Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, we welcome Israel's President Herzog to the United States of America.

For my entire career of 25 years in the House, and in recent weeks, I have stood on this floor and spoken on the importance of the State of Israel. The need for Israel to remain both Jewish and democratic is without question.

Mr. Speaker, Israel cannot remain both Jewish and democratic unless we have peace and if it does not live side by side in peace with the Palestinian people. Both sides have to want peace. That is why I stand strongly behind a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians.

As the resolution before us states, Israel is not a racist state. I concur.

As the resolution before us states, Congress rejects all forms of anti-Semitism and xenophobia. I concur.

Finally, as the resolution before us states, the United States will always be a staunch partner and supporter of Israel. I concur.

I look forward to hearing the address of Israel's President Herzog tomorrow. The President is a rare symbol of unity in a polarized society and a true asset to Israel. He has been working diligently to bring all parties in Israel together to find consensus on judicial reform, something that is necessary to preserve Israel's democratic character, in my view. I encourage him to keep up this important work and wish him much success.

Without question, the Democratic Party, my Democratic Party, supports the long-term viability of the Jewish state and knows its true character and importance. In fact, I, along with Leader Jeffries and others, was in Israel recently to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Jewish state and was moved by the events we witnessed.

Mr. Speaker, I support wholeheartedly and encourage all of my friends on both sides of the aisle to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Manning).

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, in the 117th Congress, when I became the chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, my first stop was in Israel celebrating the Fourth of July.

I said then what I will say now: Israel and the United States stand together because we have and share the same values. We believe in democracy.

We know that Israel is a nation that at its foundation is not only Jewish but democratic.

Its existence is crucial for the future of the Jewish people. We know that this Congress will continue to expressly reject all forms of anti- Semitism and xenophobia as this resolution before us states.

We stand together, and I would hope that all Members of this august body welcome President Herzog tomorrow as we listen and continue to work with our strongest ally in the Middle East.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time I have remaining.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from the great State of Michigan (Ms. Tlaib).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Michigan.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I strongly support Ukraine and agree with the President's decision to send the Ukrainians cluster munitions to defend their sovereignty. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 317.

Mr. Chair, I rise in strong opposition to this amendment.

This is a poorly conceived and ill-intentioned attempt to kill the United States' support for the Defence Innovation Accelerator of the North Atlantic program, otherwise known as DIANA, which is a cooperative NATO effort to outsmart and out-innovate our adversaries.

The DIANA program was set up by NATO as an effort to spur increased defense research and development funding to rapidly adapt to a new era of strategic competition by bringing key defensive experts together with the NATO alliances, leading entrepreneurs, and academic researchers.

The DIANA initiative is specifically designed to leverage breaking developments and critical advances and next-generation defense capabilities such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, hypersonics, space domain, as well as advanced materials and manufacturing sciences for the benefit of all NATO allies.

With U.S. adversaries such as Russia in its brutal, unprovoked war of aggression in Ukraine and our global competition with China where China in its efforts to outpace the United States in technological superiority and undermine international norms and freedoms continue their malign efforts, it is more important than ever that we work closely with our NATO allies to out-innovate and out-compete at the leading edge of defense technology.

Eliminating funding from the DIANA program is precisely the opposite of what we should be doing--the opposite. We should be working together with our NATO allies in a collective way. Therefore, I encourage all Members to oppose this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, this week, NATO leaders held a summit in Lithuania to discuss, address, and prepare for the alliance's future. It was done with the United States at the table, leading the efforts to galvanize ambitions in the face of multiple threats, most notably those related to Russia's unjust and tragic war against Ukraine.

In Lithuania, allies agreed to continue to ramp up support for Ukraine and use the 2 percent of GDP amount as a floor. Some of our strongest allies in the alliance are set to move even beyond that threshold in the coming years. We have not seen NATO stronger, NATO working closer together, NATO speaking together.

Now, I know that the former President thought that NATO had outlived its usefulness and that we should not be a part of it. This amendment would lend itself to that type of mentality. We know that the strength of NATO is its unity. We know that what Mr. Putin was after was to divide NATO. We don't need to utilize any language or have any language that would accelerate that thought.

What we need to do is to make sure that we continue with the spirit of what took place at the NATO summit. The language of this amendment seeks to create disunity at a time when NATO's unity is being actively tested by Vladimir Putin. So, no, we should not agree to denounce our allies in the NDAA, as this amendment does. We should not look to reignite some of the disunity and disruption that previous America First policies promoted.

As I said, we should not look to reignite some of the disunity and disruption that America First or America only promoted. We don't need to call out in an amendment our strongest of allies. This amendment calls out and criticizes and denounces Canada, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Denmark, France, and many others in the middle of war.

I surely would not want to be fighting a war in a bunker saying we are allies and then someone is denouncing me. That is not the way allies stick together and fight an unjust war that is currently taking place in Ukraine where you have Russia taking land from a sovereign country.

Mr. Chair, what NATO has done when they have seen the taking of property from a sovereign country is stick together. The one thing that Mr. Putin did think would happen was that we would be divided. That has not happened, and NATO has been stronger because they see the inhumanity and the criminal activity that is now taking place by Vladimir Putin. One voice, standing together, to stop that.

While it is the Ukrainian people who are fighting, it is the allies in NATO who are giving the ammunition that is necessary to win. But for that, this war would have been over in 2 weeks or less. It is that unity that has continued until Ukraine will win this fight. We must stand together, not giving any weakness of disunity.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bipartisan resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am a strong supporter of H. Res. 377, calling for the immediate release of Evan Gershkovich, a United States citizen and journalist who was wrongfully detained by the Government of the Russian Federation in March 2023.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman McCaul for working with me to introduce H. Res. 377 in a bipartisan fashion. We may disagree on many issues in this body, but it is essential that the safe return of American citizens wrongfully detained overseas is not one of them. I appreciate the cooperation and the work together that Mr. McCaul and I do on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Evan Gershkovich, a journalist working in one of the most difficult media environments in the world, has dedicated his life to truth. His reporting has shed light on Russia's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the struggling Russian economy, and its horrific war against the people of Ukraine.

