Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this pretend, fake, disingenuous, cruel-to-the-troops resolution. It is impossible, despite what the Democrats have claimed, to both support the troops and not support the increase in…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this pretend, fake, disingenuous, cruel-to-the-troops resolution. It is impossible, despite what the Democrats have claimed, to both support the troops and not support the increase in troops necessary to win the war.
With this nonbinding, fake, pretend resolution, Democrats maintain they support the troops but at the same time disapprove of their mission. This confusing message simply lends encouragement to the Iraqi insurgents and terrorists to believe that every roadside bomb brings them closer to their goal of a terrorist state in the heart of the Mideast.
The simple fact is the deployment of troops to secure Baghdad has already begun. In fact, soldiers of the 82nd Airborne Division, who were deployed after President Bush's call for a temporary increase in troops, are already in Iraq doing critical work with the Iraqi Security Forces.
The passage of this misguided, pretend resolution does nothing except demoralize these brave men and women in uniform and invigorate those who wish America great harm.
The consequences of failure in Iraq could not be greater. The outcome in Iraq will directly affect America's efforts in the global war on terrorism for many generations. A victory for the Islamic militants, such as the al Qaeda members who are embedded in the Anbar Province in Iraq and the Iranians in Iraq who are provoking sectarian violence, would embolden the enemy to expand the reach of their efforts. Retreat would result in instability in the region, encourage radical Islamic terrorists and rogue regimes to expand into the region, and give terrorists a sanctuary from which to launch attacks against the U.S. and the West.
The bipartisan Iraqi Study Group, a bipartisan group, recognized the need of a troop surge to secure Iraq. To this end, I submit page 27 through 29 and page 73 of the Iraqi Study Group report for the Record on this issue to highlight the grave humanitarian consequences of a withdrawal of the U.S. forces from Iraq.
I am tired of hearing Democrats constantly criticize our plans for Iraq, yet they do not have a plan of their own. It is a shame that they have chosen to play politics with the men and women in uniform in Iraq. Democrats now have the responsibility to govern, but they lack both a plan for success in Iraq and the political will to advance a bill that cuts off funds for our troops.
They say that the problems in Iraq can only be solved by a political solution. While this is true to some extent, you cannot solve the problems in Iraq diplomatically and politically without first providing security to the Iraqi people. Security must go hand in hand with the political solution.
Democrats need to understand that their political choices and rhetoric hurt our troops and morale and give comfort, great comfort, to our enemy.
We also agree that this is a time for Iraqis to step forward and end sectarian violence and build a responsible government. Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki has promised the American people that in this new campaign Iraqi troops will be the ones knocking down doors, arresting insurgents and patrolling streets, with U.S. troops in a supporting role. We cannot give up at a critical point in Iraq's fledgling democracy.
Failure in Iraq is not an option. If we do not win in Iraq, we leave it up to our future generations to tackle the problems of Islamic terrorism in an unstable region. There is no short-term solution in Iraq because there is not a short-term problem.
Today, our brave men and women in Iraq are rising to the challenge to secure Baghdad. I encourage my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this ill- timed resolution.
Page 27
The United Kingdom has dedicated an extraordinary amount of
resources to Iraq and has made great sacrifices. In addition
to 7,200 troops, the United Kingdom has a substantial
diplomatic presence, particularly in Basra and the Iraqi
southeast. The United Kingdom has been an active and key
player at every stage of Iraq's political development. U.K.
officials told us that they remain committed to working for
stability in Iraq, and will reduce their commitment of troops
and resources in response to the situation on the ground.
5. Conclusions
The United States has made a massive commitment to the
future of Iraq in both
blood and treasure. As of December 2006, nearly 2,900
Americans have lost their lives serving in Iraq. Another
21,000 Americans have been wounded, many severely.
To date, the United States has spent roughly $400 billion
on the Iraq War, and costs are running about $8 billion per
month. In addition, the United States must expect significant
``tail costs'' to come. Caring for veterans and replacing
lost equipment will run into the hundreds of billions of
dollars. Estimates run as high as $2 trillion for the final
cost of the U.S. involvement in Iraq.
Despite a massive effort, stability in Iraq remains elusive
and the situation is deteriorating. The Iraqi government
cannot now govern, sustain, and defend itself without the
support of the United States. Iraqis have not been convinced
that they must take responsibility for their own future.
Iraq's neighbors and much of the international community have
not been persuaded to play an active and constructive role in
supporting Iraq. The ability of the United States to shape
outcomes is diminishing. Time is running out.
B. Consequences of Continued Decline in Iraq
If the situation in Iraq continues to deteriorate, the
consequences could be severe for Iraq, the United States, the
region, and the world.
Page 28
Continuing violence could lead toward greater chaos, and
inflict greater suffering upon the Iraqi people. A collapse
of Iraq's government and economy would further cripple a
country already unable to meet its people's needs. Iraq's
security forces could split along sectarian lines. A
humanitarian catastrophe could follow as more refugees are
forced to relocate across the country and the region. Ethnic
cleansing could escalate. The Iraqi people could be subjected
to another strongman who flexes the political and military
muscle required to impose order amid anarchy. Freedoms could
be lost.
