Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 406, the PARTNER with ASEAN Act, introduced by Mr. Castro and Mrs. Kim.

Of course, I join with Mrs. Wagner in wishing Mr. Castro a speedy recovery and return to this body very soon.

This legislation will solidify this body's strong bipartisan commitment to deepening our longstanding cooperation with Southeast Asia and facilitate stronger people-to-people ties with this vast, diverse region.

Southeast Asia is vital to the United States national interests and strategic priorities. The 10 Southeast Asian nations that comprise the important regional body of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, have an outsized role in shaping crucial political, economic, and security developments in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond.

The United States has long recognized ASEAN's central role in promoting peace, security, and stability in the region. This bill would allow us to deepen our collaboration and partnership on shared challenges.

H.R. 406 underscores the importance of the United States and ASEAN's partnership by authorizing that ASEAN be designated as an international organization with diplomatic privileges and immunities consistent with the International Organizations Immunities Act.

The IOIA, which was enacted in 1945, is how the United States extends the rights and treatment generally accorded to embassies of countries that have diplomatic relations with the United States to international organizations.

This is a long-overdue change that our partners in ASEAN and the Biden administration strongly support. With the passage of this legislation, the United States would affirm our longstanding relationship and upgrade our capacity to collaborate with ASEAN. Robust and consistent engagement with Southeast Asia is critical to realizing our Indo-Pacific strategy. This measure ensures that America remains a Pacific power and a critical player in Southeast Asia as we address the challenge of China.

We need to work collectively with ASEAN so that we can tackle shared challenges such as economic resiliency, global health, climate change, and attacks against the rules-based international order. Our partnership with ASEAN will be essential in delivering sustainable solutions to our combined 1 billion people.

Mr. Speaker, again, I urge all of my colleagues to support this strong, bipartisan bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, H.R. 406 is a very important, bipartisan measure that affirms the importance of the United States and ASEAN's partnership by extending privileges and immunities under the International Organizations Immunities Act to ASEAN.

In fact, Mr. Speaker, I recall myself going to Cambodia to attend the session with ASEAN where they extended the opportunity for us to be official observers at their annual meetings and conferences.

This just emphasizes how the United States has long recognized and-- ASEAN also--appreciates our engagement with this diverse regional body and demonstrated strong support for ASEAN centrality. This measure demonstrates our commitment to this organization and pivotal region.

Mr. Speaker, there is no better way to honor over 45 years of the United States-ASEAN's relations and build upon our partnership than passing this important bipartisan legislation so they know that jointly the United States Congress recognizes the significance and importance of our partnership.

Again, I thank Mr. Castro--we want him back here soon--and Representative Young Kim for their hard work on this bill to send the appropriate message. I hope that all of my colleagues will join us in support of this very important bipartisan bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Con. Res. 21.

Mr. Speaker, though I oppose an indefinite U.S. military presence in Syria, this measure forces a premature end to our mission at a critical time for our efforts. Forcing such a premature removal of U.S. forces not only endangers our national security, it threatens that of our allies and partners across the region and beyond and, most of all, the Syrian Kurds.

Our very small footprint in northeast Syria, alongside our courageous Syrian Kurdish partners, continues to serve a valuable purpose as we partner with them in ensuring ISIS does not reconstitute and again destabilize the region or use Syria as a base for attacks elsewhere.

We have seen how ISIS has wrought its brutality, not only on the populations of Syria and Iraq, especially against ethnic minority groups, but also launched brutal attacks, such as those in Paris, Brussels, Istanbul, and beyond.

Our military and intelligence leaders continue to warn publicly about the potential for ISIS to resurge if they are given the opportunity, including Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley, who, just last week, made a public visit to northeast Syria. He highlighted the importance of finishing the job against ISIS and emphasized, if we ignore and turn our back, then we are setting the conditions for a resurgence.

Our presence also serves a critical advisory and assist role as the SDF continues to administer ISIS detainee facilities, including those holding experienced, highly trained ISIS fighters, as the United States, along with our coalition partners, works to safely and humanely repatriate them to their countries of origin. Pulling the plug now on this important mission jeopardizes the important work and support role that we play.

Finally, while I share the passion of the cosponsor of this legislation for Congress reclaiming its war powers, I do not think this concurrent resolution is the proper vehicle for doing so.

Last Congress, under my leadership, the House Foreign Affairs Committee marked up repeals of three of the four existing AUMFs that are on the books. The full House passed each of these measures as well but, unfortunately, they languished on the other side of the Capitol.

We need to continue this work, and I look forward to working with Chairman McCaul and the gentleman from Florida on these efforts. Congress must repeal outdated war authorizations once and for all, and I applaud the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for their bipartisan vote to repeal the 2002 and the 1991 AUMFs earlier today.

So we have important work to do. We should define hostilities in statute, not because it is an easy fix, but because it is a hard question that underpins key national security issues around the globe.

Toughest of all, we must repeal the 2001 AUMF and replace it with a narrow force authorization that grants the President authority to combat select terrorists enumerated in countries where the United States' national security is at stake. I intend to introduce such an AUMF later this year.

I believe that the importance of combating ISIS in Syria should be on such an authorization, and this is part of why I oppose H. Con. Res. 21.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to oppose this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am glad to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), the ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Crow).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Virginia.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

Mr. Speaker, there is one thing that is clear from this debate that I think we all can agree upon: We need to debate and look at AUMFs and that Congress must assert its authority that the Constitution has given us. I think that that is something that we can all agree and work together on.

