Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of the Protect America's Workforce Act.

Since day one, President Trump has worked to dismantle the institutions that protect workers and weaken the power of organized labor. He dismissed commissioners from the Federal agency responsible for enforcing workforce civil rights, and he stripped the National Labor Relations Board of its quorum.

Then in March, he moved to take away unionization rights from thousands of government workers, including those at the Departments of Defense, State, and Veterans Affairs.

We count on these public servants to be on the front lines, keeping our communities running and our constituents safe. In return, they deserve to have their rights protected. That is why I am a strong supporter of this legislation that will overturn the President's dangerous and illegal executive order eliminating collective bargaining.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to do the same and vote in favor of this important legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed the roll call votes. Had I been present, I would have voted: YEA on Roll Call No. 315 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass S. 356--The Secure Rural Schools Reauthorization Act of 2025, and YEA on Roll Call No. 316 on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 1676--The Make SWAPs Efficient Act of 2025.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call Nos. 306 and 307. Had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 306 and YEA on Roll Call No. 307.

personal explanation

Mr. Speaker, I rise to voice my opposition to President Trump's announcement that the United States will resume explosive nuclear weapons testing. As a former political science professor, scholar of history of nuclear weaponry, and now a Member of Congress representing Southern Nevada, I have learned a thing or two about our nuclear legacy.

Nevada was the focal point of nuclear development during the Cold War. Over four decades, the Nevada Test Site, which is located just 100 miles north of Las Vegas, hosted over 900 nuclear tests--more than any other location in the United States. Throughout the 1950s, visible mushroom clouds often loomed in the distance as people enjoyed all that Las Vegas had to offer. These tests were conducted to better understand the power and effects of nuclear weapons, and the site played a major role in shaping national and international policies regarding nuclear testing and non-proliferation.

The radiation given off by the more than 100 atmospheric tests, however, had devastating impacts on those downwind. The fallout caused cancer and premature deaths for thousands across the West. That's why I introduced the PRESUME Act which would ensure radiation-exposed veterans receive their rightful benefits from the VA. The 800 underground tests sometimes vented out radioactive contaminants entering the air and the groundwater supply, a problem that we are still dealing with today.

Earlier this year, the Nevada state legislature passed a resolution urging the federal government to maintain the moratorium on nuclear weapons testing that went into effect in 1992, citing risks of environmental damage and health hazards from previous tests at the Nevada National Security Site.

You may remember, in 2020 the first Trump Administration called for a resumption of nuclear testing in breach of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Back then, I led the charge in the FY21 NDAA process to ensure that explosive nuclear testing could not be resurrected in the United States.

But the more things change, the more they stay the same. Plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose.

On October 29, Trump announced that he is directing the Department of Defense to resume nuclear testing in a disastrous policy reversal, but not surprising as this is featured in Project 2025--the policy blueprint for the Trump Administration. On page 399, Project 2025 calls for the rejection of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. This would not just allow nuclear testing here at home but will also give the green light to other nuclear powers around the world to do the same. The result would put us on a collision course of catastrophic proportions with Russia and China, allow the proliferation of these weapons to non- nuclear states that seek its development, and put the health of Nevadans once again in jeopardy.

By foolishly announcing his intention to resume nuclear explosive testing, Trump will trigger a dangerous nuclear arms race that would blow apart the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. In fact, Vladimir Putin has already directed his forces to prepare a resumption of nuclear testing and, just this week, the Washington Post reported that China is rapidly expanding and modernizing infrastructure at its nuclear testing site in the Xinjiang Province.

There is no technical, national security, or political reason for the U.S. to resume nuclear explosive testing. If a nuclear power resumes testing because the U.S. is abandoning the testing moratorium, those countries will develop new types of warheads and close the scientific and technical advantage we have always enjoyed in warhead design. It would be a net detriment to U.S. national security. Furthermore, at the Nevada National Security Site, scientists do groundbreaking experiments and simulations on our existing stockpile to make sure our nuclear arsenal is safe, secure, and reliable. These sub-critical tests are done without an explosion of any kind.

With the President's announcement, we have abandoned our leadership position in arms control and non-proliferation. Note: For the first time ever, the U.S. was the only country to vote no on a recent UN resolution supporting the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the global nuclear testing moratorium. Not even North Korea opposed it. What kind of signal does this send? Amidst all this nuclear saber-rattling, the New START treaty, which is

the last remaining arms control agreement between the United States and Russia, expires in exactly 77 days.