With his detention, Russia has once again stooped to the lowest of lows, detaining an American journalist for the first time since the Cold War. He is detained on baseless charges to gain political leverage and further silence the brave members of the independent press who are undeterred by Russian threats.

Evan, like Paul Whelan, like Brittney Griner, like Trevor Reed before him, continues to be denied his rights by Russian authorities, who are throwing up roadblock after roadblock to prevent our Embassy from getting access to him while he remains in detention. The sham legal processes he is subjected to are conducted without evidence, without transparency, and without due process.

While the administration, with the unanimous support of this Congress, was able to secure the release of Trevor and Brittney, we must continue to do everything, and I mean everything, in our power to ensure that Evan and Paul are brought home safely to their families, as well.

For as long as necessary, we must state unequivocally that we stand with Evan, that we stand with Paul, that we stand with their families suffering tremendous emotional and financial strain as a result of their detentions. By passing this resolution, we can do just that.

I support this measure and hope we can continue to work in a bipartisan fashion with the executive branch on this and other critical legislation to better support Americans like Evan and their families. I encourage my colleagues, all of us, to join in supporting this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, there is no more sacred responsibility of government than to ensure the safety and well-being of the American people and ensure that their

human rights are respected. Tragically, the authoritarian regime in the Kremlin has taken to the practice of using that commitment against us, taking our citizens hostage for political leverage.

In last year's State Department authorization act, which passed in the annual NDAA, we included additional tools for the State Department to address hostage taking. These include quicker notifications to Congress, expanded whistleblower rewards programs, and greater resources for the State Department. I look forward to these changes being put to use.

In Evan's case, we can take an important step by passing this resolution and condemning hostage diplomacy in the strongest possible terms. We must continue to express support for the efforts of the administration to secure Evan's return and demonstrate our commitment to Evan and Paul, and all other Americans wrongfully detained overseas, for as long as it takes.

As I close, I again thank Chairman McCaul for partnering with me on this important resolution. I hope my colleagues will join us unanimously in supporting this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 272, calling on the Government of the Russian Federation to immediately release United States citizen Paul Whelan. I thank Representative Haley Stevens for her continued work and tireless advocacy for her constituent, Paul Whelan, and other Americans wrongfully detained overseas.

As I rise today, Mr. Speaker, to speak on this measure, I regret just how familiar it feels. For the third time, we are considering this resolution on the floor of the House of Representatives calling for Paul's release and expressing solidarity with him and other Americans wrongfully detained abroad.

Russian authorities wrongfully detained Paul Whelan, an American marine veteran, more than 1,600 days ago on baseless charges for which no evidence was ever provided and subjected him to a sham, secretive trial.

For more than 4 years, Mr. Speaker, Paul has endured persecution, denials of his lawful rights, and the withholding of critical medical treatment while the Kremlin seeks to use him as a pawn for political gain.

For more than 4 years, Mr. Speaker, Paul's family has had to suffer this injustice, demanding his release, and pleading with us, the United States Government, to do everything in our power to bring him home.

Like Evan Gershkovich whose resolution we are also considering on the floor today, Paul's only crime is being an American. Tragically, only the Kremlin can release him from this detention and the suffering it has caused Paul and his family, but we in the United States Congress and the United States House of Representatives are not powerless to make a difference and support the administration's effort to bring Paul and others like him home.

This resolution today is one step that we can take to demand that the Russian Government forego the horrific practice of using the lives and freedoms of American citizens as political bargaining chips, demanding Paul's release, and raising his and other cases at every available opportunity.

Mr. Speaker, we must pass this resolution calling for the release of Paul Whelan for the third straight Congress and continue to advocate forcefully and unequivocally for his release. We must continue to call out Russia for its illegal and reprehensible hostage taking and warn Americans about the dangers of traveling to Putin's lawless fiefdom.

In last year's NDAA, we boasted notification and transparency at the State Department pertaining to wrongfully detained and added crucial new whistleblower rewards provisions that would deter further hostage taking and help bring imprisoned Americans home to their families where they belong.

Mr. Speaker, we must continue to do everything we can and bring Paul to his family here at home in the United States of America.

I strongly support this measure, Mr. Speaker, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Again, I thank Representative Stevens for introducing this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Stevens), who has been fighting for Paul Whelan's release.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Michigan.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Dingell).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, for far too long, Paul Whelan has suffered at the hands of the regime in the Kremlin. For far too long, he has been forced to endure the horrific conditions in a Russian labor camp, wondering when he will finally be able to see his family again. For far too long, he has been left to wonder whether he has been forgotten by the government that the Kremlin is using him to extort.

By passing this legislation and taking other important steps to support Paul, to support Evan, and other Americans wrongfully detained overseas, we can speak with one voice, a single voice, that the United States Government will not rest until he and others like him are finally brought home to their families.

One voice, that is what we will do today. I know that my colleagues will join me in support of this very important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend and colleague, Representative Torres, for working with Representative Lawler to introduce this very important piece of legislation that would create a senior-level special envoy dedicated to enhancing and expanding the important Abraham Accords.

Mr. Speaker, I have spoken in the past about my support for the accords, which I believe have the potential to transform the security, diplomatic, and economic environment in the Middle East for peace and to advance United States' interests.

These agreements are already showing promise and deserve the attention of this Congress. I believe it is advantageous to the State Department to have an official in place focused on managing and implementing regional strategy for peace and encouraging cooperation between and among Israel, Arab states, and the Palestinians to enhance such prospects for a true peace and create tangible benefits for all.