Other countries in the region fear significant violence
crossing their borders. Chaos in Iraq could lead those
countries to intervene to protect their own interests,
thereby perhaps sparking a broader regional war. Turkey could
send troops into northern Iraq to prevent Kurdistan from
declaring independence. Iran could send in troops to restore
stability in southern Iraq and perhaps gain control of oil
fields. The regional influence of Iran could rise at a time
when that country is on a path to producing nuclear weapons.
Ambassadors from neighboring countries told us that they
fear the distinct possibility of Sunni-Shia clashes across
the Islamic world. Many expressed a fear of Shia
insurrections--perhaps fomented by Iran--in Sunni-ruled
states. Such a broader sectarian conflict could open a
Pandora's box of problems--including the radicalization of
populations, mass movements of populations, and regime
changes--that might take decades to play out. If the
instability in Iraq spreads to the other Gulf States, a drop
in oil production and exports could lead to a sharp increase
in the price of oil and thus could harm the global economy.
Terrorism could grow. As one Iraqi official told us, ``Al
Qaeda is now a franchise in Iraq, like McDonald's.'' Left
unchecked, al Qaeda in Iraq could continue to incite violence
between Sunnis and Shia. A chaotic Iraq could provide a still
stronger base of operations for terrorists who seek to act
regionally or even globally. Al Qaeda will portray any
failure by the United States in Iraq as a significant victory
that will be featured prominently as they recruit for their
cause in the region and around the world. Ayman al-Zawahiri,
deputy to Osama bin Laden, has declared Iraq a focus for al
Qaeda: they will seek to expel the Americans and then spread
``the jihad wave to the secular countries neighboring Iraq.''
A senior European official told us that failure in Iraq could
incite terrorist attacks within his country.
The global standing of the United States could suffer if
Iraq descends further into chaos. Iraq is a major test of,
and strain on, U.S. military, diplomatic, and financial
capacities. Perceived failure there could diminish America's
credibility and influence in a region that is the center of
the Islamic world and vital to the world's energy supply.
This loss would reduce America's global influence at a time
when pressing issues in North Korea, Iran, and elsewhere
demand our full attention and strong U.S. leadership of
international alliances. And the longer that U.S. political
and military resources are tied down in Iraq, the more the
chances for American failure in Afghanistan increase.
Continued problems in Iraq could lead to greater
polarization within the United States. Sixty-six percent of
Americans disapprove of the government's handling of the war,
and more than 60 percent feel that there is no clear plan for
moving forward. The November elections were largely viewed as
a referendum on the progress in Iraq. Arguments about
continuing to provide security and assistance to Iraq will
fall on deaf ears if Americans become disillusioned with the
government that the United States invested so much to create.
U.S. foreign policy cannot be successfully sustained without
the broad support of the American people.
Page 29
Continued problems in Iraq could also lead to greater Iraqi
opposition to the United States. Recent polling indicates
that only 36 percent of Iraqis feel their country is heading
in the right direction, and 79 percent of Iraqis have a
``mostly negative'' view of the influence that the United
States has in their country. Sixty-one percent of Iraqis
approve of attacks on U.S.-led forces. If Iraqis continue to
perceive Americans as representing an occupying force, the
United States could become its own worst enemy in a land it
liberated from tyranny.
These and other predictions of dire consequences in Iraq
and the region are by no means a certainty. Iraq has taken
several positive steps since Saddam Hussein was overthrown:
Iraqis restored full sovereignty, conducted open national
elections, drafted a permanent constitution, ratified that
constitution, and elected a new government pursuant to that
constitution. Iraqis may become so sobered by the prospect of
an unfolding civil war and intervention by their regional
neighbors that they take the steps necessary to avert
catastrophe. But at the moment, such a scenario seems
implausible because the Iraqi people and their leaders have
been slow to demonstrate the capacity or will to act.
C. Some Alternative Courses in Iraq
Because of the gravity of the situation in Iraq and of its
consequences for Iraq, the United States, the region, and the
world, the Iraq Study Group has carefully considered the full
range of alternative approaches for moving forward. We
recognize that there is no perfect solution and that all that
have been suggested have flaws. The following are some of the
more notable possibilities that we have considered.
Page 73
The Way Forward--A New Approach
Deter even more destructive interference in Iraq by Syria
and Iran.
Because of the importance of Iraq to our regional security
goals and to our ongoing fight against al Qaeda, we
considered proposals to make a substantial increase (100,000
to 200,000) in the number of U.S. troops in Iraq. We rejected
this course because we do not believe that the needed levels
are available for a sustained deployment. Further, adding
more American troops could conceivably worsen those aspects
of the security problem that are fed by the view that the
U.S. presence is intended to be a long-term ``occupation.''
We could, however, support a short-term redeployment or surge
of American combat forces to stabilize Baghdad, or to speed
up the training and equipping mission, if the U.S. commander
in Iraq determines that such steps would be effective.
We also rejected the immediate withdrawal of our troops,
because we believe that so much is at stake.
We believe that our recommended actions will give the Iraqi
Army the support it needs to have a reasonable chance to take
responsibility for Iraq's security. Given the ongoing
deterioration in the security situation, it is urgent to move
as quickly as possible to have that security role taken over
by Iraqi security forces.
The United States should not make an open-ended commitment
to keep large numbers of American troops deployed in Iraq for
three compelling reasons.
First, and most importantly, the United States faces other
security dangers in the world, and a continuing Iraqi
commitment of American ground forces at present levels will
leave no reserve available to meet other contingencies. On
September . . .