Chairman McCaul and I had these conversations last year in the last Congress, and we will continue to have them on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I am sure, because it is important.

For me, the toughest votes that I have had as a Member of Congress is to determine whether or not we should send our women and men into combat. So I should not now, because it is a tough vote, yield that to anyone because it is my responsibility and our responsibility as Members of Congress to make that decision.

I, again, call on Members to oppose this measure as such a forced premature end to our presence and joint

efforts in northeast Syria because this not only threatens to give ISIS an opportunity to resurge and again use Syria as a launchpad for attacks throughout the region and beyond, but it also leaves our Syrian partners out to dry.

Any withdrawal of U.S. forces must be done in close coordination with our coalition allies and partners because our courageous Syrian opposition friends need to be a part of this, and we need to talk to them in a manner that ensures our national security.

I hope my colleagues will join me as I oppose this resolution and look forward to a future debate on AUMF issues.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 104, condemning the CCP's use of a high-altitude surveillance balloon over the United States territory as a brazen violation of U.S. sovereignty, that was authored by my friend and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Michael McCaul.

Last week, the entire world witnessed a clear and unacceptable breach of U.S. sovereignty. I stand here today to strongly denounce the presence of the PRC balloon in the United States airspace.

It is now up to Beijing to demonstrate, not just to the United States but to the world, that it is serious about respecting international rules and law, and that it is genuine about stabilizing relations with the United States.

Secretary Blinken was on his way to Beijing to engage in diplomacy but, and I believe, correctly, canceled his trip. It was the PRC's irresponsible behavior that once again hindered U.S. efforts at dialogue and de-escalation because once we crossed that line, it will not be good for any nation; and that is why diplomacy is always important.

The PRC also needs to come clean and stop pretending that this was a civilian airship gathering weather information that accidentally veered into the U.S. airspace. We all know, and now with the debris that we are picking up after the responsible shooting down of the balloon in the Atlantic Ocean, we all know that the PRC--it was a PRC surveillance balloon, full stop, and Beijing needs to own up to it.

I thank the Biden administration for the transparency that we learned that this was not the first time that the PRC balloon has transited over U.S. airspace. In fact, this has happened at least three times during the Trump administration and once before during this administration.

We also learned that last week's incident was part of a larger PRC global surveillance operation that has infringed on the sovereignty and threatened the security of nations across five continents.

We read this morning, in various public forums, like The New York Times and The Washington Post, that we have gained knowledge by shooting this balloon down in the Atlantic Ocean. As we dig it up, we will find more information and be able to share it with our allies so that we can collectively make sure that the violation of sovereignty does not continue by the PRC.

Over the weekend when this incident happened, I was talking to a number of members of my staff and they were telling me they were in the SCIF being informed by the administration of things that were going on. It is that kind of transparency and information that must continue, and I thank them for that.

Finally, let me just say that I thank the Biden administration for bringing that balloon down. I don't believe that China thought we would take it down. We did. We benefited from it. We have learned from it. We are examining it. We are working with our allies to make sure that our sovereignty is not invaded by the PRC.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me say that the Biden administration--we just had a classified hearing so the questions could be asked. They have been transparent. If there are any questions that need to be asked--as I said earlier, my staff and other staff were informed and briefed.

The fact of the matter is the Biden administration has declassified a lot of the information, and that is why we read it in The New York Times today and in The Washington Post yesterday. The American people know what is going on.

There is no secrecy in what took place. We know that there was a decision, as indicated in the Times today, that we would get more information by bringing it down in the Atlantic Ocean and obtaining the balloon, looking at it, learning from it, having more of a benefit than China did with what its civilian balloon was attempting to do. We know that.

If there is any question that any Member of Congress has about what took place or transpired, one, you can first just go to The New York Times or The Washington Post; two, yesterday, Secretary of State Blinken held a press conference; or you could have gone to the classified hearing this morning where all the decisionmakers were present to ask any question that you wanted to. There has been complete transparency by the Biden administration.

Mr. Speaker, I conclude by saying there is one thing that we all agree upon, that the United States' sovereignty was crossed by the PRC. There is one thing that we can agree upon, that the PRC are the ones that violated it and sent a civilian balloon not only here to the United States but, as we have learned, over five continents.

We have to work collectively together to isolate the PRC and its dictatorship for the harm and spying that it is doing across this globe.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 104 is an opportunity for this body to denounce the People's Republic of China's repeated infringement of U.S. sovereignty. The events of the past week and our response to it, including this resolution, reveal the PRC's irresponsible actions to the world and demonstrate that the United States will always act to defend our sovereignty and work with our allies.

Indeed, this balloon traveled over Canada and, as we said, over five continents. There are conversations that our allies are having collectively to make sure that sovereignty is preserved.

Through its measured and effective action that safeguarded civilian life and prevented escalation, the Biden administration showcased to the world once again that the United States is the responsible power. By swiftly sharing information about the PRC's global surveillance efforts, we have strengthened the confidence and trust that our allies and partners have in us.

In short, the PRC came out on the bottom and America came out on top.

With the confidence that we will continue to do so in our competition with the PRC, I hope that all of my colleagues join me in condemning the PRC's violation of our sovereignty and support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I do not take this issue lightly. I do, however, take issue with how this resolution has been presented.