As Mr. McCaul said, starting with the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco with the Abraham Accords, we need to grow and have more nations involved, saying this time that we know that Israel has the right to exist and will exist, and we are going to look and work together for peace in the Middle East.

That is why adding a special envoy dedicated to working on and having and stimulating conversation among the other nations in the Gulf region with Israel is tremendously important. This is something that I am proud to support, and I hope my colleagues in the House join me.

Mr. Speaker, I know that the Biden administration has taken implementation and expansion of the Abraham Accords seriously. I know that the President has dedicated several government agencies to their success. I believe that this high-level special envoy will be another asset to the State Department and help them coordinate and streamline implementation of the accords. It is something that we should focus on because success means peace in the Middle East, and peace is good for all of us on this planet.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Torres), a friend.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

As we have heard here today, there is strong support in this Congress for the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world.

``Diplomatic'' and ``diplomacy'' are words that we need to use more often, and we need to get more engaged in diplomatic activity, working for peace and working for true recognition of Israel in the Middle East.

Sustained agreement from the United States with a special envoy will help maintain the momentum that has built and will lead to a more peaceful region.

Imagine that, Madam Speaker, nations talking and working together in a region where it had been full of war and where people are recognizing Israel's right to exist, working in a diplomatic way across borders for better lives for everyone in the region.

For peace in the region, there is work to do, but it gives us hope that others will join and that we will be able to assist with a special envoy bringing people to the same table to support a more peaceful region.

Madam Speaker, I hope my colleagues will join me in support of this important resolution.

Again, I thank Mr. McCaul, Mr. Lawler, and Mr. Torres for bringing this resolution to the floor of the House of Representatives so that all can hear that, again, we are united and working collectively together, without party affiliation, for the betterment of the world.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge support of H.R. 2795, the Enhancing Multi-Class Share Disclosures Act.

I thank Ranking Member Waters for her leadership, her continued support of this legislation as she just articulated, as well as Chairwoman Wagner, for her support so that we really have a bipartisan bill coming together for something that is really important.

This bill, as indicated by both Ms. Waters and Mrs. Wagner, closes documented gaps in transparency around multi-class governance and structures for the benefit of traditional investors, which is important because traditional investors often come from Main Street, and we want to make sure that Main Street has all of the information it needs to go further with Wall Street.

These structures, while they may add value, can pose, as indicated, significant risks for investors. As also indicated, multi-class governance structures allow corporate insiders or beneficial owners to own an outsized amount of voting power relative to their shares. This could limit other investors' abilities to influence management, direct strategy, and hold misaligned boards accountable. Accountability, having a voice, that is what this bill does.

Let me be clear: I want to make sure that multi-class governance structures, while they do have their value, we know reforms are necessary, and their outright ban would do little for Main Street investors looking to gain a return on their next startup. We have seen companies employ these structures to access the public markets and open their profits to everyday investors, while still retaining the vision and direction of their founders.

Information is at the core of any well-working capital market system.

As I said, we have seen companies employ these structures to access the public markets and open their profits to everyday investors. That is what it is about, the everyday investors. Open those profits so that we can see what they are, while still retaining the vision and the direction of their founders so it doesn't stop it. It makes sure there is transparency and information.

Information is at the core of any well-working capital market system and more robust information is always best for investors. This bill will ensure that Main Street can make an informed decision as they look to invest in tomorrow's next successful business.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.

Madam Speaker, I ask, where are they? Where did they go?

Where are they?

Did they leave us for a recession, allowing revenues to fall and borrowing costs to skyrocket?

Where are they?

Capital markets alone will be out of reach, and many small businesses won't make their payroll at the end of the month.

Where are they?

The world is looking at us and questioning our leadership and where we are going to move and how we are going to save our own people and our values.

Where are they in this time of need?

I know where the Democrats are. They are right here talking about how we will stand for them and not allow this Republican-made default on America last.

Where are they?

They need to get back here and get back here now for the sake of the American people. The world is watching us. They are looking.

They are saying that we may not have to worry about our competitors.

We don't have to worry about them. We have to worry about our MAGA Republicans who have decided to leave and not address the issues that are most important to America today.

Where are they?

Come on back here and get to work.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 2. Title III of this bill happens to fall under the House Foreign Affairs Committee's jurisdiction.

There is undoubtedly a need to fix our broken immigration system. I think that we can all agree. It is undoubtedly correct that Congress needs to get involved in that. What Congress is not doing is talking about coming together for comprehensive immigration reform. If we want to get at the

heart of how to improve, in a humane way, and protect our borders, we would be locked together to talk about comprehensive immigration reform that will keep us true to who we are and our values.

Sometimes when I am listening to this debate and some of the policies that are here, I am saying: Who are we? Who are we as a people, as a nation? Do we practice what we preach, or do we say to others: Do what we say, not what we do?

American values are important here. Title III seeks to codify and reinstate the Trump administration's failed Migrant Protection Protocols, known as MPP, and remain in Mexico policy. This is a disturbing and ineffective policy that returned asylum seekers at the border of Mexico and only allowed them to enter the United States for their court proceedings. Listening to my colleague: Return them to Mexico. That is it.

Because there are thousands of backlogged cases and too few judges to effectively handle them, those that we return to Mexico, these asylum seekers, are forced to live in Mexican border towns for long periods of time. As a result of that, the exact same thing that my colleague talked about, these border towns in Mexico are the ones that are dangerous. They are the reason why people are raped. That is where the violence and the crime is. They do not have, these towns in Mexico, the capacity to safely house the thousands of people fleeing their countries of origin.

