Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Representative Gutierrez's motion to instruct on H.R. 10, I must oppose this motion to instruct.

This motion specifically instructs the conferees to remove sections 3005, 3006, 3007, 3008, 3009, 3032, 3051, 3052, 3053, 3054, 3055, and 3056, something I agree with. However, his motion to instruct also calls conferees to recede from the entire House amendment and thus accept Senate bill, S. 2845, which has some very unacceptable provisions. One such provision exposes the funds we spend on the intelligence community.

Even though he references immigration provisions, which forced me to vote against the House bill, his motion to instruct has the purpose of accepting the entire Senate bill. This is something I cannot agree to.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Omar Moises Ruiz Hernandez, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Ruiz Hernandez is a peaceful pro-democracy activist in totalitarian Cuba. He is an independent journalist for the Decoro Working Group and was vice delegate of the Democratic Solidarity Party. The son of a reverend, his religious conviction and belief in freedom has made him a target of the dictatorship's thugs. According to Amnesty International, Mr. Ruiz Hernandez was arrested in January and March 1996, interrogated in October 1997, and subject to ongoing harassment as he carried out his activities.

As an independent journalist, Mr. Ruiz Hernandez has written about the nightmare that is the Castro regime. His articles have appeared on the CubaNet website. According to Reporters Without Borders, Mr. Ruiz Hernandez has been harassed for his reporting on the malfunctioning of Cuban society under the totalitarian regime as far back as 1992.

In March, 2003, as part of the dictator's condemnable crackdown on peaceful pro democracy activists, Mr. Ruiz Hernandez was arrested because of his belief in truth and liberty over propaganda and repression. In a sham trial, he was ``sentenced'' to 18 years in the inhuman, totalitarian gulag.

Mr. Ruiz Hernandez is suffering from extreme abuse in the gulag. According to Reporters Without Borders, he has been held in ``maximum harshness'' including isolation in a 1.9 by 4 meter cell, as well as transferred to a cell with common prisoners. Mr. Ruiz Hernandez is also ailing from diseases caused by the heinous conditions of the gulag.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Ruiz Hernandez is suffering in a grotesque gulag because he believes in truth and freedom. My Colleagues, it is absolutely unacceptable that peaceful pro-democracy activists are languishing in the depraved prisons of tyrants. We must demand immediate freedom for Omar Moises Ruiz Hernandez and every prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to congratulate Continental National Bank of Miami on their 30th anniversary of operations. Continental National Bank is an established and trusted institution that serves the financial needs of my community.

Continental National Bank was established in 1974 and was the first Cuban-American owned national bank chartered in the United States. It is a full service community bank with six branches in Miami, Hialeah and Sweetwater. The bank offers a variety of personal and commercial services, including residential mortgage lending, small builder construction financing, and online banking services.

For 30 years, Continental National Bank has been at the heart of the economic development of South Florida. With quality banking services, a skilled staff and extensive community involvement, Continental National Bank has developed a reputation for caring about its customers while extending knowledgeable and professional banking services.

Again, Mr. Speaker, I warmly congratulate Continental National Bank on this important milestone and thank all of the fine men and women who are part of Continental National for their commitment and faithful service in supporting the needs and priorities of the entire South Florida community.

Mr. Speaker. I rise today to speak about Mijail Barzaga Lugo, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Barzaga Lugo is an independent journalist in totalitarian Cuba. He believes in writing and publishing the truth, including about the nightmare that is the Castro regime. In his quest to disseminate the facts about the politics of repression practiced by the tyrant, Mr. Barzaga Lugo has written for various publications, including Cubanet. However, the dictatorship mandates propaganda and the tyrant's thugs arrest and imprison the brave independent journalists who peacefully publish the truth about the decrepit regime.

In March 2003, as part of Castro's brutal crackdown on peaceful pro- democracy activists, Mr. Barzaga Lugo was arrested. In the sham trial that followed, he was sentenced to 15 years in the abhorrent totalitarian gulag.

According to Amnesty International, the sham trial verdict read, in part, ``Mijail Barzaga Lugo, in 2002, wrote, as an independent journalist, in different websites like Cubanet, Cubaliberal, and Payolibre, different articles of a subversive and counterrevolutionary type.'' Let me be clear, this sham verdict only confirms that Mr. Barzaga Lugo is languishing in the infernal gulag because he heroically wrote the truth about the totalitarian dictatorship.

