Mr. Speaker, I wanted to say tonight rather than the usual monologue by one Member, and of course it depends on who the Member is as far as the interest level; and usually if it is your own monologue, you find it very interesting, but the…
Mr. Speaker, I wanted to say tonight rather than the usual monologue by one Member, and of course it depends on who the Member is as far as the interest level; and usually if it is your own monologue, you find it very interesting, but the rest of Congress and the American people may not agree, and so the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm) of the infamous Blue Dog Caucus has suggested that we have a debate about the budget and spending and other matters of great importance before this House.
With that in mind, I want to yield to the gentleman from Texas and his team, and then our team will speak. Our team looks like the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess) and me, and hopefully other Members will be running down here as they see it is our turn at bat.
Mr. Speaker, let me respond on a few points that the previous speaker made. And I wanted to say that, as the gentleman knows, the passage of laws is not always perfect, and it is not always neat, particularly when we are in the majority and have to make some decisions and keep the train moving.
My preference on the budget, incidentally, was the one introduced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey), H. Con. Res. 95, which actually balanced the budget in 4 years and reduced spending far more than the Republican budget that passed and far more than the Blue Dog budget that passed. And I would point out to my colleague that if we are bringing up past votes, there was not one Democrat who voted for that budget, which was the model in fiscal restraint. So rather than stand here and just point fingers, I want to talk about some of the realities that we are faced with.
I note the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Boyd) is here from the Committee on Appropriations. I think there are six things that help get spending out of control in the House that hurts all of us. One of it is that we do not go to zero-based budgeting. Every year appropriations starts out where they left off last year. This has been the case for many years in the Congress no matter which party is in charge, and I would love to see us go back to zero base when these agencies come in to justify their budgets and ask do they really need it? One of the examples is the western forest fires. When they have a forest fire disaster, and we fund firefighting at a certain level, the next year if we reduce that because we have handled the fire, we get called for cutting forestry money. And the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Boyd) and I have to battle that all the time.
The other thing that I want to mention, the second issue that helps drive up the cost is the matter of mandatory spending, and I would think that is a little bit ironic because we are the U.S. Congress, and things do not have to be mandatory when someone is the one setting the rules. But mandatory is basically the automatic spending, and here is the budget breakdown for the year 1980, and the part in green is the mandatory spending, the Medicaid, Social Security and so forth. And the discretionary, the red part, which is almost 50 percent of the pie, that is the amount that we actually can vote on and squeeze and twist and do different things, whereas this is all kind of on automatic pilot.
As the years have gone by, and that was again 20 years ago, this is fiscal year 2002, and the mandatory portion has gotten bigger and bigger. The discretionary portion, which is the part we can control far greater, it has gotten smaller. And what that means is the part where there is honest debate we control a lot better. The part where everybody is afraid to touch Social Security, except for the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm). I want to commend him on the work that he and the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) have done over the years.
Veterans spending, Medicare spending and so forth, these are all issues that we tend to shy away from in terms of honest debate, but look at these charts just to show the impact of these. Here is the veterans spending since 1995. And I am not making a judgment on if the spending is worthwhile or not. I am just saying this is the reality of that big portion of the chart. Veterans.
Here is Medicaid. That is the healthcare for the poor, straight up during the period since 1995.
Here is Medicare, the healthcare for the seniors. It has gone straight up.
And I would say one of our big problems is if we are really going to get a serious handle on spending, we have got to quit using veterans and senior citizens and the poor as our partisan wedge shield that is going to scare the other party into not touching it, because if we are really serious about this stuff, we have got to get into that.
I have three other points that I wanted to make, but I wanted to introduce the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kennedy).
Does the gentleman want to react to the previous speaker, because I kind of have a track here myself.