Of course, we oppose the violence inflicted upon people under the rule of communist and dictatorial governments, but this resolution is less about their plight and more of a political stunt.

Make no mistake about it, I am proud a capitalist, and I always will be. Ideas like affordable healthcare, affordable housing, and paid family leave are not radical socialist policies. Some of our closest allies in Europe and around the world participate in the free market and help their citizens meet their most basic needs. That is what we have been sent here to do: to consider, debate, and ultimately pass legislation that will help the American people.

Mr. Speaker, I ask my Republican colleagues: What is your agenda? Is it the 30 percent sales tax? Is it the cuts to Medicare and Medicaid? Is it the cuts to Social Security or eliminating access to reproductive care?

What is your plan? Do we give people access so they can participate in a capitalist society? Or do we just cut them so we can limit the opportunity to participate in a capitalist society?

Madam Speaker, it is undeniable that Representative Omar has made what has been considered to be offensive anti-Semitic comments in the past. It is also undeniable that Representative Omar has apologized, learned, and been a reliable and productive member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. I have watched her work with her colleagues on both sides of the aisle. She cares about her country. She cares about our national security. She cares about diplomacy.

Her perspective is invaluable to the House Foreign Affairs Committee. She is a refugee, and the only African-born Muslim member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. We know that diverse perspectives strengthen our policymaking and national security. Losing Representative Omar's voice on the committee to extremist politics would be a shameful mark on this body, harmful to the interest of the American people and our image abroad, and damage to democracy itself.

I also know the sheer hypocrisy of Speaker McCarthy and Members of his party looking to deny Representative Omar's seat on the Foreign Affairs Committee is rich.

This resolution is not about addressing dishonor or respect for the House. This resolution is not about addressing anti-Semitism. If it were, there would be other Members named in this resolution.

For example, in October of 2018, a Republican Member tweeted: We cannot allow Soros, Steyer, and Bloomberg to buy this election. Get out and vote for Republicans on November 6. MAGA. That was the Speaker of the House.

The tweet included a video featuring that Member discussing George Soros, Tom Steyer, and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, all Jewish men who are significant donors of the Democratic campaigns and causes. Were these the only wealthy Democratic donors he could choose from?

Jewish money buying elections is a stereotype about the Jewish faith popular among the alt-right. I recall no apology--unlike Representative Omar--to or for this tweet. This is far from the only example of the hypocrisy.

Representatives on the Republican side have defended and agreed with well-known white supremacist and anti-Semite Nick Fuentes, and spoke at Fuentes' events.

Other Republican Members have claimed that Zionist supremacists are conspiring to flood Europe with migrants in order to replace the White populations there.

My Republican colleagues have quoted Adolf Hitler in congressional remarks, promoted the ``Great Replacement Theory,'' and invited a Holocaust denier to the State of the Union.

Finally, when the Congress moved a House resolution condemning anti- Semitism, there was only one Member that voted against it--and it wasn't a Democrat.

Why is this Member being targeted today?

We do not have time to go through the entire list of objectionable remarks that the other side has made. The point is, none of these comments caused any of the Members who made them to be removed from committees; not removed from the Education and Labor Committee, not removed from the Judiciary Committee, not removed from the Armed Services Committee, not removed from the Homeland Security Committee. A blatant double standard is being applied here.

Something just doesn't add up. What is the difference between Representative Omar and these Members?

Could it be the way that she looks? Could it be her religious practices?

Madam Speaker, it is clear, if she were on the other side of the aisle, we would not be having this debate today. That is absolutely clear.

The GOP was not outraged when Donald Trump broke bread with the anti- Semitic Holocaust deniers at his Florida mansion. There was no outrage when Donald Trump's tweets deployed images of the Star of David and stacks of currency. We need to vote ``no'' and stand up for democracy. Representative Omar needs to remain and be productive on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the Thursday Luncheon Group, an organization established in 1973 with the goal of increasing African American participation in the formulation, articulation, and implementation of United States foreign policy.

Since joining Congress more than 20 years ago, and as the first African American to lead the House Foreign Affairs Committee, promoting diplomacy, democracy, development, and diversity in U.S. foreign policy has been one of my main priorities. I have seen firsthand the important benefits of the work of the Thursday Lunch Group to ensure that those making and implementing foreign policy are reflective of the diversity of the United States.

The Thursday Luncheon Group celebrates its 50th anniversary this year and as the U.S. Department of State's oldest Employee Affinity Group, the organization has served as a beacon of light by upholding and advocating for more diverse recruitment, retention and leadership at the State Department, and the U.S. Agency for International Development.

Two senior officers working at what was then known as the U.S. Information Agency: Mr. William B. Davis and Mr. Roburt Duman established The Thursday Lunch Group In 1973. Mr. Davis and Duman gathered friends and colleagues at the Department of State and USAID to explore possibilities for greater inclusion and promotion of African Americans in the international affairs. These two founders and those who organized around this important mission began to meet every first Thursday of every month to share professional development opportunities for Foreign Service and Civil Service personnel, while also created opportunities to interact with leaders in the foreign affairs community.