Mr. Speaker, it is unconscionable that anyone, anywhere, is imprisoned in sub-human gulags simply for their belief in truth, freedom and democracy. At the dawn of the 21st century, mankind must no longer tolerate prisoners of conscience in any form, in any place, in any country. My Colleagues, we must demand the immediate release of Mijail Barzaga Lugo and every prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, it is important that the facts be clear: The sale of agricultural products and medicine to Cuba, even to the regime, is legal. The only requirement is that they have to pay.

Now, I was involved in a negotiation with a number of Members of this House some years back. It was a very detailed and difficult negotiation, but an agreement ensued that permitted the sale of agricultural products. The sale of medical products had been legal since 1992. The agreement permitted the sale of agricultural products even to the regime, as I said, Mr. Chairman, as long as the regime paid.

Now, even the economic interests that do business with the regime have made it clear that they want to be paid. What the discussion is about today is financing for the dictatorship, to make available financing for the dictatorship.

Amendments seem to find their way to this floor, no matter how much repression and torture the Cuban dictator engages in against his people, no matter how many people he imprisons simply for their views, no matter how much he tortures the people whom he imprisons. No matter how many people he even murders because they try to seek freedom, amendments manage to find their way to this floor to reward the tyrant. So now there is one amendment here that seeks to reward the dictator with financing.

What we are saying is, there has really never been a time to reward a dictatorship for repression and jailing of opponents and the murder of opponents. There has never been a time for that. Much less is there a time now, after the dictator has increased repression.

So on the issue of financing, I would simply remind my colleagues again that even those who sell to the dictator wish to be paid. Even those who sell to the dictator have said that they like the fact that they have to be paid, that they know that the dictator owes billions of dollars to people who have offered financing to him from other places of the world. What we do not want is to increase the amount of debt that the dictator owes, this time to Americans, much less to Americans who might then wish to have the taxpayer later bail them out.

The bottom line is that the sale of agricultural products is legal, that the sale of medical products has for a long time been legal, and that the only requirement is that the dictator pay. So we do not think that it is appropriate now to reward the dictatorship with financing. Even the people who sell are not pushing for that, because they like the fact that they get paid.

Mr. Chairman, this amendment is really in bad taste, especially when you consider the torture that the political prisoners are being subjected to. Those are the future leaders of the Cuban congress, those are the future leaders of the judiciary and, in fact, the future presidents of the Republic of Cuba, people who today are languishing in prison being tortured; and we owe at the very least to them not to reward this dictatorship with financing that even those who sell products are not seeking.

Mr. Chairman, I would simply ask my colleagues to reject this amendment, which is in bad taste and seeks to reward the dictatorship, and remind our colleagues that the sale of medical products and of agricultural products even to the regime is legal. The only conditions are that the regime pay.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, this is another ``reward Castro'' amendment. Reward the firing squads, reward the imprisonment of the opponents. That is what this amendment is all about.

It is already legal to travel. There are 13 legal categories of travel. One of them is for educational purposes. You have to get a license. You get a license. You go, and you do your travel for educational reasons.

So this amendment simply wants to eliminate all of the regulations.

I would say, it is not going to survive the process. We know that. So what is it? The goal of this amendment is to provide another symbolic victory for the dictatorship, to reward the oppression.

These amendments continue to find themselves on the floor. The reality of the matter is that the facts are pretty clear. As I said before, there are 13 legal categories. One of them is educational travel.

I would simply ask my colleagues to remember those people in the gulag today, those people suffering the full force, the brute force of the repression of that futile totalitarian tyranny.

When they receive these messages at the hands of their jailers of these symbolic amendments, victories that are presented and sometimes passed in the Congress of the United States, how it must make you feel when you are imprisoned. Nevertheless, they continue to resist. They continue to embody the dignity of the Cuban nation, in the totalitarian gulag. They continue, because they are the embodiment of the best of the Cuban nation, the future of Cuba. There are so many men and women in the gulag who deserve such extraordinary respect.

So I would ask my colleagues not to send more messages to them, that the Congress of the United States passes amendments to provide moments of pleasure for the tyrant. Because that is all it is. That is what these amendments that unfortunately continue to make themselves here, they reach the floor, that is what these amendments are.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).

Mr. Chairman, I think we have made our points. We oppose the amendment strongly.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

A year ago, I was in New York, and I read a newspaper there, the daily called La Prenza, and there was an interview with the gentleman from New York, the author of this amendment. It related to the summary executions that had just taken place by Castro of three young black men just a few days before, after they had been arrested by the dictatorship for the crime of trying to come to the United States.