For these reasons, I introduced the RESTRAIN Act to prohibit the resumption of explosive nuclear testing and prevent any funds from going toward Trump's misguided policy.

Nevadans are overwhelmingly opposed to the resumption of explosive testing. In a 2024 study done by Searchlight Research, 73 percent of Nevadans said they are opposed to explosive nuclear testing on any kind.

President Trump may think that testing will make the country safer, but in reality, it puts the whole world in jeopardy and makes Nevadans sicker in the process. I urge all of my colleagues to join me and cosponsor my RESTRAIN Act.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my opposition to President Trump's announcement that the United States will resume explosive nuclear testing.

Nevada was the focal point of nuclear development during the Cold War. Over four decades, the Nevada Test Site, which is located just 100 miles north of Las Vegas, hosted over 900 nuclear

tests, more than any other place in the country. Throughout the 1950s, visible mushroom clouds often rose over the desert and could be seen in the distance by people who came to enjoy all Las Vegas had to offer.

These tests were conducted to better understand the powers and effects of nuclear weapons, and the site played a major role in shaping national and international policies involving nuclear testing and nonproliferation.

The radiation, however, given off by the more than 100 atmospheric tests had devastating impacts on those downwind. The fallout caused cancer and premature deaths for thousands across the Southwest. That is why earlier this year, I introduced the PRESUME Act, which would ensure that radiation-exposed veterans who had been exposed to this radiation would receive their rightful benefits from the VA.

In addition, the 800 underground tests sometimes vented, letting out radioactive contaminants into the air and the groundwater supply. These are problems we are still dealing with today. Radioactivity levels in the water are declining over time, but elements such as plutonium and uranium are likely to pose risks for thousands of years.

You may remember in 2020, the first Trump administration called for a resumption of nuclear testing at the Nevada Test Site. This was in breach of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Back then, in response to that, I led the charge to the FY21 NDAA process to ensure that nuclear testing would not be resurrected in the U.S., but ``the more things change, the more they stay the same''; ``plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose.''

On October 29, just this year, Trump announced that he is directing the Department of Defense to resume nuclear testing in a disastrous but not surprising policy reversal. This is because it is mentioned in Project 2025.

On page 399 of Project 2025, which is the blueprint for the Trump administration, you see a call for the rejection of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. This would not only allow nuclear testing here at home but will give the green light to countries around the world to resume and do the same.

The result would put us on a collision course of catastrophic proportions with Russia and China. It would undermine the entire arms control regime, and it would allow proliferation of these weapons into nonnuclear states. At the same time, it would, again, put the health of Nevadans in jeopardy.

In fact, we have already seen that Putin has directed his forces to prepare to resume nuclear testing. Just this week, The Washington Post reported that China is rapidly expanding and modernizing its infrastructure at the nuclear testing site in Xinjiang province.

There is no technical, national security, or political reason for the U.S. to resume nuclear testing. At the test site, we already do groundbreaking experiments and simulations with our existing stockpile to make sure our arsenal is safe, secure, and reliable. All this is done without any explosion. It is a scientific experiment called subcritical and is far more helpful to understanding how the weapon will perform than setting off an explosion in the desert.

Our leadership on arms control and nonproliferation has clearly come to an end, and the world is becoming a more dangerous place. Note: For the first time ever, the U.S. was the only country to vote ``no'' on a recent U.N. resolution supporting the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. You know, not even North Korea voted ``no'' on this provision, so what kind of signal does that send?

Amidst all this nuclear testing saber-rattling, the New START Treaty, which is the only remaining arms control agreement between the U.S. and Russia, is set to expire in just 77 days.

For these reasons, I have introduced the Renewing Efforts to Suspend Testing and Reinforce Arms Control Initiative Now, the RESTRAIN Act. This would prohibit the resumption of nuclear testing. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this and getting this passed before we begin another arms race.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed roll call votes numbered 286 through 288.