Half a century later, the Thursday Luncheon Group has over 600 members, including retired and current Department of State and USAID employees, and dedicated members from 5 other federal agencies. Their members have taken prominent roles in the development and execution of U.S. foreign policy, including Chiefs of Mission, Career Ambassadors, and Assistant Secretaries. TLG members monitor recruitment, assignments, employment practices, training, and other matters of vital interest to historically excluded groups at the State Department and USAID. The organization remains committed to mentoring entry-level and mid-level officers to prepare them to become the future leaders in international affairs. Moreover, TLG members are dedicated to giving back to their communities. The organization raises funds to support paid summer internships at the Department of State and established the Terence A. Todman Book scholarship (named after the first African American to be named Career Ambassador, the highest rank among the diplomatic corps) for students at Historically Black Colleges and Universities. I applaud the Thursday Luncheon Group's efforts to promote excellence and inclusion in international affairs and congratulate the members of the Thursday Luncheon Group for 50 years of service in ensuring our country is represented with excellence around the world.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Let me first thank Representative Tenney and former Representative Malinowski for their hard work on this bill. We wanted so much to get it done in the last Congress, but it is important that it is one of the first things that we get done in the 118th Congress.

Mr. Speaker, last year, the world held their breath as Iranian women took to the streets protesting the devastating murder of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, who was detained for allegedly violating the Islamic Republic's strict dress code. The world thought maybe, just maybe, the regime would be ushered by their own people into the dustbin of history.

The protests quickly escalated into calls for the overthrow of Iran's theocracy and posed one of the most serious challenges to the ruling clerics since the 1979 revolution that brought them to power.

Although today the protests have slowed some, and the regime remains firmly in place, something has changed. The Iranian people have a new understanding of their power. Despite bullets, despite arrests and the threat of execution, they have persisted. Cracks have been formed within the Iranian leadership elite.

The regime is not willing to meet the people's demands, and the people are not willing to accept the status quo forever. This is going to be a long, drawn-out domestic conflict.

The Supreme Leader is a corrupt old man who has stolen from and killed his own people for decades. The Iranian people know it. The Iranian President has not delivered on any of his promises and has left the Iranian economy in tatters through mismanagement, corruption, and international pressure. And guess what? The Iranian people know it.

It will not be instant, and it will not be easy, but change will come. Brighter days await the Iranian people.

The Iranian people, and also this regime know, it is only a matter of time. This resolution commends the bravery, the courage, and the resolve of the women and men of Iran who have participated in the protests to defend their human rights, their dignity, at the risk of their own safety to speak out against the horrific abuses committed by the Iranian regime.

It asks the Biden administration to continue its important work to support the people of Iran, as well as encourages the private sector to do even more to help Iranians to communicate with one another in a safe manner.

Also, this resolution before us today sends a clear message to the Iranian people that we in the United States Congress and the millions of Americans that we represent stand with them in their time of struggle for freedom. We want the Iranian people to know that we see you. We know the risk you are taking and the danger that you face. Stay strong. Stay strong, as freedom will always win over tyranny.

Mr. Speaker, we want the Iranian people to hear our voices. We want the world to hear our voices that the United States of America, in a bipartisan way--I know it is bicameral--and people all across this country stand with those brave people.

It reminds me of struggles of others when they had to fight for their freedom in the streets. Freedom will come in the morning because the voices of the people cannot be deterred.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Manning).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to point out that this is a bipartisan bill in which we are working together. Just last week, the Biden administration hit Iran with fresh new sanctions.

Not only did he do that individually, as he has been doing throughout the world, but he is bringing others together so that we can speak with one voice. Of course, the European Union was a part of it. Of course, he brought along other countries so that the world is speaking with one voice, collectively, keeping us together.

As things go on, we are continually ratcheting it up so that the people of Iran can get their freedom. In fact, the only thing that was somewhat changed and was done in this bill is where it encouraged the private sector, following

the recent clarification by the Biden administration of sanction exemptions or communication technology, to work with the Biden administration to ensure protesters and activists have access to tools needed to circumvent government surveillance and repression.

The only thing that was eased some, so that we can make sure we are communicating and allowing the Iranian people to communicate with others as they protest, is what is in this bill. I think, in a bipartisan way, we agree with that.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from Texas an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Torres).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, H. Con. Res. 7 commends the brave people--the brave Iranian freedom fighters--for their fight against the brutal Iranian regime and demonstrates that the United States' commitment is with them, standing with the men and women of Iran.

In the face of so many human rights abuses, the Iranian people have remained strong.

I say to our Iranian friends: Though change won't happen overnight, continue to stand strong because the time of this regime will soon be up.

The international community recognizes--and that is us pulling together, all of the people of the United States and the international community around the world--the bravery and the strength of the Iranian people in the fight for their human rights, for their freedom from tyranny, and for a better tomorrow.

We have got to keep our voices.

Dr. King once said that injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.

We have got to stand together, and that is what this resolution does. It puts the regime on notice that its people are on the march because freedom cannot be denied.

So, Mr. Speaker, I am sure that there will be a resounding voice by this United States Congress by passing this bill to say to the Iranian people who put everything on the line that we hear you, we see you, and we stand with you until you get your freedom.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Dr. Kenneth Katzman and his more than twenty years of contribution to the Congressional Research Service and his work on behalf of the American people. Dr. Katzman's reputation as a foremost Middle East analyst is widely recognized, and this body has relied on his knowledge and expertise at pivotal points in recent history. Having served CRS since 1991, Dr. Katzman will retire on November 19, 2022.

