Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis) for yielding me this time. I thank the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Deal) for speaking on behalf of this legislation and being here tonight.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize a fellow Georgian, a man whom I am proud to call a friend, former President Jimmy Carter. It is fitting that we honor President Carter on the occasion of his 80th birthday, which was celebrated just a few days ago.

President Carter has spent the better part of his life in public service, serving honorably as an officer of the United States Navy, as a Georgia State senator, as Governor of Georgia, and as the 39th President of the United States.

During his Presidency, he was a steadfast champion on human rights. Jimmy Carter established human rights as a tenet of American foreign policy and pressed nations to uphold basic standards. In the foreign policy arena, he successfully negotiated both the SALT II and Panama Canal treaties. However, his greatest achievement was the Camp David Accord. President Carter was instrumental in brokering the long-sought- after peace agreement between Israel and Egypt.

I have known Jimmy Carter for more than 40 years. He is a truly dedicated, committed human being. Considered the most successful ex- President of our time, President Carter has used his position not to earn a lot of money but to do good. He has used his position to continue his commitment to peace by going around the world doing good, monitoring elections, and fighting for health care and eradication of diseases that afflict humankind the world over.

In addition, he has been influential in mediating international crises around the world, including those in North Korea, Somalia, and Haiti.

A true man of peace, Jimmy Carter serves as a living international symbol of what is right, of what is good and what is compassionate. In 2002, President Carter's effort to promote peace earned him recognition by the Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awarded him the Nobel Peace Prize.

Now, Mr. Speaker, it is our turn to recognize his tireless efforts to improve the human condition and to bring peace to a world in need of peace.

So tonight I ask all of my colleagues to join us in extending the birthday wishes of the House to former President Jimmy Carter.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for yielding me the time.

I yield to the gentlewoman from California.

Mr. Speaker, over the years, this Nation has worked hard to take discrimination out of the Constitution, and today, we want to put it back in.

I can recall just a few short years ago that there were laws inscribed in some State constitutions saying that blacks and whites could not marry. We changed that.

Today, we look back on those days, and we laugh. There will come a time when generations yet unborn will look back on this Congress, look back on this debate, and laugh at us. This is not a good day in America. This is a sad day in the House of the people.

For one who faced death, who was beaten and left bloody and unconscious at the Greyhound bus station in Montgomery, Alabama, in May of 1961; for one who had a concussion at the bridge in Selma on March 7, 1965, demonstrating, trying to end discrimination, segregation and separation, this is not the way.

This is unbelievable. It is unreal. I thought as a Nation and as a people we had moved so far down the road toward one family, one House, one America. To pass this legislation would be a step backward.

The institution of marriage is not begging this Congress for protection. No one is running through the halls of Congress. No one is running around this building saying protect us.

Whose marriage is threatened? Whose marriage is in danger if two people, in the privacy of their own hearts, decide they want to be committed to each other? Whose marriage is threatened? Whose marriage is in danger if we decide to recognize the dignity, the worth and humanity of all human beings?

The Constitution is a sacred document. It defines who we are as a Nation and as a people. Over the years, we have tried to make it more and more inclusive. We cannot turn back. We do not want to go back. We want to go forward. Today it is gay marriage; tomorrow it will be something else.

Forget about the politics; vote your conscience. Vote with your heart, vote with your soul, vote with your gut. Do what is right and defeat this amendment.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. I just want to set the record straight here. Some of these so-called black ministers and so-called civil rights leaders never supported civil rights. They never marched for one day. They never put their bodies on the line for the cause of civil rights.

Coretta Scott King, the widow of Martin Luther King, Jr. is opposed to this amendment.

Mr. Speaker, the Vice President of the United States said yesterday, ``It is absolutely essential that 8 weeks from today on November 2nd, we make the right choice, because if we make the wrong choice, then the danger is that we'll get hit again.'' The words of the Vice President, Vice President Cheney.

That is absolutely outrageous. It is unreal. It is unbelievable.

My fellow Americans, I want you to know that this administration will say anything, even do anything to stay in power. They will deceive, they will mislead, and they will steal. They will not tell the truth. There should be a sense of righteous indignation all across America, in the American media.