We know that migrants face violence of all kinds, including murder, rape, trafficking, and kidnapping as they await their court appearance, the very things that we do agree is happening to these individuals, but we put blinders on. Just send them back. That will solve the problem of them living in tent encampments without adequate access to the basics. Just send them back to Mexico. Let them stay there with no clean water, no sanitation, no shelter, and no health services. Send them back. We don't care.

The MPP puts tens of thousands of migrants in greater danger, including families with children who we are supposed to care about. It also puts America at odds with our regional partners in ways that were and still are a detriment to our national security and our global standing.

Like Mr. McCaul, I have been here for 25 years. I have many families in my district who come to me all of the time with humanitarian concerns, asking for us to pass comprehensive immigration reform.

While nations like Colombia and Peru took in millions of Venezuelans crossing their border in desperate need of safety, America, the United States of America, the most resourced Nation on Earth, a Nation of immigrants, turn our backs on asylum seekers and our very own values in the name of deterrence. Turn our backs. We don't care. Send them back.

As CARICOM continues to work in a regional and multilateral way to find solutions to help Haiti, our neighbor in crisis, this body debates unilateral action that fails to see the collective challenge facing this hemisphere.

This bill is more than just shortsighted; it is cruel and harmful to our interests. We should be embarrassed, absolutely embarrassed, that Colombia's migration agency had suspended a program meant to return Colombian nationals found at the U.S. border with Mexico due to ``cruel and degrading treatment.'' Come on now.

We are facing a regional and global migration crisis. We have strong and divergent opinions about improving an imperfect immigration process and how to address the recent surge in migration since the pandemic. But Title III of this bill seeks to codify and reinitiate failed processes from the last administration that do not solve the real-life challenges regarding the movement of people, those people fleeing from instability and violence and lack of economic opportunity and education in their home countries.

Why? Because, apparently, we don't care. We don't care. Send them back. Who cares what happens to them? Send them back. We don't have comprehensive immigration reform to make sure that we are working and fixing the system because that is what we should be working on.

This isn't the first surge of migrants on our border, and it won't be the last, particularly as climate change will further limit resources and displace people across the region. To solve complex multicountry challenges, we must invest in multilateral solutions. When we invest in multilateral solutions, as we do in other parts of the world, that is how we win--not America alone, America by ourselves. That is not leadership. No one follows you if you are just by yourself, not working with others and not working with our allies.

The Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection from the Summit of the Americas in 2022 included proposals for collaborative problem solving on this issue with leaders across the region to address the root causes of forced displacement and irregular migration.

Working with our allies, as we are doing in other parts of the world, as we are doing with our NATO allies, as we are doing with our EU allies, as we are doing with our Indo-Pacific allies, we should be doing the same thing with our Western Hemisphere allies.

Why? Because our strength is not rooted in the sticks that we use to coerce outcomes. It is in the depth of our relationships and collaboration across the region to address the root causes of forced displacement and a regular migration, including by combating corruption and impunity, upholding our obligations to protect refugees, and partnering to promote opportunity and prosperity for people and communities, especially those most vulnerable across the region.

When I get on my knees at night and pray, when I am in church and pray, I pray for the poor and for those who cannot care for themselves. When I read books that I believe in, they talk about taking care of the poor, taking care of those who can't take care of themselves.

When I eat my dinner, my lunch, or my breakfast and I pray, I say: Bless those who are hungry and have no food. Bless those who may have food and no appetite. Bless those who have less than me.

We are the richest country in the world. Let's work toward resolving the root causes.

This bill doesn't address the migration crisis. It only creates further chaos by shutting the door on mechanisms that reunite families. That is what I believe. That is what I pray. That is what I think mankind is all about or should be all about, keeping people safe from perilous journeys to our borders. These attempts to sow seeds of fear and distrust about migrants are as counterproductive as they are reprehensible.

Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, the broader bill undermines Congress' bipartisan work to grant humanitarian parole to hundreds of thousands of Afghans. We have been working together on that, and we should be working together to help those who are trying to cross the border from our Western Hemisphere allies. But this also prevents and goes against thousands of Afghans, Ukrainians, and others, by restricting DHS parole authority.

If we are truly interested in a constructive agenda that is aimed at providing viable and durable solutions to migration challenges, I stand ready. Democrats stand ready to collaborate on addressing the root causes of migration through congressional action, through working on comprehensive immigration reform to try to make sure that we lead by example and we live true to our values, that we become the shining example for others in other countries who are looking at us to see how we react to it.

We should do that by showing in a bipartisan way we are ready for comprehensive immigration reform. We will do it in a bipartisan way. We will do it so that we can also maintain our values and who we are--at least who we say we are--as a nation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Kamlager-Dove), an esteemed member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from California.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Davis).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro), the ranking member on the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

The Foreign Affairs title of this bill should be about addressing the root causes of migration; about fixing the crime, corruption, poverty, and discrimination that causes people to flee north.

The men and women coming to our borders do so reluctantly. They do not want the pain of leaving parents and children behind for an unknown time while they seek refuge in an unfamiliar land. They want to see their daughters when they come home from work, not on a video call. They want to hear their siblings' voices at the dinner table, not on a Zoom.

The way to address the root causes of migration is through aid, assistance, investment, collaboration, and rule of law guidance. If we refuse to fund such programs and efforts, we are being penny-wise and pound-foolish; ignoring our hemispheric neighbors until they are knocking on our front door. What we need to do is address the root causes.

This legislation is not in line with national security interests, our values, or our goals of curbing the migration crisis. It only exacerbates the situation on the border while reinstating the same inhumane policies that have endangered migrants. We have seen that done by the former administration. We have seen the actions. We know who he is, and we know why he put some of those policies forward.

I can't close without saying that Chairman McCaul is a good man. I work with him on the committee. We talk and we debate and we do things. I don't want this to end with anyone thinking that I don't think Mr. McCaul is a good human being. He is. We do that together. However, I do have questions.