Dr. Katzman is one of the most prolific authors and contributors for the Congressional Research Service, having written hundreds of memoranda, reports, and other products in the service of Congress and the advancement of the understanding of the Middle East for its members and staff. His work for Congress has covered such critical foreign policy issues as the wars in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq; U.S. sanctions policies; and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), otherwise known as the ``Iran Deal''. His writings have been read tens of thousands of times by congressional clients and have served as foundational analysis for legislation, hearings, and oversight.

Over the course of his career, Dr. Katzman routinely testified before subcommittees and committees of Congress on issues facing Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan. In 1996 and again in 2001, he was assigned to the staff of the then House International Relations Committee where his deep knowledge of Middle East issues proved instrumental.

Dr. Katzman personified the mission of the Congressional Research Service, helping members and staff to understand unfolding events, their historical context, and the potential implications of congressional decisions.

Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating Dr. Kenneth Katzman for an exemplary career at the Congressional Research Service. I join with Dr. Katzman's family, friends, and colleagues in extending my gratitude to him for his tireless commitment to our community and to thank him for his role in keeping this body informed for over two decades. Though we will miss his insight and seeing Dr. Katzman's familiar face in the halls of Congress, we wish him the very best in retirement.

Madam Speaker, today I rise in support of H.R. 1842, Harriet Tubman Bicentennial Commemorative Coin Act, which I introduced with Congressman Katko.

This legislation honors Harriet Tubman by requiring the Department of Treasury to mint and issue coins bearing her likeness. We can all agree she is an icon for the constant push for more freedom and equality in this country.

Tubman was born into slavery and escaped after surviving many years of brutality under the institution of chattel slavery. She dedicated her life to fighting against the oppression of white supremacy, for the freedom and rights of African Americans and women's suffrage.

In today's world where we are continuing to fight for justice and equality for all, we should all learn from Tubman's historic contributions and sacrifices.

I want to thank the Harriet Tubman Home in Auburn, New York which was founded by Tubman herself, and the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center in Ohio, for working with me and Congressman Katko on this bill.

I urge all Members to vote for this bill and help these organizations who are doing incredible work to promote Harriet Tubman's core values and inspire Americans with her story.

Mr. Speaker, I am prayerful today, and finally today, that I can come on the floor of the House and say to the victims of gun violence and say to those who lost their lives, and to their families, that I can be on the floor of the House today, not just saying, I give you my thoughts and my prayers; not just saying, I want to send to you my sympathies.

I can't tell you how tired I have been coming to the floor, feeling hurt in my heart, and all I could say is thoughts and prayers.

Today I can vote on something that is going to make a meaningful difference to each and every one of them.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Green for yielding, and, of course, I thank Chairwoman Waters for bringing this important piece of legislation to the floor.

I heard Ranking Member McHenry talk today, and I think that the American people understand that inflation is all over the world. It is not a United States problem; it is a global problem predicated by Putin's aggression in Ukraine and coming out of the greatest pandemic that we have had in over 100 years. Democrats are focused on working with the globe to make a difference.

I want to focus on this bill and talk about the Improving Corporate Governance Through Diversity Act and the Ensuring Diversity in Community Banking Act portions of this bill. On that, I thank Ranking Member McHenry and other Republicans for the bipartisan support both bills received when they unanimously passed out of the Financial Services Committee.

We need to continue all efforts to promote racial and economic justice in our communities, and this package of legislation does exactly that. Investors want to know whether the C-suites and the boardrooms in corporate America are actually working in their interests and reflecting their ideals. I, along with Representatives Carolyn B. Maloney and Ritchie Torres, worked to enhance the SEC's disclosure regime by requiring public companies to disclose race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and veteran status of these companies. We want these spaces to truly reflect the diversity of this Nation.

Also included in this package is my bill that emphasizes the importance of minority banks and credit unions in serving our communities. The Ensuring Diversity in Community Banking section will address the issue of banking deserts and strengthen programs that provide capital to these critical and crucial institutions. It also creates an impact bank designation in order to promote banks that predominantly serve low-income communities.

Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1065, I call up

the bill (S. 3522) to provide enhanced authority for the President to enter into agreements with the Government of Ukraine to lend or lease defense articles to that Government to protect civilian populations in Ukraine from Russian military invasion, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on S. 3522.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, today, I rise in support of S. 3522, the Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022.

When Russia launched its renewed war against Ukraine, it thought Ukraine would fall in a matter of days. Putin and Russia thought the West would be divided, unable to offer Ukraine the support that it needed. They thought the world would believe their Russian lies. They thought that we would never stay together.

Well, Madam Speaker, on all accounts, Putin has been proven wrong. Two months ago, the people of Ukraine united in defense of their home. I visited Ukraine at that time, before the invasion, and they said: We will fight; we will defend our democracy and our country.

Then what happened? President Biden kept all 30 nations of NATO together, joining with and bringing along other allies and other democracies from around the world, all united like never before. We have jointly imposed devastating sanctions on Russia and provided Ukraine with billions of dollars of security, humanitarian, and economic assistance. And we have demonstrated to Putin and to the Russian Government that their actions have left them isolated.

At the time, our goal was clear: Help Ukraine do what we heard the people ask us to do, defend themselves. But it is now abundantly clear that we must adjust our assumptions and our strategies and that we must help Ukraine, as Secretary Austin said, win.