The Vice President of the United States is preaching the politics of fear. He is trying to scare the American people. We can do better, much better, with the politics of hope. For we are one people, one America, one family, one House. The American family. The American House. Shame on you, Mr. Vice President.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend and colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, for me, this is unreal. It is unbelievable. I thought that as a Nation and as a people that we had moved much further down the road. To pass this legislation would be a step backward.

There is a song, and some of you are old enough to know it: ``Mr. Big stuff, who do you think you are?'' I would ask, well, Members of Congress, who do you think we are?

We have not been called or chosen by the people to strip the courts of their power. We have not been ordained by some force to say, ``Don't come in here. Don't apply for justice.''

Those of us who came through the civil rights movement saw the Federal courts as a sympathetic referee in the struggle for justice, for fairness and for equality.

If it had not been for the Federal courts, where would we be? If it had not been for the Supreme Court of 1964, there would still be legalized segregation in America. If it had not been for the Federal courts, we would still see signs saying ``White Men,'' ``Colored Men,'' ``White Women,'' ``Colored Women,'' ``White Waiting,'' ``Colored Waiting.''

If it had not been for the Federal courts, I would not be standing here today and many Members of Congress who are people of color would not be standing here either.

We do not want to go back. We want to go forward. To vote for this legislation would be like Members of Congress trying to stand in the courthouse door, just like George Wallace stood in the schoolhouse door to stop integration of Alabama schools.

Today it is gay marriage. Tomorrow it will be something else. During the 1960s, in 1963, in 1964, in 1965, we heard some of the same old arguments. Have we learned anything?

Forget about the politics. Vote your conscience. Vote with your heart, with your soul, with your gut. Do what is right and defeat this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague for yielding me this time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Resolution 676, recognizing the 40th anniversary of the congressional passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I want to thank my good friend of many years, a colleague in the student nonviolent coordinating committee during the early 1960s, the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), for bringing forth this resolution.

In addition, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank her for all of her hard work for many years for civil rights and social justice, and for having the courage during and after law school at Yale University to come south and work in Mississippi during one of the most difficult periods in the history of our country and in the history of our struggle for civil rights. And for helping to organize the march on Washington 41 years ago, I thank her, thank her for keeping the faith, thank her for keeping her eyes on the prize.

Mr. Speaker, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 just did not happen. It just did not happen. It took many years, many months of struggle on the part of a disciplined and organized movement that created a climate, created an environment for action on the part of the President of the United States and the Members of the Congress.

One must understand that in the American south during the 1950s and 1960s, there were signs that said, ``white men, colored men; white women, colored women; white waiting, colored waiting.'' Segregation and discrimination were the order of the day. As a child growing up in the American south, and as a participant in the civil rights movement, I saw those signs. There were separate water fountains in department stores, in public buildings. A sign in front of the fountain marked ``white'' and a spigot marked ``colored'' for people to get water to drink.

Black people could not go into a store, buy a pair of shoes. And sometimes they were not even allowed to try on those shoes. They would go into a store and they were not even allowed to try on a suit, and women were not allowed to try on a dress. They were welcome to go into a drugstore to get a prescription filled, but they were not allowed to sit down at the lunch counter and have a soda or something to eat. They had to take it out on the streets and stand up to drink or eat. There were separate waiting rooms in bus stations and train stations. People could not stay in the same hotel. People could not ride in the same taxi cabs.

When I look back on it, Mr. Speaker, the drama of the movement, the sit-ins, the freedom rides, the stand-ins at the theaters, the marches, all were the action of an ordinary people using the philosophy and the discipline of nonviolence. People had been beaten, people had been arrested and jailed, some had been shot and even killed. Medgar Evers was shot and killed in May of 1963 at his home in Jackson, Mississippi. Police Commissioner Bull Connor in Birmingham, Alabama, used fire hoses and dogs on nonviolent protestors. Four little girls were killed while attending Sunday school on Sunday morning September 15, 1963, when their church was bombed. Because of what happened in Birmingham, Alabama, and other parts of the American south, there was a sense of righteous indignation.

All across America, by the hundreds and thousands, people started demanding that the Federal Government act. People sent letters, telegrams, and petitions to Members of Congress and to the White House. And President Kennedy responded on June 11 in a nationally televised address to the Nation and he urged the Congress to pass a Civil Rights Act.