Had I been present, I would have voted:

Yea on Roll Call No. 286, H.R. 1608--The Department of Homeland Security Vehicular Terrorism Prevention and Mitigation Act of 2025;

Yea on Roll Call No. 287, H.R. 2659--The Strengthening Cyber Resilience Against State-Sponsored Threats Act; and

Yea on Roll Call No. 288, Table H. Res. 878--Disapproving the behavior of Representative Jesus G. ``Chuy'' Garcia of Illinois.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call votes numbered 272 through 276. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 272, ordering the previous question; NO on Roll Call No. 273, agreeing to H. Res. 722; NAY on Roll Call No. 274, final passage of H.R. 5125; NAY on Roll Call No. 275, final passage of H.R. 5143; and YEA on Roll Call No. 276, the motion to table H. Res. 713.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call No. 267 through 269. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 267, on ordering the previous question; NAY on Roll Call No. 268, on agreeing to the resolution H. Res. 707; and YEA on Roll Call No. 269, on the motion to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 2721.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call Nos. 270 and 271. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 270, final passage of HR 4922, and NAY on Roll Call No. 271, final passage of HR 5140.

Mr. Speaker, as a Vice Co-Chair of the Hellenic Caucus and a proud Greek-American, I rise today to welcome His All-Holiness Bartholomew I, Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, to the United States, the spiritual leader of the Orthodox Christian community around the world. His All-Holiness's visit to Washington, D.C. and New York is yet another demonstration of his commitment to peace, his see, and the millions of Orthodox Christians in the United States.

Born Demetrios Arhondonis in 1940 on the island of Imvros (today, Gokceada, Turkey), His All-Holiness Bartholomew was elected in October 1991 as the 270th Archbishop of the 2000-year-old Church founded by the Apostle Andrew. His formal office is Archbishop of Constantinople-New Rome and Ecumenical Patriarch, a historic title dating to the sixth century. The Ecumenical Patriarch received his elementary and secondary education in Imvros and Istanbul. After completing undergraduate studies at the historic Theological School of Halki, he pursued graduate studies at the Pontifical Oriental Institute of the Gregorian University in Rome (Italy), the Ecumenical Institute in Bossey (Switzerland), and the University of Munich (Germany). His doctoral dissertation, submitted to the University of Athens (Greece), was in the field of Canon Law, and he was a founding member of the Society of Canon Law of the Oriental Churches. Ordained to the Diaconate in 1961 and to the Priesthood in 1969, he served as Assistant Dean at the Theological School of Halki (1968 to 1972) before his appointment as Personal Secretary to the late Ecumenical Patriarch Demetrios (1972 to 1990) as well as his election as Metropolitan of Philadelphia (1973) and, subsequently, Metropolitan of Chalcedon (1990).

His see, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, once possessed holdings as vast as the Vatican but has been reduced to a small, besieged enclave in a decaying corner of Istanbul called the Phanar (Lighthouse). Almost all of its property has been seized by successive Turkish governments, its schools have been closed, and its prelates are taunted by extremists who demonstrate almost daily outside the Patriarchate, calling for its ouster from Turkey. The Patriarch himself is often jeered and threatened when he ventures outside his walled enclave. He is periodically burned in effigy by Turkish chauvinists. Petty bureaucrats take pleasure in harassing him, summoning him to their offices to question him about irrelevant issues, blocking his efforts to make repairs in the few buildings still under his control, and issuing veiled threats about what he says and does when he travels abroad. The Turkish government as a whole follows a policy that deliberately beIittles him, refusing to recognize his ecumenical status as the spiritual leader of a major religious faith.

In September 1955, when Bartholomew was studying in Istanbul, he witnessed a massive pogrom against the city's Greek neighborhoods that left them looking ``like the bombed parts of London during the Second World War,'' as one British journalist reported. While the police ``stood idly by or cheered on the mob,'' according to a report of the U.S. consul, 4,000 Greek shops and 2,000 homes were sacked and plundered, 38 churches were burned to the ground and 35 more desecrated, and 52 schools were destroyed. More than a dozen people were killed and scores were injured during the riots, beginning a cycle of violence and intimidation that has seen Istanbul's Greek population reduced from 200,000 when the riots erupted to less than 2,000 today.