I strongly support the efforts of the administration, in coordination and in close cooperation with Congress, to provide as much assistance as we can to help Ukraine protect itself. We must look forward to what Ukraine needs to fend off the renewed Russian offensive in the east and, ultimately, win this war, to retake territory, to liberate the towns and cities from Russian occupation and ongoing Russian war crimes, and to maintain and regain their sovereignty and territorial integrity.

This bill is a further step in that direction of thinking toward the long term. It can and must be part of a strategy to not only continue providing Ukraine with the weapons systems its soldiers are well trained to use, including Russian tanks and planes, the U.S.- and NATO- origin antiair and antitank missile systems and drones, but also to step up our training efforts. Through additional training, we will be able to provide more and more advanced equipment.

The administration already has the authority to lend and lease equipment to allies and partners to support the United States' national security interests, and it has already been using all the funds that Congress has given it previously. This bill will allow the administration to cut through the red tape in existing lend-lease authorities to facilitate another channel by which all this vital support can be provided.

Specifically, this bill streamlines the processes to facilitate the administration's provisioning of lent or leased defense articles to Ukraine or Eastern European countries impacted by Russia's invasion for fiscal year 2022 and fiscal year 2023. It does so by exempting the administration from provisions of law that limit the duration of loaned equipment to 5 years only, as well as exempting such loaned and leased equipment from repayment of costs incurred by doing so.

In short, it does not create a new program, as lend-lease authority is already enshrined in law, but it gives the administration added flexibility in using an existing program to get vital support to Ukraine.

I strongly support this bill, and I urge all of my colleagues to show the same unity that our allies have shown as we fight off this vicious invasion by Putin and Russia in Ukraine.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader of this body.

Madam Speaker, first, let me thank Representative Spartz. She traveled with me when we visited Poland, and I know she was recently over there. She has relatives, and I think we saw her with--I think it was her grandparent, who is in her nineties, on Easter Sunday, celebrating and standing with the Ukrainian people. I thank the gentlewoman for her support even though she isn't a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, particularly for standing up for justice. I thank her personally for that.

I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), my friend and leader.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell), a member of the House Ways and Means Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great State of Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a dynamic Member of Congress.

Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from the great State of Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the very distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).

Madam Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.

Madam Speaker, I think it is important to note that S. 3522 is a smart and critical step to give another piece of artillery to the administration so that it has flexibility as it needs to provide Ukraine the support that it needs so that it has the ability to win.

It is also important to show, and that is why it is important for us to be on the floor today, as Mr. Wilson has indicated, the unity that we have here in the United States House of Representatives.

Madam Speaker, I will tell you that working with Mr. McCaul and Mr. Wilson and Mrs. Spartz on the other side of the aisle, as well as with all of my colleagues on the committee on the Democratic side of the aisle, and working with the Speaker and the majority leader, it is that unity that is going to win this war.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the great Speaker of the United States House of Representatives.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time at this time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Madam Speaker, as we stand here right now, in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Secretary Antony Blinken is testifying and talking about his recent visit to Kyiv, asking--well, replying to questions that Members on both sides are asking.

And the sense of unity that has been talked about here today, about us being united against Putin's aggression, about us standing together and trying to make sure that we do all that we can to help the Ukrainian people, and that unity, that unity, is what is going to make sure that we preserve democracies around the world.

It is the unity that we have seen with the United States in the lead, keeping 30 NATO countries together, which no one thought would happen before this incursion.

It is the unity of bringing our Asian allies together. It is the unity bringing our Western Hemisphere allies together. It is the unity bringing our African allies together.

It is that unity right here in the United States Congress. Working together is what is going to prevail.

There was a question asked before I left the hearing. One Member said he was at a townhall meeting, and someone asked the question: Well, what does this mean to me? That was the question.

Secretary Blinken said, with which I agree: What does it mean? Well, when you look at what is at stake, number one, the world is asking: What happens? Are there any consequences for a country that decides just to go invade someone else's sovereign property? If we allow that to happen, if it could happen there, it could happen anywhere.

The questions of what we do, what we stand for, who we are, and what our values are, are on the line right now, not only in Ukraine but for all of us who believe in democracy.

When you look at the consequences and the lack of care of the rest of the world by this invasion by Mr. Putin--we are going to have to do hearings

now to talk about starvation. People around the world will starve because of the lack of wheat.

We are looking at what he tried to utilize with reference to energy resources. It has a reverberation back here in the United States as we are looking at what is taking place with rising oil costs, with rising food costs.

This is about us around the world, some, yes, making sacrifices so that we can show the world that unity. And together, we will prevent evil from occurring.

We have seen it once in the 1940s. I never thought I would have to see and fight it again in 2022. This is a trying time for the camera of history, which is rolling.

I, again, thank Mr. McCaul because I have been working very closely with my ranking member to make sure that we have one voice on this. We have talked often and made sure that we are working in a bipartisan manner. I thank Mr. Wilson for managing this bill on the floor and working collectively together in that regard. I thank the leadership on both sides of the aisle because with that, Ukraine will win.

When Ukraine wins, the American people win; the world wins; democracy wins.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 5497) to authorize humanitarian assistance and civil society support, promote democracy and human rights, and impose targeted sanctions with respect to human rights abuses in Burma, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 5497, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 5497, the BURMA Act of 2022, which I have introduced, alongside Representative Steve Chabot, the ranking member of the Asia, the Pacific, Central Asia, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee, who I want to thank for working in a bipartisan way.