The Congress debated the proposed Act for many days, long nights, and it was finally passed on July 2, 1964. Forty years ago, President Lyndon Johnson signed into law that Act. I think it is fitting and appropriate, Mr. Speaker, for us to pause and celebrate the distance we have come and the progress we have made. Because of the actions of hundreds of our citizens, and because of the response of the United States Congress, President John F. Kennedy, and President Lyndon Johnson we have witnessed what I like to call a nonviolent revolution in America, a revolution of values, a revolution of ideas.

Today, because of the actions of 1964, we are a better Nation, we are a better people, better in the process of laying down the burdens of race. The signs that I saw back then, the young people today will never see. The only place they will see those signs will be in a museum, in a book, or a video. Those signs are gone, and they will never, ever return to America.

Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 449, a bill to celebrate the life of Ray Charles.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from California, my friend, for yielding me this time, the place where Ray Charles spent many wonderful and great years. I also want to thank the gentleman from the State of Georgia, my friend, for bringing this resolution forth.

This native of Georgia, son of America, citizen of the world, was born to sing. He was born to make music. Whether Gospel, blues, country, or rock, he had the rare ability to reach the depth of our souls.

After losing his sight at a very young age, Ray Charles perfected his voice, a voice that transcended race, color, and class. Through songs like ``Georgia on My Mind,'' ``America the Beautiful,'' ``Hit the Road Jack,'' ``What I'd Say,'' ``Spirit in the Dark,'' and ``I Can't Stop Loving You,'' he spoke to the hearts and souls of millions and became a pivotal figure in modern American and world music.

But, Mr. Speaker, Ray Charles's commitment did not just end with music. He was also committed to equality for all, by providing personal and financial support in the fight for civil rights. Ray Charles dedicated his life to uniting a divided America and bringing the world community a little closer. He was very supportive of education. He gave millions of dollars to Morehouse College in Atlanta.

For more than 60 years, Ray Charles blessed us with his music, and, Mr. Speaker, I believe we will never see his likeness again.

I thank Ray Charles. I thank him for his service. I thank him for giving his heart, his soul, his very being for the benefit of all human kind. Our world, our Nation, is a little bit better because Ray Charles passed this way with his music, with his heart, with his soul.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity yesterday to visit the State of Mississippi and to visit the city of Philadelphia in Neshoba County.

Hundreds of black and white citizens gathered in Neshoba County in the city of Philadelphia. The mayor of the city of Philadelphia, the Governor, former Governor Winters, the former Secretary of State, Dick Molpus, and hundreds and hundreds of other citizens gathered to pay tribute to these three young men.

Forty years ago today, three courageous young Americans, Andy Goodman, James Chaney and Mickey Schwerner, paid the ultimate price for trying to secure voting rights for all of our citizens. These three young men, simply because they were black and white working together to expand democracy, were arrested by the sheriff and his deputy. Later that same evening, they were taken to jail and turned over to the Klan where they were beaten, shot, and killed.

As I said yesterday, and I will say it again today, it is unbelievable, it is unreal, but it did happen. These three young people did not die in Europe, they did not die in Africa, in Vietnam or the Middle East, but right here in our own country, in the heart of the South, in the State of Mississippi. As a Nation and as a people we must never, ever forget the sacrifice they made. Their blood helped to cultivate and grow the seeds of our democracy.

Forty years ago in the State of Mississippi, that State had a black voting age population of more than 450,000, but only about 16,000 blacks were registered to vote. People had to pass a so-called literacy test and interpret some section of the constitution of the State of Mississippi. On one occasion there was a man who had a graduate degree, a Ph.D. degree, and he flunked the so-called literacy test. On another occasion in an adjoining State, the State of Alabama, a man was asked to give the number of bubbles in a bar of soap.

These three brave and courageous citizens, young citizens of America, must be looked upon as the founding fathers of the new America. James Chaney, Mickey Schwerner, and Andy Goodman helped beat down one of the mightiest walls of resistance to equal justice in America. We must never, ever forget their sacrifice for the freedom of us all. They made it possible for many of us to stand here today in this Congress.

Mr. Speaker, it is my great pleasure and my delight to yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), who came to Mississippi as a young lawyer, brave, courageous, to work during the summer of 1964 with those of us in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her kind remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to congratulate Mr. Randy Johnson on his perfect game. Throughout his long career, Mr. Johnson has been a fierce opponent with his vicious change-up and scorching fastball. On May 18, Mr. Johnson achieved perfection. At the age of 40, and after being awarded the Cy Young award in both the American and National Leagues, Randy Johnson threw a perfect game. He is the oldest pitcher to achieve this athletic triumph.