At a time when hostility and misunderstanding between the Christian and Muslim worlds have reached a deadly standoff, Patriarch Bartholomew, who speaks seven languages including Turkish, has made a deliberate effort to reach out to Muslims throughout the Middle East. ``It is our strong belief that Orthodox Christians have a special responsibility to assist East-West rapprochement,'' he noted. ``For, like the Turkish Republic, we have a foot in both worlds.'' Pointing out that Orthodox Christians have a 550-year history of co-existence with Muslims in the Middle East, he has initiated a series of meetings with Muslim leaders throughout the region in what he calls ``a dialogue of loving truth.'' To strengthen that dialogue, he has traveled to Libya, Syria, Egypt, Iran, Jordan, Azerbaijan, Qatar, and Bahrain, and met political and religious figures in those countries, whom no other Christian hierarch has ever visited. As a result, the Patriarch has created more bridges between Christianity and Islam than any other prominent Christian leader.

The Patriarch's concerns are not just limited to interfaith conflicts but have expanded to embrace all of God's creation. He has shown such concern for the environment that he has become widely known as ``the Green Patriarch.'' He famously declared shortly after he assumed the ecumenical throne in 1991 that ``crime against the natural world is a sin.'' Human beings and the environment, he stated, ``compose a seamless garment of existence, a multicolored cloth, which we believe to be woven in its entirety by God.'' The world, he told a 1997 conference of environmentalists in Santa Barbara, California, ``is not ours to use for our own convenience. It is God's gift of love to us, and we must return his love by protecting it and all that is in it.''

To back up his words with action, Bartholomew launched a series of initiatives to raise worldwide concern for the environment. In 1992 he proposed to all Orthodox churches that September 1st be celebrated as a special day of prayer for the environment. In 1995 he started a series of environmental conferences, inviting prominent scientists, political leaders, theologians, ecologists, and journalists to embark on weeklong trips to examine the destruction that pollution has caused on major waters. Designed to draw international attention to the ecological degradation of the areas they visit, five such floating conferences have taken place in the past decade to the Black Sea, the Aegean, the Adriatic, the Baltic and the Danube River. For his work to combat pollution, the Patriarch was chosen in 2002 to receive Norway's Sophie Prize, the most important international award given for leadership on the environment. He donated the $100,000 prize money to the poor children of Ethiopia, Greece, and Turkey. ``We are losing time,'' Bartholomew warned while accepting the award, ``and the more we wait, the more difficult and irreparable the damage.''

Although his efforts have brought him little relief from his problems in Turkey, they have been recognized around the world, including by the U.S. Congress, which gave him its highest award, the Congressional Gold Medal, in a ceremony in the Capitol. ``The greatest lesson about America lies under this magnificent dome,'' he told the assembled legislators. ``The Pentagon embodies might, but the Capitol embodies right. In these halls, different points of view meet and are reconciled . . . And--most important to the Orthodox Church during many dark ages--in these halls human rights are preserved and human dignity is enhanced.''

Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew is a leading figure in the dialogues of the Abrahamic Faiths--Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, and his presence in Washington, D.C. is an extraordinary opportunity to highlight the positive role that religious leaders of his stature bring to the myriad causes we in Congress grapple with each day.

In addition to welcoming His All-Holiness to the United States and recognizing his lifetime of service and commitment to peace, I also ask that the House join me in congratulating Patriarch Bartholomew for receiving this year's Templeton Prize. Established in 1972, the Templeton Prize honors individuals whose exemplary achievements advance Sir John Templeton's philanthropic vision: harnessing the power of the sciences to explore the deepest questions of the universe and humankind's place and purpose within it. At this year's ceremony, His All-Holiness will be honored for ``pioneering efforts to bridge scientific and spiritual understandings of humanity's relationship with the natural world [which] have brought together people of different faiths to heed a call for stewardship of creation.''

It is my hope that His All-Holiness's trip is not only a resounding success, but brings with it a message for all of us as legislators to recommit ourselves to complementing his vital work of building bridges, protecting God's creation, and advancing the cause of peace around the world.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call Nos. 265 and 266. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 265, the Republican Motion to Table the Democratic Motion to Discharge H.J. Res. 117 and YEA on Roll Call No. 266, H.R. 3400.