I also want to thank Foreign Affairs Committee Ranking Member Michael McCaul for working with me in a bipartisan way on this very important and very timely bill.

Mr. Speaker, democracy is under severe strain across the globe, and the current crisis in Burma is a stark reminder of this challenge.

It has been just over a year since the Burmese military staged an illegal and illegitimate coup d'etat, seizing control of the Union Government and detaining a broad cross section of democratically elected civilian leaders. As the military upended Burma's fragile transition to democracy, it began a widespread suppression of fundamental freedoms.

Over the past 14 months, the military's brutal and senseless violence has resulted in more than 1,700 people killed, including over 100 children. Thousands have been unjustly detained, and nearly half a million people have been displaced by the military's violence.

Congress cannot, cannot and must not, stand idly by as the military brutally kills its people. As the war in Ukraine has reminded us, America must stand up with freedom-loving people everywhere.

The Burmese people have courageously resisted the military's repression and violence. They have organized a civil disobedience movement to erode the military's ability to govern. A shadow government, the National Unity Government, has emerged to restore democratic civilian rule. All they are asking of us is that the world come to their aid and their cause.

The Biden administration has taken critical steps to stand with the Burmese people, and I want to commend Secretary Blinken's formal determination last month that the Burmese military committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Rohingyas, something that was long, long overdue, and which I advocated for in this current bill.

But now it is Congress' turn to act. The important resolutions, statements of condemnation, and letters of solidarity this body has sent over the past 14 months are important, but not sufficient. The people of Burma need us to do more. Frankly, the Burmese military's gross abuses demand that we do more.

H.R. 5497 is a comprehensive, bipartisan bill that holds the Burmese military accountable through targeted sanctions, puts pressure on the junta by urging greater action at the United Nations, and calling for a Special Coordinator for Burmese Democracy.

It authorizes humanitarian assistance for the hundreds of thousands of Burmese citizens that have been internally displaced or fled across the border. It calls on the State Department to document the genocide and the crimes against humanity committed against Rohingyas and other Burmese ethnic minorities.

The same military leaders which perpetuated a genocide against Rohingya are now using the same tactics to unleash unprecedented bloodshed across the entire country. We must end the impunity of the Burmese military and make it harder for it to enact its brutality.

And to every member of the Burmese ruling elite that does not support the pathway taken by General Min Aung Hlaing, let me say to you loud and clear: Now is the time for you to think about your country's future and defect, defect, because the Burmese people and the international community will remember which side you stood on.

The economic and diplomatic pressure that this bill applies is essential to changing the junta's calculus and forcing it to the negotiating table. By passing this legislation, we will take a meaningful step, not just to stand up with the Burmese people, but also to help bring this crisis to an end.

Therefore, before this bill becomes law, I look forward to working with my colleagues in a bipartisan way to refine the sanctions in this bill so that they remain relevant and effective.

Thus, I urge my colleagues to support this measure so that we can move it one step closer to the President's desk.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Financial Services,

Washington, DC, April 5, 2022.

Hon. Gregory Meeks,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing concerning H.R. 5497, the

BURMA Act of 2022. In order to permit H.R. 5497 to proceed

expeditiously to the House Floor, I agree to forgo formal

consideration of the bill.

The Committee on Financial Services takes this action to

forego formal consideration of H.R. 5497 in light of our

mutual understanding that, by foregoing formal consideration

of H.R. 5497 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction

over the subject matter contained in this or similar

legislation, and that our Committee will be appropriately

consulted and involved as this or similar legislation moves

forward with regard to any matters in the Committee's

jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the right to seek

appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any

House-Senate conference involving this or similar legislation

that involves the Committee's jurisdiction and request your

support for any such request.

Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter

confirming this understanding, and I would ask that a copy of

our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the

Congressional Record during Floor consideration of H.R. 5497.

Sincerely,

Maxine Waters,

Chairwoman.

Mr. Speaker, I don't think I have any further speakers, so I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, Congress must do more to address this crisis in Burma, and H.R. 5497, the BURMA Act of 2021, will do just that. It will take concrete steps to hold the Burmese military accountable for its coup and for the perpetration of gross human rights violations and other unspeakable atrocities.

This bill, Mr. Speaker, sends a strong and unequivocal message that there are severe consequences for subverting democracy, and that the United States of America stands firmly with the Burmese people in their struggle for human rights and their democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I hope all of my colleagues, all 435 of us, will join me in supporting this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 7276) to direct the President to submit to Congress a report on United States Government efforts to collect, analyze, and preserve evidence and information related to war crimes and any other atrocities committed during the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine since February 24, 2022, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 7276, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 7276, the Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act introduced by my good friend and the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul.

I want to thank Mr. McCaul for working collectively across the aisle as we do on many bills, but on this important bill, for his leadership on it. It is very timely and very important.

Mr. Speaker, each day we see a growing body of horrifying evidence of atrocities that Russian troops have wreaked on Ukrainian citizens. Mr. McCaul and I traveled to Poland, and we saw with our own eyes the refugees fleeing Ukraine because of Putin's war; not knowing whether they would see their husbands or fathers or uncles ever again; not knowing what their tomorrow would be.

This week, the images, the videos, and the firsthand accounts from Bucha were nothing short of chilling, and as it did seeing the refugees cross the border in Poland, it pains my heart to know that this is likely just the tip of the iceberg of what Ukrainians have suffered.