I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. Speaker, actually I am glad the gentleman mentioned this, because we are the majority party, we take responsibility for governing. There is no question about that. We get the credit if it is good. We get the blame if it is bad. But let us also admit that often the forces that cause more spending and cause us to get away from the budget, which has always driven me up the wall where we passed a budget in March, but we actually passed the final spending bills in the fall of the year, and by then March is ancient history. No one is really worrying about the budget. They just want to go home and cut a deal, and often it is the other body or the White House that causes large increases.
On the topic that the gentleman is talking about, the Republican spending, let me say what the Democrat record is in claiming that nearly every single appropriation bill that we have is not enough money, and I have a copy of some of the amendments that I will get into that the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) offers every single time on appropriation bills, and the gentleman knows how this business is. The gentleman wants to say we are the majority to help with the Democrats, but it is not just a matter of numbers. The gentleman has split philosophies in his party. The gentleman has some extremely liberal folks; we have some extremely conservative people. And every time they pick up a group here, they lose some votes here. So as they are trying to pass a bill, they get a net 3, but they swap around 9 or 10 votes, and that is one of the things that drives up spending that I want to talk about that.
Mr. Speaker, I am kind of losing track of the time here, but just to keep it going, I want to yield to the gentleman from Florida, but I also want to be sure that we are not going to shortchange me at the end of the evening.
The gentleman from Texas wants to speak a little bit about
the issue you mentioned about the lobbying groups in town who are out fighting for their little chunk of the pie, because I think his approach to fiscal restraint in the form of tax reform makes some sense. I wanted to make sure the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess) has an opportunity to speak.
Mr. Speaker, could you tell us how much time we have left?
Total?
Seven-and-a-half per side.
Why do we not go into debt a little bit and borrow some from the next group? Just a joke, guys. We need to figure out our strategy for our 7 minutes to close.
Mr. Speaker, what I wanted to do with whatever time is left on our side was give 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kennedy), 2 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Smith), and 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart); as I understand it, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess) does not want any more time. And since you all have about equal time, I know you have some folks that want to speak.
Mr. Speaker, would it be possible for you to tell us at 2-minute intervals? Could you just maybe tap your gavel every 2 minutes?
The gentleman who controls the time has no watch because I went skiing with it this weekend. Does anybody have a watch over there? All right. I have a very expensive watch here. Okay.
Mr. Speaker, people who are watching this are saying, no wonder they cannot get their money straight.
I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Smith).
I want to respond real quickly on the tax cuts thing because, as you know, one of big problems we have is controlling spending on a bipartisan basis, and there is a lot of pressure, no matter what it is, there is not enough for education, not enough for seniors, not enough for the poor, not enough for the farmers. You name the group, this town is geared up in that direction.
One great advantage of tax reductions, it is not just a matter of stimulating the economy, we do believe in economic growth and jobs. I think the more money that the people have, and it is not a matter of us affording the tax cuts, it is a matter of can the working folks pay for all the government we are giving them. The more you look at what tax cuts do for the economy, the more jobs that are created.
This is just the Standard and Poor's increase since we passed the latest round of tax reductions. Here is the Dow Jones increase. All these mean more jobs out there, more people paying into the system, and revenues will go up. But the best part is the money does not come to Washington, so we do not spend it.
I think that is something that we will continue to debate about, and I want to say this has made some progress tonight.
I did not know that we had abandoned the pay-go system that the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm) had mentioned. I want to work with you on that.
The balanced budget amendment, it would be an awkward position for me to sign the discharge petition, but philosophically I do support it. I want to help you get that bill to the floor, and I want to pledge that.
I am glad we are all mutually interested in zero-based budgeting. Let us move in that direction.
Another issue, if we could get away from just the terminology ``mandatory spending'' and say, hey, that is automatic, we are too lazy to debate it year in and year out, nothing is mandatory for the U.S. Congress. That might be something that we can work together on.
The gentleman extended this debate invitation originally. Let me right here extend one to you, and let us schedule for next week or whenever we can do it.
With that, I yield back and thank the gentlemen for all participating.