With this achievement, Mr. Johnson joins an elite class of pitchers that spans the history of America's game and include baseball legends Cy Young, Don Larsen, Sandy Koufax, and Catfish Hunter.

Mr. Johnson has been one of the preeminent pitchers in baseball over a career that has spanned 17 years. We congratulate Randy Johnson for pitching a perfect game and recognize him for a brilliant pitching career.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I want to take the time today to congratulate the Detroit Pistons on their inspiring run through the NBA season and playoffs and on their first NBA as championship since 1990.

Behind the leadership of the legendary Head Coach Larry Brown, the Pistons displayed a sense of purpose and energy often missing in the NBA game today.

On the court a trio of stars and an excellent supporting cast led the team brilliantly. Despite suffering a broken bone in his face, Richard Hamilton led the Pistons offensively all season and played his best basketball of the season in the playoffs, when he averaged 21.5 points per game.

The Pistons' vaunted defense was led all season by two-time NBA defensive player of the year, winner Ben Wallace, who brought a no- nonsense style to the Pistons.

Though one of the league's best teams last year, team finally came into championship form in mid-season this year when a trade brought forward Rasheed Wallace to the team. Mr. Wallace's veteran experience was the final piece needed as the Pistons stormed through the regular season and the playoffs.

In the finals, the Pistons were regarded as the heavy underdog to the Los Angeles Lakers. However, once again, the Pistons bucked these seemingly insurmountable odds and won the championship series in games. This was basketball at its best.

In closing, I join my colleague. I too want to congratulate the Pistons for their spectacular season, and I look forward to watching them bring the same sort of excitement to basketball again next year. It was basketball, good basketball, wonderful basketball.

I have a lot of relatives living in Detroit, and they were rooting for the Pistons, and I was rooting with them for the Pistons. Go Pistons, go.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) for yielding me time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in outrage at this irresponsible bill we are voting on today. This bill is so reckless that the majority refused to allow us to vote on a substitute for fear that the debate would show the bill for what it really is. This bill is an overloaded Christmas tree with Christmas gifts for all sorts of special interests, from Chinese ceiling fans, to tackle boxes.

Mr. Speaker, instead of replacing the FSC incentive with much-needed help for United States manufacturers, as the Rangel substitute would have done, this bill provides $5 billion in new tax breaks that actually encourages companies to move their operations offshore. We are bleeding manufacturing jobs, and this bill encourages outsourcing. It is outrageous. It is a disgrace and a shame.

To add insult to injury, this bill will increase our deficit by a minimum of $34 billion over 10 years. But because the gimmicks are designed to hide the true costs, the actual price tag will be much higher.

Perhaps the most outrageous provisions of the bill, though, are the blatant sweeteners and special interest tax breaks designed to buy votes. Not one of them has anything to do with FSC.

These are just a few of the many gifts that have been placed on the tree: a tax break for manufacturers of fish and tackle boxes, a tax break for a maker of sonar devices used in fishing, a tax break for landowners who sell timber from their land, a tax break for makers of bows and arrows, a tax break for whaling, a tax break for alcoholic beverage wholesalers, and a $9 million buyout for tobacco.

Mr. Speaker, the calendar may say June 17; but make no mistake, today is Christmas for specialty interests. I urge my colleagues to do what is right and reject this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my colleagues in paying tribute to and saying a word of thank you to Charles Johnson, the distinguished Parliamentarian of the House of Representatives.

This is my 18th year of serving in this House, and this Member can testify to the fact that Charles Johnson has been a fair, hardworking, committed and dedicated public servant. When new Members were given the chance to preside over the House, he was always patient and eager to help Members make it through the process.

The House is a better House, and the country is a better country because of Charles Johnson.

It is my belief that when historians pick up their pens and write the history of this House during the latter part of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, they will have to write that a man called Charles Johnson made a lasting contribution to maintaining order and peace in this House.

But he did more than maintain order and peace with his talents, skills and ability. He helped guide this House through some of the most important and sometimes bitter debates and discussions. Charles Johnson has helped guide this House through the discussion and debate on voting rights, civil rights, Medicare, the Higher Education Act, war and peace.