In attempting to justify his war of choice on Ukraine, Putin's relentless dehumanization of Ukrainians has laid the foundation for atrocities so vile it churns one's stomach.

We have seen this before, Mr. Speaker. It is the same dehumanization that has led to every genocide before. I fear what we have seen in Bucha is happening throughout Ukraine right now, and it will only get worse.

Nothing we do on this floor today will erase the generational trauma that Putin's forces have inflicted on Ukrainians, but we can and must ensure that the United States of America is doing everything in its power to collect evidence that can be used to prosecute Russian war crimes and other atrocities. Hopefully, that will deter further systemic human rights abuses in this conflict.

H.R. 7276 would require the administration to detail efforts to collect, analyze, and preserve evidence of war crimes, and to describe the process through which a domestic, foreign, or international court or tribunal could request and obtain information related to war crimes or other atrocities from the United States.

Every day of this illegal and unprovoked war further unites the global community against Russia's aggression in Ukraine. The images that we continue to see day in and day out are shocking to the conscience and also a call to action.

To the leaders of the nations who have yet to condemn this barbaric war of choice, I ask them to please watch these videos of civilians being bombed and, as we did both in Poland and with those who visited us here in the House of Representatives, listen to the survivors who witnessed their neighbors and their friends shot in the streets or in their homes, some bound with their hands behind their backs.

The camera of history is rolling, Mr. Speaker, and it will remember those countries that remain silent.

Russia's aggression in Ukraine must stop. We must unequivocally condemn the atrocities that are being carried out by Putin and his Russian invading forces. Those who are responsible, Mr. Speaker, must be brought to justice, no matter how long it takes or how hard it may be.

The Ukraine Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act will help in collecting the necessary evidence so that we can do just that: Hold those individuals accountable for the atrocities that they have committed.

Mr. Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join and support this crucial legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time at this moment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Madam Speaker, what we are witnessing Russian troops do in Ukraine represents some of the worst of humankind. Right now, the world is watching horrifying war crimes taking place. The world is watching the extent to which Putin is willing to flout international norms and values in the pursuit of its brutality, and the world is also watching what we as a nation are going to do about it.

The Department of State has officially concluded that Russian forces have committed war crimes in Ukraine which were made vividly clear by the horrifying images emerging over this past weekend from Bucha. Investigations into these war crimes are already beginning and must continue.

I am saying today, as chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee working along with my friend and partner, the ranking member, Mike McCaul, we will work tirelessly to make sure that justice is delivered and that the administration works strenuously in concert with partners and allies to this end because meaningful justice for these crimes helps prevent such atrocities in the future.

This legislation requires the administration to detail efforts to preserve evidence and hold perpetrators accountable for the atrocities that are committed and to detail the means for domestic, hybrid, or international courts and their tribunals to request access to such information.

This legislation, the Ukrainian Invasion War Crimes Deterrence and Accountability Act, will ensure that victims and perpetrators alike know that the United States of America and the world, we have got to get those off the seat, those who abstain in the U.N., they see the same thing. We need them to stand and have a voice.

The world is watching. The world will hold Putin and the Russian Armed

Forces and those who are in their duma and those who keep pushing this war that is caused by one man, Vladimir Putin--these abhorrent war crimes which continue to go on--accountable. It is a war of choice that Putin has decided to place on Ukraine.

That is why, Madam Speaker, I am so proud to partner with Mike McCaul in bringing H.R. 7276 to the floor today so that my children, my grandchildren, my great-great-grandchildren, will know how I stood at this time in history and how the United States Congress stood at this time in history.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Michigan for yielding the time.

Madam Speaker, we find ourselves in a competition to lead in the 21st century. And that is a competition that the United States cannot afford to lose, and if we do what we should do here, will not lose.

A month ago, Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping thought that America was in decline, that America could no longer lead the world, and that they could therefore simply overwhelm smaller states. They believed that they could undermine the rules-based order whenever they chose.

Well, this incredible global coalition, binding and getting us together, working with our allies, that President Joe Biden has put together to condemn Russia and support the Ukrainian people, has proven that their assertion is absolutely wrong. But the events of the past month have underscored the need to position America for this challenge on a long-term basis.

Therefore, it is absolutely critical that Congress get H.R. 4521 to the President's desk. It is an investment in science, innovation, and technology, which would allow us to excel in the global economy for decades, bolster our domestic industry, and create jobs for American workers.

Madam Speaker, I am proud that my bill, the EAGLE Act, serves as the foreign affairs division of America COMPETES. It bolsters our diplomacy to marshal a coalition of states to check the PRC's aggression, its theft of technology, its shirking of global rules, and its gross violation of human rights, of which we need to focus on.

And I know that if we put our minds to it, we can work together in a bipartisan and bicameral way to finalize this critical legislation and get it to the President's desk, and we must do it.

That is because our allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific are watching. They need our help to bolster international rules, combat the PRC's coercion, and address shared global challenges like climate change. And after what we have seen in Ukraine, the people of Taiwan are watching, to ensure that we deepen our economic ties, strengthen its defense, and create greater space for Taiwan globally.

Hong Kongers and Uyghurs are also watching to make sure we get this done because they urgently need the refugee protections that are in the COMPETES Act. They need Congress to send a message to Beijing that its genocide in Xinjiang, its destruction of Hong Kong's autonomy, and its lack of regard for human rights will not stand.