I quote from the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel) a little over a year ago: ``I am shocked. There is nothing that the Cuban government can tell me that would interest me and that would convince me to speak to them again. It is totally incredible that a government would justify this type of action. The execution of these people puts an end to any possible discussion that there could have been with the Cuban government.''

Now, I wish, Mr. Chairman, that I could say that there has been some justice for those summary executions, the murders of those three young men. I wish I could say that the dictator at least had apologized to the grieving family members for their murders.

No, there has been no justice, only increased repression. I showed last night a replica of the punishment box for the best known political prisoner, a physician, Dr. Biscet, who is being held today because he believes in freedom and democracy. After this amendment, I certainly will always recall that it is more important when one truly wants to understand someone to guide oneself by what that person does rather than by what he says.

This, as the gentleman has just stated, is the ``normalization of relations'' amendment, the ``normalization of relations with the Cuban dictatorship'' amendment.

Now, the charter of the OAS may say of this hemisphere, only representative democracy is legal, legitimate, and the democratic charter of simply 2 or 3 years says that any interruption in the democratic process in this hemisphere needs to be sanctioned. But this amendment says: No, you can ban elections for 45 years. You can crush labor unions and crush the free press and eliminate and prohibit all political parties and freedom of expression and execute people, including three young black men just a year ago for trying to get to freedom, and imprison them and torture them. And you can kill Americans, and you can harbor terrorists. And you can harbor fugitives from U.S. justice, including cop killers from our States here.

You can do all of that. And you will get an amendment that says let us normalize relations. You can continue to harbor terrorists, and you can continue to harbor U.S. felon fugitives who murder U.S. citizens and spy on the United States and disrupt antiterrorism operations. We will still normalize with you. That is what this amendment is.

So this is very good that this amendment be on the floor today because this is, after all, the debate about economic interests and debate about the coalition of forces that have advocated for the last years for normalization. This is important debate for our colleagues to express themselves on. After 45 years of illegal oppression in this hemisphere, that is the only one where its international law requires representative democracy, and great strides have been made in recent decades towards compliance with that legal international law requirement.

This amendment says, no, in the Western Hemisphere it is all right to oppress for 45 years and murder and execute and torture and spy on Americans and harbor fugitives and harbor international terrorists and disrupt the U.S. international war on terrorism. It is all right. We will reward you. We will normalize, we will grant you the billions of dollars unilaterally without the dictatorship having to release any political prisoners or move towards freedom for its prisoners. We will reward you unilaterally anyway.

I would ask this Congress of the United States that I hold with such reverence to stand with the Cuban people today and to reject this amendment that simply seeks to reward oppression and reward infamy.

Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The President of the United States put a tremendous amount of thought into how to best accelerate a democratic transition in Cuba. The tyranny there, the dictatorship has oppressed the people of that enslaved island for 45 long years. And President Bush has a very strong commitment to do everything possible to accelerate what we know is inevitable, because there is a consensus of opposition within Cuba to, obviously, oppression and dictatorship, but the tyrant has a tremendous amount of personal power based on the fact that he rules with fear, through fear. And President Bush put a tremendous amount of thought into and issued a policy, really the first comprehensive policy on Cuba by the United States in over 40 years, in this 400-page document that he issued and ordered through Executive order, and then implemented its recommendations just a few months ago.

Now, it is a very serious, well-thought-through policy, with various key components. One is to increase the effectiveness of broadcasts, radio and television broadcasts, into Cuba by Radio and Television Martinique to break through the jamming, the embargo, if you will, that Castro maintains on information to the Cuban people. President Bush has even gone so far as to order military aircraft to be used, C-130 aircraft to be used to broadcast television and radio. The jamming is being broken through, and news and information on an increased basis are getting to the Cuban people. That is one element of the President's comprehensive new policy.

The second one is to facilitate increased assistance to the internal pro-democracy movement. Key steps, important steps are being taken in that regard. The head of the United States interests section in Cuba, an extraordinary career diplomat, Jim Cassin, Ambassador Jim Cassin, is doing a great job working with the internal opposition. That also is a serious aspect of the President's new policy.

And the third aspect of the President's policy with regard to accelerating the democratic transition is to reduce the currency that the regime obtains.