I want to join my colleagues to thank Charles Johnson for all of his good work and for his contribution toward the strengthening of our democracy. Charles Johnson, Mr. Parliamentarian, we wish you well in the days and years to come.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague for yielding me this time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in disbelief that we are even considering such an irresponsible bill today. Instead of taking responsible steps to make permanent a tax cut to help working families with children, this bill balloons our Federal debt and gives thousands of dollars in extra tax breaks to the very wealthiest Americans.

On the other hand, those who need help the most, low- to moderate- income working families with children, receive little benefit under this bill. And those at the very bottom get nothing. That is right, they get nothing.

A family with one parent who works full time at minimum wage earns about $10,300 a year. That struggling family will get no benefit under this unfair bill. A better off, but still low-income, family with two children earning $12,000 will get a one-time $300 tax break. This is only $25 per child or $50 more than they would already receive under current law.

Contrast that with a two-child family earning between $150,000 and $250,000. That family will get $20,000 in extra tax breaks over the next 10 years, $20,000.

This largess comes at a high price indeed. This bill comes with a price tag of $228 billion over 10 years. In fact, when we combine the cost of this bill with the cost of the three other tax bills we have passed over the last month, we are looking at $569 billion worth of tax cuts. That is over half a trillion dollars added to our already incredible debt of $7.2 trillion.

Yes, my colleagues heard me right, $569 billion on top of $7.2 trillion.

This bill is outrageous. It is a sham. It is a shame and a disgrace. What we

are doing today, yet again, is offering huge tax breaks for those who need them least by greatly increasing the debt tax that will burden all of our children and grandchildren for many years to come.

Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to tell me how that is fair. The fact is they cannot, and no one can because this bill is not only unfair; it is downright reckless.

Mr. Speaker, it is long past the time for us to exercise fiscal restraint, but it is never, ever too late to take that first step.

The Democrats, the people on my side of the aisle, we have a better version, a more responsible bill, a more equitable bill, a bill that truly helps those who need it most.

I urge my colleagues to take the first step. Vote against this bill and vote for the Rangel substitute. Our children and our grandchildren deserve better.

Mr. Speaker, I want to take a few moments to remember the 50th anniversary of the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education. May 17, 1954, became a history-making day.

I was 14 years old, in the ninth grade, when the Brown decision was issued. I rode to school on a broken-down school bus. I was taught in a dilapidated schoolhouse. I had hand-me-down books and sat in an overcrowded classroom. When the word of the Brown decision reached me outside of Troy, Alabama, I thought the very next school year I would be able to attend an integrated school. But it did not happen for me. It did not happen for many African American children for many years to come.

Mr. Speaker, as you know, laws set the standard in America, but that is only one important part of the so-called contract in a democracy. Courts can hand down the law, but the people must be willing to abide by the law before it has power. So it took some time before school integration came to many parts of the American South. But the Brown decision was the first powerful step in the modern-day civil rights movement. It set the tone and laid the groundwork for what was to come. It said once and for all that segregation was dead. It said separate could never ever be equal.

So it was only a matter of time before the whole system of American apartheid would come to an end. But perhaps most important, Mr. Speaker, the Brown decision was an inspiration. It gave hope to so many throughout the South. It was the first time we had ever had an indication that anyone in the Federal Government knew about the injustice we suffered, and it was the first time we had ever heard any government agent agree that it was wrong.

The Brown decision strengthened the resolve of people already involved in the struggle for civil rights, and it encouraged hundreds and thousands of young people like me to believe a new day could come in America. And that is why the Brown decision is so important to remember.

Many people never dreamed that they would ever see the end of segregation, but the Brown decision helped them to see that a persistent call for justice in America can bring change. That is why we cannot give in, we cannot give up, and we cannot give out, Mr. Speaker, until the promise of the Brown decision is fully realized in America.

We have come a long way in 50 years, but we still have a great distance to go before we lay down the burden of race in America. But our struggle is more than one decision, more than one vote, one congressional term, or Presidential election. Ours is a struggle of a lifetime, and that is why we must not get lost in a sea of despair, Mr. Speaker. We must not lose faith in a dream of an integrated society promised by the Brown decision.

