at this point and have found peace with Israel. There are others, however, who murder and employ terror against innocent civilians to achieve their political ends.

The people of Israel have done their part toward peace and have made terrible sacrifices in human and material terms for this effort, yet they continue in their search for closure to this long battle. Yasser Arafat, on the other hand, lacks the will to fulfill the commitments required of Palestinian officials. Arafat seems more intent on enriching himself and his cronies and in accommodating Hamas than he is in achieving peace with Israel so that his own people can reap the political and economic benefits that would come from that peace.

As the President noted in his recent letter, the United States stands ready to lead efforts to help achieve the goal of peace between Israel and the Palestinians, working with Egypt and Jordan to build the capacity and the will of Palestinian institutions to fight terrorism and bring a permanent end to such violence.

However, we have been down this road before. Arafat promises, but Arafat never delivers. The suicide bombings continue, and the death toll rises without so much as a modicum of effort from Arafat- controlled security forces to prevent it. He promises to disarm the radicals, to arrest them; but he does neither. Instead, he has acted as a revolving door for the terrorists that he pretends to arrest. He swore to end terrorism only to carry out a massive campaign of murder against innocent Israelis riding on school buses, shopping in open-air malls, and simply going about their daily lives. He has failed completely in his commitments, and he has brought only misery to a people seeking a peaceful existence.

As underscored in this resolution and articulated by the President, Israel has a sovereign and undeniable right to protect herself and her people, including taking actions against terrorist organizations. In the same vein, we remain strongly committed to Israel's security and well-being as a Jewish state.

The President has clearly laid out his vision and has pursued it on multiple fronts. Through this resolution, we again declare our support for Israel for the great sacrifices she has made, and we congratulate the President for recognizing those sacrifices and the importance of Israel's commitment to peace.

We also call on the Palestinians to help build a peace that is mutual and lasting and not one of fleeting adherence and rhetorical assurances to score political points. Their adherence to peace must be real, and it must be enduring. For the welfare and security of the people of the State of Israel and for the future of the Palestinian people, Arafat and the Palestinian leadership must come to the realization that it is in their best interests to build the institutions necessary to fight and defeat terrorism in order to live side by side in peace together with Israel.

Mr. Speaker, this resolution expresses our support for principles that are crucial to Middle East peace, and it reflects the current reality on the ground. These principles are consistent with U.S. policy priorities, and I ask my colleagues to render their strong support for this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence).

(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).

Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), our distinguished majority leader and the author and prime sponsor of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes of my time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), and I ask unanimous consent that he may be permitted to control that time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional minute from our time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) so that he can control it.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) from our time.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to close with the remainder of the time that I have.

Mr. Speaker, in closing I would like to congratulate the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for always being a leader on the human rights front and always being a strong supporter of peace in the Middle East, and I would like to highlight some of the more critical principles that are outlined in the resolution that is before us.

I want to read just four of the ``whereas'' clauses. It says, ``Whereas in the April 14, 2004, letter the President stated that in light of new realities on the ground in Israel, including already existing major Israeli population centers, it is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations between Israel and the

Palestinians will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949, but realistic to expect that any final status agreement will only be achieved on the basis of mutually agreed changes that reflect these realities.''

Furthermore, it says, ``Whereas, the President acknowledged that any agreed, just, fair and realistic framework for a solution to the Palestinian refugee issue as part of any final status agreement will need to be found through the establishment of a permanent alternative and the settling of Palestinian refugees there rather than in Israel.''

And, ``Whereas, the principles expressed in President Bush's letter will enhance the security of Israel and advance the cause of peace in the Middle East.''

Whereas, there will be no security for Israelis or Palestinians until Israel and the Palestinians, and all countries in the region and throughout the world, join together to fight terrorism and dismantle terrorist organizations.''

And, ``Whereas, the United States remains committed to the security of Israel, including secure, recognized and defensible borders, and to preserving and strengthening the capability of Israel to deter enemies and defend itself against any threat.''

And I think that on that wording, we can all come to agreement, because this resolution is in keeping with our national and international antiterrorism goals, our hopes for a lasting and profound peace and for a region of freedom-loving nations based on the rule of law, respect for human rights, and fundamental freedoms; and it shows a unity of purpose.

It sends a message to the world that the policies relating to Israel's security and existence as a Jewish state, relating to peace for Israel and the Palestinians and relating to combating terrorism are not just the President's policies or the position of the U.S. Congress but of the United States Government as a whole.