I hear a lot of talk about President Biden and what he is doing or what his motivations are, et cetera. I, too, have questions about the policies of former President Trump. Coming from New York, I have been around a lot and seen and heard his motivations, particularly as it pertains to the bills that he put forward in regard to migration, and I know what he thinks of immigrants.

I know what the former President thinks of immigrants. Why? Because he said it. He has said things that have been shocking to me, that reveal what he thought and why he put forward the principles that he started. It is not me making it up. Over 34 times he called these immigrants who are trying to come for better lives animals. That is not how we should look at these poor individuals who are running from crises, as they are doing in Afghanistan, Ukraine, Venezuela, and other parts of Latin America.

I know because I come from New York. I have seen what he has done to his own employees and how he has treated them. I know because I heard from his own mouth, calling countries on the continent of Africa and in the Caribbean and South America ``asshole countries.'' I know because he also just wanted to put a ban on people because of their religious beliefs. I know because even after people were convicted in the Central Park 5 in New York, he still called them vicious names. I know his motivations, and that is reflective in the policies that he has passed.

That is why we should not be supporting this bill. That is not who we are as Americans. Let's fight to show the rest of the world who we really are, that we want to take care, as that statue in New York City stands with that lady holding the torch--give me your tired, your poor. That is who we became as a country, not the motivations of the former President and his policies.

This bill is a step in the wrong direction. It is in the wrong direction. Our partners in the region are watching us very closely today. I have been talking to those leaders. I have been talking to people from the various countries in Central and South America, many of whom are in my district. This is not the way to go.

Mr. Speaker, I urge the Members of this august body, let's not fall into the same mistakes of the past. Let's sit down and figure out how we can work together in a bipartisan way for a strong immigration reform bill, so we can treat humans as humans, so we can show our actions are similar to what we pray.

Whether we are in a church or a synagogue or a mosque, we pray for the poor and the helpless; we want to make a difference. We have an opportunity to

do that. We have an opportunity to make sure that we keep our borders safe by dealing with the root causes of migration and treating people in a humane way, not just considering those in law enforcement, but thinking about the people. When I see their hands on the gates asking for a better life, saying all I want to do is see my child have an opportunity, and I am willing to go through whatever the process is. Let's think about them. Let's think about those images. Let's think about how we can do better.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Con. Res. 30.

This resolution was drafted in such a way that it is simultaneously overbroad and underinclusive. The resolution fails to end our involvement in hostilities in the region while preventing crucial security cooperation with local partners in Somalia.

The resolution states that the United States forces must withdraw from Somalia, unless they are there for the purposes of protecting the Embassy.

Historically, war powers resolutions such as this are thought of as attempting to force the President to withdraw American troops from a foreign country that are actively engaged in combat, but our forces on the ground in Somalia are there to provide security training and intelligence support.

Our footprint in Somalia is not large. We have several hundred troops stationed in the country primarily to train host-nation troops in countering terrorism.

The sponsor of this legislation sometimes references the lost blood and

treasure from our overseas engagements. These are obviously essential considerations. It is why I supported President Biden's decision to end the war in Afghanistan. But no American has been killed in Somalia in over 4 years, and our security cooperation and assistance to the country amounts to a rounding error in the Federal budget.

It is a fact that Al-Shabaab and other terrorist organizations like ISIS control large swaths of territory in Somalia, but local forces from the Somali Government and the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia have made steady gains the past several years. United States forces have been instrumental in some of these changes because of the very training and intelligence support we provide to local forces on the ground.

By mandating that our forces cease security cooperation in Somalia, this resolution would roll back some of the gains that have been made to take back territory from terrorist organizations in the past several years.

This measure doesn't end American hostilities in the region. It includes nothing about removing American forces from other nations in the region where groups like Al-Shabaab operate, and it does nothing to address over-the-horizon strikes.

While I disagree with this measure, let me say that what I do agree with is that we are having this debate. It is one that is long overdue. American forces have been in Somalia and other parts of the world without proper engagement from the United States Congress.

While I understand the logic that both Republican and Democratic administrations have used to include groups like Al-Shabaab under the 2001 AUMF, I can tell you that Members of Congress did not believe that they were authorizing force against Al-Shabaab when we passed the legislation decades ago. I can tell you this not just because I was here when Congress voted on that AUMF but because Al-Shabaab didn't even exist in September 2001.

I believe, though, that the proper way to address the issues of matters of war and peace in Somalia is not through a legally dubious resolution such as this. I agree with Representative James in this, and we should work together, all three of us, I believe, because the right way to address this issue is through a repeal of the 2001 AUMF and its replacement with a narrow force authorization that provides the President authority to combat selected terrorists in selected countries where the United States' national security is at stake.

Mr. Speaker, I have introduced just such a resolution, and I look forward to working with my colleagues on that. H.J. Res. 52, which narrows the list of terrorist organizations the executive branch can strike, limits the number of countries in which we could engage in hostilities, places curbs on executive branch additions of associated forces and successor groups, and includes a sunset requiring Congress to reauthorize the legislation.

Reasserting Congress' proper role over matters of war and peace while ensuring that the President has the necessary authorities to strike those who mean to do us harm can be and is a tough balance to strike. I believe wholeheartedly it is our responsibility to make some of those hard decisions. We cannot punt it or give it off just to the executive. I am willing to work with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to strike a balance.

Let's take a look at H.J. Res. 52. From the debate we are having today, I think that we have some of the basics of what we agree with, that it is this body that the Constitution empowered to make sure there are checks and balances on the executive.