Here, in the United States Congress, we must hold fast to the struggle for peace, the struggle for equality, and the struggle for justice for all, until the dream of a truly interracial democracy is fully realized in America, until we see the dawn of the beloved community, a Nation at peace with itself.

We cannot be satisfied, we cannot rest until that day comes, until the true meaning of Brown is a living reality for all Americans.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak against this rule. We can do better. We can do much better as a Nation and as a people.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart, but my conscience is clear. I am so sick and tired of seeing so many of our young men and our young women die in Iraq. I am deeply troubled by the acts that some of our soldiers committed against the prisoners of war in Iraq.

Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues today, we must take a good and hard look at the leadership of this Nation, the leadership of this government, the leader of this government, the person who was in charge. I say to my colleagues today, we must hold the leadership, the President, the Secretary of Defense, the Vice President, hold them accountable for mistake after mistake we have committed in this war, and we must hold them accountable for the unjust torture of prisoners of war.

Mr. Speaker, it is not a question of who committed these unbelievable acts. It is not a question of who, but what. What led to this flagrant disregard for the humanity of our fellow human beings? Those at the highest level of this government, the President, the Vice President, the Secretary of Defense, they all have created the climate and the environment that led to these abuses. What happened to those prisoners is a reflection on our soul, on our values.

American citizens smiling as they humiliate citizens of Iraq! There must be a sense of righteous indignation in America about what happened in those prison cells, and there must be a sense of righteous indignation in this Congress against these unspeakable acts. Does it profit a great Nation to gain a whole world or win a war and lose a soul?

Mr. Speaker, I have said it in the past and I say it again today. War is messy. It is bloody. It tends not to just hide the truth, but to sacrifice the truth. Why did it take so long, so long for us to get this information? Why did not Mr. Rumsfeld, why did not the President inform the Congress? Why did officials at the highest levels of government try to hide these criminal acts against humanity? Why did they try to cover it up?

Mr. Speaker, we have made mistakes, yes, but it is not enough to issue an apology. It is not enough to say we are sorry--and we should apologize. We should say we are sorry.

The handwriting is on the wall, Mr. Speaker. It is time for us to close this very dark and sordid chapter of our history. It is time for the Secretary of Defense to go. He must leave.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart, but my conscience is clear. I am so sick and tired of seeing so many of our young men and our young women die in Iraq.

Why has our Commander in Chief led them to their deaths in this unnecessary war? What will we tell the parents who will never see their children again? What will we tell the children longing in vain for their mothers and fathers to come home? Why did they die? Why?

After the atrocities we have committed against the Iraq prisoners of war, after the physical and psychological damage we have inflicted on the people of that nation, we can no longer truthfully say we are leading Iraq to freedom. Before the war, we were told that we would be welcomed as liberators.

Mr. Speaker, I say to you today, we must take a good hard look at our leadership in America. I say to you today, we must hold them accountable for mistake after mistake we have committed in this war. We must hold them accountable for the deaths of our young people, and we must hold them accountable for the unjust torture of our prisoners of war.

Mr. Speaker, it is not a question of who committed these unbelievable acts of torture. It is not a question of who, but what. What led to this flagrant disregard for the humanity of our fellow human beings?

Those at the highest level of this government, the President, the Vice President and the Secretary of Defense, they have all created the climate and the environment that led to these abuses. They have disregarded the sovereignty of another nation. Now our soldiers have disregarded the humanity of the citizens of Iraq.

Violence begets violence, Mr. Speaker. A military overthrow of another government does not lead to a peaceful democracy.

American soldiers smiling as they humiliate citizens of Iraq. There must be a sense of righteous indignation in America about what happened in those prison cells, and there must be a sense of righteous indignation in this Congress against these unspeakable acts.

Mr. Speaker, I have said it in the past, and I will say it again today: war is messy. It is bloody. It tends to not just hide the truth, but to sacrifice the truth.

Why did it take so long for this information to come out? Why did the officials at the highest level of government try to hide these crimes against humanity? Why did they try to cover them up?

Mr. Speaker, we have made mistakes, yes; but it is not enough to issue an apology. It is not enough to say we are sorry. We should issue an apology, but we should say we are sorry also.

But, Mr. Speaker, the handwriting is on the wall. It is time for us to get out. It is time for us to bring our young men and our young women home. It is time for us to close this very dark and sordid chapter in the history of our great Nation.