Mr. Speaker, I love our flag and that for which it stands. It stands for a Nation founded by people fleeing from oppressors. It stands for freedoms, not the least of which is the freedom of opinion and the unimpeded expression thereof,…
Mr. Speaker, I love our flag and that for which it stands. It stands for a Nation founded by people fleeing from oppressors. It stands for freedoms, not the least of which is the freedom of opinion and the unimpeded expression thereof, including the freedom to protest. This was a Nation founded by protesters.
When our Founding Fathers sought to guarantee these freedoms, they created not a flag, but a Constitution, debating the meaning of each and every word, every amendment of the Bill of Rights, each and every one of which gives people rights. They did not debate a flag. The flag would become a symbol of these rights.
What is the threat to the Republic today that drives us to dilute the Bill of Rights? Well, someone burned the flag once this year. Whatever happened to fighting to the death for somebody's right to disagree?
We now choose instead to react by taking away a form of protest. Most people abhor flag burners; but even a despicable, low-life malcontent has a right to disagree and to disagree in an obnoxious fashion. That is the true test of free expression.
Flag burners are rare, but vile, acts of desecration that have been cited by those who would propose changing our founding document, but these acts do not harm anybody. If a jerk burns a flag, America is not threatened. If a jerk burns a flag, democracy is not under siege. If a jerk burns a flag, freedom is not at risk. We are offended. To change our Bill of Rights because someone offends us is, in itself, unconscionable.
Who bans flag burning? Hitler did. Mussolini did. Saddam Hussein did. Dictators fear flag burners. The reason our flag is different is because it stands for burning the flag.
Though we in proper suits may decry the protesters and the flag burners, protecting their right is the stuff of democracy. The real threat to our society is not the occasional burning of a flag, but the permanent banning of the burners. The real threat is that some of us have now mistaken the flag for a religious icon to be worshipped as would pagans, rather than to be kept as a beloved symbol of our freedom that is to be cherished.
It is not the flag burners who threaten democracy. Rather, it is those who would deny them.
The Constitution this week is being nibbled to death by small men with press secretaries. If the flag burners offend us, do not beat a cowardly retreat by rushing to ban them. Meet their ideas with bigger ideas, for an even better America to protect the flag by protecting democracy, not by retreating from it.
The choice today is substance or symbolism. We cannot kill a flag. It is a symbol; and, yes, patriots have died, but they have died for liberty. They have died for democracy. They have died for the right of the protestors. They died for values.
The flag is a symbol of those values. Saying that people died for the flag is symbolic language. What they really died for are American principles. The Constitution gives us our rights. The Constitution guarantees our liberties. The Constitution embodies our freedoms. It is our substance. The flag is the symbol for which it stands.
True patriots choose substance over symbolism. Diminish the Constitution by removing but one right and the flag shall forever stand for less. Do not pass this amendment. Do not diminish the Constitution. Do not cheapen our flag.
Mr. Speaker, I would appreciate it if the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Stearns) does not leave the floor for a moment.
I appreciate very much his lecture about 9/11. I happen to live in New York. I am a New Yorker. I am a New York Representative. I was born in New York, and let me tell the gentleman how proud we are of those firemen. Let me tell the gentleman how proud we are of the act that they did in raising that flag and how proud each and every one of us is of that flag.
But let me also tell the gentleman this: we are proud of that flag because it represents a set of values that are different from al Qaeda's values, from oppressors' values. That flag represents our Constitution, and that Constitution is what makes the difference between us and others.
It is not a flag because it is a different shape or has different colors. It is what it represents, and for the gentleman to stand up and cite why we are against doing this and citing history, we have laws against, as the gentleman from Florida said, public urination or nudity in public. Those laws, could the gentleman tell me where there is a constitutional amendment to ban that? There is none. We take care of that with other laws.
In the history which the gentleman is so fond of citing in this country, never has there been a case where we amended the Founding Fathers' Bill of Rights. We have never amended the Constitution's Bill of Rights. We have never once taken away rights of Americans.
I yield to the gentleman from Florida.
No, that is not true. That is absolutely not true.
What my colleagues are doing is amending the Constitution which, for the first time since Prohibition, takes away the right; and there was such a hue and cry in Prohibition and that was because more people happened to drink than burn the flag, appropriately so, I might say.
Reclaiming my time, of course it takes away a recognized form of protest and freedom of expression. If a person burns the flag, if they burn someone else's flag, that is a crime. If they urinate in public, as the gentleman's side is so apt to talk about, on the flag, which is a despicable thing to do, there are laws that protect against those things occurring in public.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, they were there to protect lives and protect Americans. They raised the flag in an act of patriotism, to show why this great country is different from those that attacked us, and that is because we have a Constitution.
Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey), who controls the time, yielded 2 minutes, which is an allocation of time to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), should not the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings) have 3\1/2\ minutes even if they are New York minutes?
Mr. Speaker, 1\1/2\ plus 2 are 3\1/2\ even in Florida.
Mr. Speaker, further parliamentary inquiry.
Is what counts in the rules of procedure of the House what the gentleman's intent was or what the gentleman did?