Unfortunately, I cannot say that about H. Con. Res. 30 before us today. Therefore, I must oppose this legislation, urge my colleagues to do the same. Let's come together as Members of the United States House of Representatives and take our responsibility. Let's repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF and move forward.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say, this debate is long overdue. We happen to be talking about the AUMF. I would hope that we end up having more debates on this floor talking about the continent of Africa, who has long been left off the debate in the United States Congress, which is a continent that we have got to focus on. I look forward to working with Mr. James as the chair of that subcommittee.

We need to focus on the stability of Africa, the stability of its governments and its institutions, because if we don't, it is at our own danger. We should be doing it because it is the right thing. We should be listening to those allies that we have on the continent and to those Presidents, because

they are the ones who are at threat and in danger of being destroyed by terrorist groups who have now moved over the continent.

We have got to have this debate more and more and make sure that Africa is on our front burner, not our back burner. Because if Africa continues to be on our back burner, we will see Russia and China, as Mr. James has indicated, and others jumping in. We will see Wagner coming in to secure these countries. Let's have this debate.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar), who came to the United States from the continent of Africa.

Mr. Speaker, I want to clarify for Mr. Mills that when I mentioned we had not had any deaths in Somalia, I said in the last 4 years. I was acknowledging what happened before. In the last 4 years we have not lost any American troops in Somalia.

Let me also say, as I said earlier, I am happy that we are having this debate and talking about the continent of Africa. If we do that, we have to listen to the African--I can just recall, and sometimes many of my colleagues, especially on the other side of the aisle, argue that we don't get the votes we need at times in the U.N. from African countries.

I recall when we were trying to get votes in regard to Russia's illegal invasion into Ukraine, and I had to call on African ambassadors. They said: Now you are calling? We haven't heard from the United States for a while. Now you want something from me?

We have been asking for assistance in regard to security, and then I watched to see what was taking place when we looked at our diplomacy. It took over two decades before, in the 117th Congress, we passed a State Department authorization bill, and we had to do that through the NDAA as opposed to saying we were going to stand strongly on diplomacy.

Guess what China did during that period of time? They doubled their diplomacy budget.

Guess what else is happening? For the first time, China has more consulates than the United States of America.

General Kelly said that either we do and get engaged in more diplomacy, or we are going to have to spend more money on bullets.

We have an opportunity to engage and listen to allies and work with our allies. Many allies have more, and should have more, responsibility on the continent because they colonized it and are working with us collectively to try to make sure that the Chinas and the Russias of the world are not invested and that we are invested, and we are not.

It is our challenge, and I hope that when we get past this debate, we will be able to have another one. I look forward to doing it, particularly in our committee, so that we can figure out collectively, as Ms. Ilhan Omar said, how we can work together and listen to make sure that we have an overall strategy.

I say this in regard to both parties. I say this to the administration that should be doing more on the continent of Africa.

So, yes, this is not a partisan debate. This is an American debate. This is an opportunity to be attentive to a continent that is the fastest growing and the youngest on this planet but that we have ignored for far too long.

We have to wake up and do more for the continent of Africa and figure out diplomacy, figure out how we can help protect them from being victimized by terrorism, and figure out how we can strengthen institutions.

We have a lot of work to do. We have to figure out how we reauthorize AGOA, figure out how we work with the African Union, and figure out how we work with the African organizations. That is our challenge because, if not, we imperil ourselves.

I could agree that this is not just an investment in the continent; it is an

investment for America and America's leadership.

Let's lead.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

I, again, oppose this resolution because it is not an effective or constitutionally sound approach to resolving the war powers questions in Somalia that many of us here are, in fact, looking to address.

This resolution will harm U.S. interests in the Horn of Africa and make the American people less safe.

Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues who are serious about asserting Congress' constitutional role on issues of war and peace: I have some encouragement from this debate that we will have further debates talking about Congress' responsibility.

I look forward to joining with the gentleman from Florida where I heard him talk about how climate change is affecting many of the areas on the continent. I look forward to working with him in that regard.

I look forward to working with him and hope that we can get the Speaker to bring over the repeal of the AUMF of 2002 that the Senate recently has voted on that we passed 2 years ago in the 117th Congress. I will come out of here looking at some areas on which we can work collectively.

I urge the gentleman to join me to talk and work so that we can repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF with a narrower and time-bound scope.

The issues we are discussing here today are pressing and relevant, but there is a better approach. I look forward to undertaking that approach with both of my colleagues on the floor and all of my colleagues on a bipartisan basis and hope that we will have this conversation and work closely together.

Let me also make a correction. I gave credit to General Kelly on the statement of if we don't put more money into diplomacy, we have got to spend more on bullets. That was General James Mattis. I want to make sure I give proper credit to the proper person in our military.

Let's work together. I think we have a real window of opportunity. The President of South Korea, who just gave a wonderful speech here, talked about how we won World War II and the Korean war together with our allies, saving democracies, putting our values first. Let's do it.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this resolution, and let's work together in a bipartisan manner, particularly to help the continent of Africa, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Countering Untrusted Telecommunications Abroad Act, and I thank Representative Susan Wild for her strong leadership on this very important piece of legislation.

Telecommunications security is a pillar of our national security. If an adversary can partially or fully shut down your mobile network, then they have tremendous leverage over your diplomatic, economic, and security matters. If an adversary can tap into your networks through back doors built into network equipment, then phone calls on national security matters can and will be surveilled.

Given these dangerous vulnerabilities, it is crucial that Congress and the executive branch fully understand the risks.

The Countering Untrusted Telecommunications Abroad Act will require additional reporting and analysis on the safety of our communications in embassies around the globe where, by necessity, communications will often need to be routed through equipment produced by PRC companies like Huawei and ZTE.

The legislation also calls for reporting on the use of unsafe telecommunication equipment by countries with whom we have mutual security pacts. We need to be able to communicate securely with our allies and partners around the world. Crucially, the legislation also authorizes the State Department to engage in telecommunications security activities.