The path outlined in this resolution is clear. And what awaits us at the end of the road? Peace and stability. So let us join together and vote overwhelmingly for this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to honor the heroes who have given their lives in our fight against world terrorism. Every generation of Americans has been asked to leave their farms and towns and cities so that freedom could be spread throughout the world. As a citizen of this great Nation, I honor the sacrifices of the military in Iraq, Afghanistan, and all over the world who have given their lives in the fight against terrorism, and those who before them paid the ultimate price for freedom.

Like their forefathers in World War II, Floridians who have fought in the name of freedom are selfless citizens who answered the call of duty. Among these are my husband Dexter Lehtinen, who served this country bravely in the Vietnam War, and my stepson, Aviator 1st Lieutenant Douglas Hooper Lehtinen, who is currently serving in the Marines. Special mention is due to honor the six soldiers from South Florida who lost their lives in our war against world terrorism. I, and all of the citizens in my district, am thankful for their service.

This Nation can never repay the debt owed to these six men; their honor and service, however, will never be forgotten. In Operation Enduring Freedom, South Florida lost Army Specialist Pedro Lazaro Pena- Suarez, who was 35 when he lost his life in Kuwait on November 7, 2002. During Operation Iraqi Freedom, we lost Marine Corporal Armando Ariel Gonzalez, who was 25 when he gave his life in Iraq on April 14, 2003. Army Private First Class Charles M. Sims was only 18 when he perished in Baghdad on October 3, 2003. Army Sergeant Edmond L. Randle was 26 when he gave his life in the north of Taji on January 17, 2004. Army 1st Lieutenant Christopher J. Kenny was 32 when he fell in Baghad on May 3, 2004, and Army Private First Class Jeremy Ricardo Ewing, who was 22, gave his life in Baghdad on April 29, 2004. Coast Guard Petty Officer 3rd Class Nathan B. Bruckenthal, 24, based in Opa Locka, perished on April 24, 2004 in the Northern Persian Gulf.

These men remind us that freedom is indeed not free. We must forever be vigilant to the rise of tyranny and be willing to fight it wherever it exists. We must never take for granted our democratic government. We must remember that in places like Cuba, North Korea, and Iran, human beings are still oppressed by horrible dictators. Let us fight these regimes until freedom rings in every nation of the world.

God bless all the men and women in our armed forces who have given their lives so that others may live in freedom.

Mr. Speaker, on June 30th, Iraq will assume control of its own destiny. Iraq will enter the post-Saddam era with the hope of the world resting upon them. No longer will the Iraqi people be subjected to a climate of fear and desperation. Saddam's murderous, thieving cronies have been removed. Uday and Qusay's henchmen likewise, will no longer be free to roam the streets, terrorizing their people.

The challenge now for the Iraqi people and their new government is to set their future on a course for open thought, popular choice of their leaders, and freedom of action in which to conduct their lives and their futures.

The Iraqi people must understand that, with this new-found freedom comes responsibility--a responsibility to remember the interests of all Iraqis. Each and every Iraqi has a stake in that nation's future and now with our transfer of sovereignty to them, that stake can be fully realized.

We are thrilled to have played a role in empowering the Iraqi people and supporting them in their efforts to rebuild their country, after decades of corruption and oppression. They have the opportunity to make their nation a shining light for all to see, not only in the Middle East, but around the world. A nation filled with talent beyond imagination, Iraq can create a climate of freedom and opportunity for others to emulate.

Problems have arisen. Yet, we must all acknowledge that this opportunity could not have

happened without the brave men and women of the United States military. Through their courage, commitment and sacrifice, we have managed to free an enslaved people. We have brought down a tyrant who killed as many as one million of his own people.

And thus, history will record that the United States brought a beacon of light and hope to a people who had only known misery, suffering, and brutality under Saddam Hussein. The future will judge us to have done right for the Iraqi people and for our nation.

We are, however, not naive about the challenges that lie ahead. Freedom and democracy take time and hard work. They take vigilance and dedication to truth and a commitment to justice. These are things that come with patience. The terrorists want to deprive the Iraqi people of their future. But Iraq can and will prevail.

Iraq's chance is now. Let us stand by the Iraqi people as they struggle to enjoy those rights and liberties that they denied for so long. Let us be motivated by the knowledge that we have helped make the world a better place for the Iraqi people and for all.

As our beloved former President, Ronald Wilson Reagan, would say: ``You and I have a rendezvous with destiny . . . If we fail, at least let our children and our children's children say of us we justified our brief moment here. We did all that could be done.''