Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 742 and ask for its immediate consideration. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida…
Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 742 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz- Balart). All time yielded during consideration of the rule is for debate only.
General Leave
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and insert extraneous materials into the Record.
Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, H. Res. 742 provides for consideration of H.R. 2102, the Free Flow of Information Act, under a structured rule. The rule provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary.
I rise to speak today on one of the most critical issues that faces our democracy, the freedom of the press and the sacred historic protection afforded to journalists allowing them not to reveal their sources.
Understanding this, in 1799, one of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson, said, ``Our citizens may be deceived for a while, and have been deceived; but as long as the presses can be protected, we may trust to them for light.''
Madam Speaker, with the birth of this new Nation came a government that was designed to be open and transparent to its people and held accountable for its actions. America's Founding Fathers established and implemented a system of checks and balances to ensure that one branch of government could not unilaterally impose its will on the others, aggressively overstep its authority, or greedily infringe upon the rights of its citizens.
Beyond the checks and balances of government is an often overlooked, but equally important, element of our system: the freedom of the press. Embodied in the first amendment, this right grants active citizens and vocal journalists the power to expose corruption and misbehavior committed by those elected and appointed to office. They serve as protectors of our democracy and work to make up for our system's failings where they exist.
Ensuring the free flow of information and providing protection for whistleblowers is vital to a free society. The Watergate scandal epitomized the value of the free press and, with it, the need to protect the relationship between journalists and their confidential sources.
For a moment, I would like my colleagues to consider a reality in which journalists could routinely be forced to reveal the names of their informants, and where sources could undoubtedly become reluctant to share important information that is unknown to the public.
Think of the scandals that journalists have revealed just in the last few years: The Central Intelligence Agency's clandestine prisons across Eastern Europe; Jack Abramoff's trading expensive troops for political favor from lawmakers; our veterans returning home from Iraq and Afghanistan to dilapidated, unsafe, unsanitary facilities at Walter Reed Medical Center. Make no mistake, confidential sources made these reports possible.
And I would be remiss if I did not ask my colleagues, would we rather be unaware of these incidents because shield laws don't exist and our reporters are too afraid of prosecution when doing their jobs?
The past 6 years have produced one disturbing reminder after another that the legitimacy of our government and the integrity of our democracy are dependent on the ability of journalists to protect their sources. From uncovering the horrifying incidents of detainee abuse at Abu Ghraib to revealing the administration's covert domestic spying program, the press managed to expose illegal actions by the executive branch when Congress refused to do so.
The public has long valued this relationship as critical to the functioning of an open and free media. Unfortunately, the court record has been more mixed.
In December of 1972, the Supreme Court ruled that the journalist- source relationship is not protected under the Constitution. That ruling has allowed journalists to be forced to testify before grand juries about their sources. In response, individual States across the country enacted their own journalist shield laws to guarantee that a member of the press can continue to maintain their anonymous sources without fear of prosecution.
In fact, 49 States and the District of Columbia all provide some form of shield law. But there is still no Federal statute providing uniformity. Now, recent Federal court cases are, again,
challenging the critically important relationship between journalists and their sources, arguing that State interests supersede those of a free press.
And according to The Washington Post, in recent years, more than 40 reporters have been questioned about their sources, notes and stories in civil and criminal cases.
The Free Flow of Information Act before us today would, for the first time on the Federal level, explicitly protect journalists and their sources from the kind of vengeful legal actions that threaten to keep all those necessary whistles unblown.
Unless Congress passes a comprehensive shield law that will guarantee the rights of journalists to speak with anonymous sources and ensure their confidentiality, the freedom of the press will be undermined along with the public good it has the power to defend. Any such bill must, of course, take into account the legitimate needs of our government, and this bill does that.
Madam Speaker, should we in any way compromise the freedom of the press, we will deny our citizens their right to be informed about their government and retreat from the true nature of the political system that made our government unique. Our forefathers saw fit to enshrine this belief in the very first sentences of our Bill of Rights, and this Congress must continue to guarantee those rights.
And today, Madam Speaker, as we debate extending these protections to the press, we must pause to remind the press of their obligation to the public.
I regret to say that, for much of the recent past, some of the press, which was intended to be the watchdog of our government, quickly transformed into nothing more than a mouthpiece, exemplified in its coverage and lack of questions on the Iraq war.
Madam Speaker, we saw time and time again the tough questions expected by the American people before and after the invasion in Iraq replaced with nothing more than patriotic propaganda and White House talking points.
Embedded journalists were fed information and painted rosy scenarios of our invasion and occupation. Those who were skeptical and challenged this spoon-fed information were discredited and sometimes even fired for so much as questioning the actions of the war and this government.
Thomas Jefferson said, again, and I quote, ``The press is impotent when it abandons itself to falsehood.''
With all the wonderful protections of the first amendment of the Constitution of the United States, the press must not only be vigilant, but it must be courageous.
And we all remember that it is the prime directive of the press to inform the people. It is their duty to ask the tough questions when the American people are unable to do so. It is their responsibility to shine light on government actions, secret or mundane, and to hold it accountable.
And let me finish by asking this simple question. Will the press pay as much attention to Blackwater as they did to Whitewater? I certainly hope so.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I think this is a momentous day for the House. We have before us today a resolution that has been approved by both sides of the aisle, worked on with great consideration as concerns the Constitution. We are very happy to present it today. We think its importance is certainly easily explained and necessary.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on the previous question and on the rule.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart of Florida is as follows:
Amendment to H. Res. 742 Offered by Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart of Florida
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 3. That immediately upon the adoption of this
resolution the House shall, without intervention of any point
of order, consider the resolution (H. Res. 479) to amend the
Rules of the House of Representatives to provide for
enforcement of clause 9 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House
of Representatives. The resolution shall be considered as
read. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on
the resolution to final adoption without intervening motion
or demand for division of the question except: (1) one hour
of debate equally divided and controlled by the chairman and
ranking minority member of the Committee on Rules; and (2)
one motion to recommit.
(The information contained herein was provided by
Democratic Minority on multiple occasions throughout the
109th Congress.)
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Democratic majority agenda and a vote to allow
the opposition, at least for the moment, to offer an
alternative plan. It is a vote about what the House should be
debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives, (VI, 308-311) describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the
subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling
of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the
House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes
the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to
offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the
majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated
the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to
a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
Because the vote today may look bad for the Democratic
majority they will say ``the vote on the previous question is
simply a vote on whether to proceed to an immediate vote on
adopting the resolution ..... [and] has no substantive
legislative or policy implications whatsoever.'' But that is
not what they have always said. Listen to the definition of
the previous question used in the Floor Procedures Manual
published by the Rules Committee in the 109th Congress (page
56). Here's how the Rules Committee described the rule using
information from Congressional Quarterly's ``American
Congressional Dictionary'': ``If the previous question is
defeated, control of debate shifts to the leading opposition
member (usually the minority Floor Manager) who then manages
an hour of debate and may offer a germane amendment to the
pending business.''
Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of Representatives,
the subchapter titled ``Amending Special Rules'' states: ``a
refusal to order the previous question on such a rule [a
special rule reported from the Committee on Rules] opens the
resolution to amendment and further debate.'' (Chapter 21,
section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues: Upon rejection of the
motion for the previous question on a resolution reported
from the Committee on Rules, control shifts to the Member
leading the opposition to the previous question, who may
offer a proper amendment or motion and who controls the time
for debate thereon.''
Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does
have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Democratic
majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the
opportunity to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.