Notably, one section of the bill, unfortunately, was removed from the version of this legislation that passed the House overwhelmingly last Congress and that passed out of the Foreign Affairs Committee earlier this year. That section would require publicly traded telecommunications operators to disclose their use of unsafe PRC telecommunications equipment.

I know, and I believe, that this is important information for investors to know, given the sanctions and export controls currently imposed on these vendors. It is also crucial national security information.

Unfortunately, the Financial Services majority asked us to remove this section due to their disposition against explicit additional securities disclosure requirements.

While I accept their jurisdictional claim, the disclosure requirements in this legislation were modeled after a Republican bill on Iran, and I believe they would provide important information for investors and bolster national security. Representative Wild is not pushing immediate, aggressive sanctions. The removed section represented a sensible, middle-ground approach.

Given the widespread bipartisan agreement on many issues pertaining to China, I look forward to working with all of my colleagues across the aisle on both committees to find a mutually agreeable solution to this issue.

Even with the financial disclosures removed, though, the Countering Untrusted Telecommunications Abroad Act is important legislation that will move the ball forward on telecommunication security matters.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Wild), the author of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield myself the balance of my time for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, Congresswoman Wild's very important legislation, the Countering Untrusted Telecommunications Abroad Act, will take tangible steps to improve our telecommunications security and, thereby, our national security.

I appreciate the bipartisan nature with which we have dealt with this bill in the 117th Congress and now are dealing with it in the 118th Congress, working collectively together for our national security.

I believe that this bill should have every Member's support, and I urge them to vote for the Countering Untrusted Telecommunications Abroad Act.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1151, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am the proud sponsor of H.R. 1151, the Upholding Sovereignty of Airspace or the USA Act.

First, I thank Chairman Michael McCaul for co-leading this bill and for his partnership on the House Foreign Affairs Committee and presenting a united front on this very important issue.

On January 28 of this year, a PRC surveillance balloon intruded our airspace. The balloon then flew across our Nation, trying to gather intelligence from sensitive American military sites. This was an unacceptable violation of U.S. sovereignty.

The Biden administration closely monitored and tracked the balloon while it was over U.S. soil and took action to limit the balloon's ability to collect useful information that the PRC could not gather otherwise.

On February 4, once it no longer posed a danger to Americans on the ground, the United States military shot down the balloon off the coast of South Carolina.

President Biden safely and successfully took down the balloon in a way that allowed us to collect the debris and learn more about the PRC's surveillance program and capabilities.

Since that day, the Biden administration has smartly declassified additional information about the PRC's global program and shared it with our allies and partners.

We have learned that the United States and Canada aren't alone. PRC surveillance balloons have violated the sovereignty of over 40 nations across 5 continents.

This blatant disregard for the airspace and sovereignty of other nations is not only contrary to international rules, it is dangerous and provocative.

I have been deeply concerned by Beijing's response. Instead of apologizing, Beijing has resorted to denials and absurd misinformation and propaganda. Instead of making amends, Beijing has exacerbated tensions between our nations.

Now, I know that the United States of America will not be brought down by any balloon. We are the greatest and the strongest Nation on this planet.

That is why it was important to have this bipartisan legislation. By doing that, the House can clearly declare that such a violation of international law and U.S. sovereignty will not be tolerated and must not happen again.

H.R. 1151 calls on the administration to coordinate with our allies and partners and work within international organizations to call Beijing out for its repeated infringement of country sovereignty around the entire planet.

It also authorizes the President to hold responsible parties accountable through sanctions and calls for reporting and export controls by the Bureau of Industry and Security to disrupt the PRC's Military-Civil Fusion efforts related to its surveillance balloon program.

Mr. Speaker, the PRC must respect global norms and values. When the PRC doesn't, the United States and the international community must stay together to hold Beijing accountable.

Mr. Speaker, Russia's invasion of Ukraine made clear that the rules- based global order is under attack. Russia and China are increasingly not just bending the rules, they are breaking them. The PRC's violation of our sovereignty is just one example of this.

In the competition with China, we must be vigilant and vocal about upholding our values and upholding international rules.

To succeed in this competition, we must be smart, prioritizing the challenges and strategies to address them while working diplomatically alongside our partners and allies and friends.

The PRC's global surveillance program was a challenge not only to the

United States but to the sovereignty of nations around the world, and it deserves a policy response. That is why this bill is very important.

It is also why, again, I thank Chairman McCaul and Members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee for working collectively in a bipartisan way.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 1151, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, Putin's Russia has abandoned the international systems that help countries interact and help build good faith and greater security. As someone who believes in the power of diplomacy and dialogue as a path to peace, the state of today's Russia is tragic and testing the international community's resolve, but I am so thankful that President Biden is indeed more responsible than Mr. Putin.

It is that kind of responsibility that is truly important and that we make sure that we are utilizing diplomacy along with our allies together, not America alone, not America by itself, but America and its friends. That is restraint.

I can recall if you have a red line, it is easy to draw a line, but the person that is most reserved steps back and if someone truly crosses that line, the United States is ready.

That Russia ignores the rules and standards is really not new. It is not surprising, but it has become more consequential and detrimental. We have

seen Russia's ill-advised and criminal behavior in Ukraine. That is why the United States under President Biden's leadership has created the strong bond with our NATO and European allies and others all across the world.

Again, when I think of March 14 and the Russian pilots' decision to release jet fuel upon an American surveillance drone and clip the aircraft, it indeed was a reckless move that caused the drone to crash into the Black Sea. It was an unprofessional and dangerous maneuver, and it marked the first time since the Cold War that Russia has downed a U.S. aircraft.