Madam Speaker, I was absent from the floor and the missed Roll Call votes numbered 263 and 264. Had I been present, I would have voted: YEA on Roll Call No. 263 on the Motion to Instruct Conferees on HR 3944, and NAY on Roll Call No. 264 on Final Passage HR 3486.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed Roll Call votes Nos. 244 through 262. Had I been present, I would have voted:

AYE on Roll Call No. 244 on Meeks Amendment No. 34 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 245 on Norman Amendment No. 13 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 246 on Mace Amendment No. 14 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 247 on Mace Amendment No. 15 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 248 on Mace Amendment No. 16 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No, 249 on Mace Amendment No. 17 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 250 on Smith of NJ Amendment No. 7 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 251 on the Patronis Amendment No. 9 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 252 on Wilson of SC Amendment No. 11 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 253 on Mills Amendment No. 18 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 254 on Davidson Amendment No. 20 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 255 on Greene of GA Amendment No. 22 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 256 on Greene of GA Amendment No. 23 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 257 on Greene of GA Amendment No. 24 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 258 on McCormick Amendment No. 25 to HR 3838,

NO on Roll Call No. 259 on Biggs Amendment No. 29 to HR 3838,

AYE on Roll Call No. 260 on Rose Amendment No. 253 to HR 3838,

YEA on Roll Call No. 261 on the Motion to Recommit on HR 3838, and

NO on Roll Call No. 262 on Final Passage of HR 3838.

Mr. Speaker, I was absent from the floor and missed the roll call votes on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 3424, SPACE Act of 2025; and on the Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass H.R. 3425, POST Act of 2025. Had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 240 and YEA on Roll Call No. 241.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to mark the 15th annual International Day Against Nuclear

Tests on August 29th, and to commend the Republic of Kazakhstan for its role in working collaboratively with the United States to pursue nuclear disarmament and our shared nonproliferation goals. In doing so, our two countries have preserved peace, stability, and a world free from the ever-present threat of nuclear conflict.

When the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991, it left behind 35,000 nuclear weapons at sites across the Eurasian landmass. With thousands of nuclear-armed ICBMs in places like Belarus and Ukraine, the newly- formed Republic of Kazakhstan inherited the world's fourth-largest nuclear arsenal, which was also home of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site. From Semipalatinsk's establishment in 1946 to its decommission in 1995, Soviet authorities carried out 468 nuclear tests at the test site. The total impact of these tests between 1949 and 1963 was 2,500 times more powerful than the atomic bomb the U.S. dropped on Hiroshima. The toxic radioactive fallout these tests yielded caused irreparable damage to more than 1.3 million people in Kazakhstan and severe ecological harm to the area surrounding the test site.

In 1989, before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, anti-nuclear war activists in Kazakhstan established the Nevada-Semipalatinsk Movement. This grassroots initiative supported by victims of Nevada's own nuclear legacy sought the closure of Semipalatinsk and the cessation of nuclear testing. Of the 18 planned detonations in 1989, 11 were stopped thanks to the group's committed advocacy and resilience. The Nevada- Semipalatinsk Movement underscores the bond and shared history between Nevadans and Kazakhs.

Despite any strategic advantage that retention of the Soviet Union's arsenal may have provided to Kazakhstan, its leadership understood the potential political, humanitarian, and environmental ramifications of its development. On August 29, 1991, Kazakhstan made the historic and noble decision to close the Semipalatinsk test site. In its place, the National Nuclear Center of Kazakhstan was established to assist in eliminating the infrastructure for the storage and use of nuclear weapons. It would also provide scientific and technical support for the peaceful use of atomic energy.

In 1992, Kazakhstan ratified the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START 1) and a few years later, all of Kazakhstan's 104 ICBMs were safely removed and destroyed. The Kazakh government doubled-down on its commitment to global peace, security, and nonproliferation by becoming a party to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1993, a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency in 1994, and a cosigner of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty in 1996.

Meanwhile, in partnership with the United States, Kazakhstan removed 1,322 pounds of highly enriched uranium from the Ulba Metallurgical Plant under the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program. As part of this program, our two countries took monumental steps to remove residual materials and technologies related to weapons of mass destruction in Kazakhstan, signaling a major shift in the global security and political paradigm and building momentum that catalyzed the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

In 2010, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for an International Day Against Nuclear Tests. Thus, August 29th was selected to commend and recognize Kazakhstan's honorable decision to close the Semipalatinsk test site and renounce nuclear weapons.

With Cold War-style nuclear saber-rattling becoming the new norm, it is important, on this International Day Against Nuclear Tests, to highlight the successful steps taken by the United States and Kazakhstan to mitigate the dangers of nuclear weapons, institute global nonproliferation regimes, and adhere to international norms around nuclear testing.