This incident added to the already heightened tensions between the United States and Russia as Vladimir Putin continues his war of aggression in Ukraine. While our pilots and military work carefully to avoid such incidents--again, prudence, responsibility--I don't want to be like Vladimir Putin or the Russians. I don't want to imitate them, but Russia is about to play with fire.

Thankfully, we have a professional military that knows the power of restraint. This resolution rightfully condemns the March 14 incident and will let them know that we are watching, and we will not be silent about it, especially here in the United States Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage all of my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, let me thank Congressman Williams for this resolution, along with Mr. Costa, again working in a strong, bipartisan way.

Congressman Williams' resolution appropriately condemns Russia's irresponsible and provocative downing of a U.S. surveillance drone over the Black Sea. It lets Russia and the entire world know that the United States House of Representatives stands strongly together in condemning the actions of the pilot that downed the U.S. surveillance drone.

It says unequivocally that the United States of America will stand and stand together and work together with our friends and allies against the provocative and, I believe, criminal actions of Vladimir Putin.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and his staff for working collectively on this bipartisan bill at this very important time. Clearly, making sure that we are working collectively together with one voice on this serious issue is of utmost importance to all of us in the United States of America.

The Biden administration, in coordination with Australia and the U.K., recently formalized the trilateral security partnership known as AUKUS, which aims to strengthen shared defense priorities in the Indo- Pacific. This new security framework represents an important step forward to the United States and the Indo-Pacific, and for strengthening our shared capabilities in the strategic competition defining our world today and for years to come.

Within this broader AUKUS agreement, Pillar 2 advances military capabilities with the intent of developing and enhancing joint capabilities between Australia, the U.K., and the United States to improve security and interoperability in the region. One aspect of this pillar is improving and synchronizing processes related to arms exports and sharing of sensitive defense technologies between participants. This includes encouraging and advising our partners on how to strengthen the regulatory frameworks to enable closer cooperation while maintaining appropriate safeguards.

H.R. 1093 requires the State Department to report to Congress on its efforts toward implementation of the advanced capabilities pillar of AUKUS, including International Traffic in Arms Regulations and improvements necessary in partner country regulations to enable secure and successful implementation.

As the United States looks to build on this important shared security partnership with Australia and the United Kingdom within the AUKUS framework, I am proud, again, to co-lead this bipartisan initiative with Chairman McCaul to ensure we move forward in a meaningful way.

As we engage in strategic competition, sharing our defense technologies and capabilities in a safe, secure, and regulated manner with our partners is absolutely critical. Therefore, I encourage my colleagues, all of my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans, to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Courtney), my friend from HASC.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Connecticut.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Connecticut.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1093 is an important bipartisan measure which requires the State Department to report to Congress on its efforts toward implementation of the advanced capabilities pillar of AUKUS and improvements necessary in partner country regulations to enable secure and successful implementation.

As we look to build on and implement our shared security partnerships with Australia and the United Kingdom encapsulated within the AUKUS framework, I am proud to co-lead this bipartisan framework with Chairman McCaul.

In this strategic competition, the most important of our era, sharing our defense technologies and capabilities in a safe, secure, and regulated manner will only make us all stronger and more united.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that all of my colleagues will join me in support of this very important bipartisan bill. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of H.R. 1159.

This legislation introduced by Mrs. Wagner, the vice chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and Messrs. Connolly and Lawler, House Foreign Affairs Committee members, showcases this body's steadfast, bipartisan commitment to Taiwan.

As a vibrant democracy and reliable partner of the United States of America, Taiwan has long been a force for good in promoting prosperity and development in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

Our robust and longstanding friendship is built on our shared values of democracy and good governance, strong people-to-people ties, and ever-expanding commercial and economic engagement.

When I visited Taiwan with Speaker Pelosi last year, the reception we received from the people was nothing short of incredible. We were welcomed with open arms. Thousands of people greeted us as the plane landed. More than that viewed us as our trip took its way to Taiwan.

Our trip demonstrated that Members of Congress will not be dictated to by Beijing and that we will not sit idly by as Beijing attempts to intimidate and coerce our friend.

The people of Taiwan showed us tremendous respect and affection, so much so it was in a way that I believe demonstrates their confidence that the United States Congress will continue to stand up for them.

In acknowledgment of our deep and lasting friendship, the Biden administration took concrete steps to encourage greater engagement with Taiwan. In April 2021, the State Department revised its guidelines to liberalize executive branch interactions with Taiwan counterparts in a way that is consistent with our One China policy and honors our longstanding ties to Taiwan as enshrined in the Taiwan Relations Act.

This legislation amends the Taiwan Assurance Act of 2020 to reauthorize regular reporting on the State Department's Taiwan contact guidelines. This bill sends a strong message that Congress stands with our friends in Taiwan, supports greater engagement, and wants to have an active part in strengthening the United States-Taiwan relationship.

As the United States and Taiwan look to further enhance our cooperation, facilitating ways to bolster our ongoing people-to-people ties is vital. Not only have our two sides benefited tremendously from our close engagement, but the world stands to benefit, as well.

Again, I congratulate Representative Wagner, the vice chair of the committee; Mr. Connolly; and Mr. Lawler for coming up with this bipartisan bill, and I encourage all of my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), my friend.

Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1159 is an important bipartisan measure that reauthorizes regular reporting on the State Department's Taiwan contact guidelines to Congress and encourages greater engagement with our friends in Taiwan, consistent with our One China policy.

As a vibrant democracy, a force of good will, and a model for the world, Taiwan is, indeed, a key part of the Indo-Pacific region. It is vital that we find concrete ways to expand and deepen interactions at every level and work together to advance our mutual priorities based on our shared values, strong people-to-people ties, and common vision for the region.

Again, I thank Vice Chair Wagner, Mr. Connolly, and Mr. Lawler for coming together with this strong bipartisan bill, and I urge all of my colleagues to join us and support this very important bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.