Now, what is the objective of our policy, the reason that we have as part of our policy sanctions on the dictatorship in Cuba? It is a three-step goal. Three steps are required for normalization, for the end of the embargo, for aid and assistance: the liberation of all political prisoners, without exception, men and women who are rotting in the totalitarian gulag today, simply because they dream of freedom for their country; the legalization of all political parties, labor unions and the press; free speech, as President Bush likes to refer to that aspect of the goal of U.S. policy, freedom for the prisoners, free speech, and the scheduling of free elections.

Now, that, Mr. Chairman, in a country that for 45 years has been ruled by a totalitarian tyrant who offers to this day harbor, safe harbor, to hundreds of international terrorists as well as countless fugitives from U.S. justice, cop killers, hijackers, drug dealers; a dictator who has engaged aggressively in espionage against the United States, as the FBI will confirm to any Member of this chamber; a regime that has the head of its air force at this time, at this very time, indicted in the United States for murder of unarmed American citizens and the head of its Navy indicted in the United States for drug trafficking.

Now, with regard to that aspect of the President's plan to accelerate a democratic transition that calls for steps to be taken to reduce as much as possible hard currency in the hands of the terrorist state in Cuba, terrorist regime, a reduction in Cuban-American travel to Cuba is part of an important means to getting it accomplished. The dictatorship, just this week, through one of its spokesman, admitted that 25 percent of travel to Cuba and accompanying dollars coming from the United States has been reduced in only the months since the President implemented, ordered the implementation of this new policy. The overwhelming majority, Mr. Chairman, of those affected by the regulations that reduce the amount of travel by Cuban-Americans to Cuba, the amount of those affected directly are in the districts of the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Menendez) and myself, the Cuban-American members of the United States Congress. It is we, it is we who are accountable in our daily lives when we go to a restaurant, a supermarket, a dry cleaner and at the polls every 2 years, we are accountable to those most affected by the new regulations.

But Cuban-Americans know, and they know very clearly, that freedom never comes free. They also know that the Cuban Adjustment Act in effect treats all Cubans who reach the shores of the United States as political asylees. They know that no other nation's citizens receive that legal treatment and, thus, that with special privileges come special responsibilities.

Political asylees, for example, cannot return to the country from which they sought asylum until the political conditions change in the country from which they sought asylum. Nevertheless, the President's policy permits that Cuban-Americans can return to Cuba, even before the political conditions change there, once every 3 years.

Now, I cannot, Mr. Chairman, I would not pretend to be more expert on the most important issues in each of my colleagues' districts than each of my colleagues. But despite the arrogance inherent in doing so, this amendment says, we know better what is good for Cuban-Americans; we know better what is best for your constituents; we know better than the Members who represent the overwhelming majority of Cuban-Americans in this Congress.

Mr. Chairman, I believe that this amendment is soaked, if you will, in arrogance, and I ask that this body reject it.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the distinguished majority leader.

Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz- Balart).

Mr. Chairman, I would ask how much time is remaining on both sides.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Perhaps the distinguished gentleman who spoke previously needs to get a little bit more informed on the constituents that we represent. They do care about human rights and they do care about liberty and they do care about politics, the politics of freedom, the politics of human rights, the politics of political prisons. They do care.

I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin.

Mr. Chairman, I do not know if you do.

Well, that is, I believe, uncalled for; but ultimately, what I want to make clear is that our constituents, the constituents represented in an overwhelming majority by the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), and myself do care about their relatives, about human rights, about the three goals of U.S. policy with regard to an island nation that has been oppressed for 45 years, the liberation of all of the political prisoners who are languishing in the gulag, their liberation of all of them without exception. Free speech, the right of free speech, labor unions and the press and political parties and the scheduling of free elections, the unshackling of the chains of the family members is of concern and care to our constituents, and that is why they, being aware that this is a comprehensive, multifaceted policy, not only are supportive of the policy but elect us who are supportive of the policy and who have to be accountable for the policy, not only every 2 years at the polls, but every day at the grocery store and the laundry and the gas station, because it is not a question, as the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart) stated before, of us putting up a photograph.

I would like to put up another photograph now, if I may, of someone who our constituents are very concerned about, and on a daily basis we fear for his life, and that is perhaps the best known political prisoner in Cuba today, a physician. His name is Oscar Biscet, and he lives in a box. This is a replica of the box. This is a replica of the box where Dr. Biscet is being held by the tyrant.

Our constituents are continuously concerned and our prayers, as well as our thoughts, are with Dr. Biscet in that box, punishment cell it is called, where he is held because he is a believer in Gandhi and in nonviolent change as espoused by Martin Luther King. So the tyrant has him in a box.

No, no, no. The politics of oppression, the politics of denial of human rights, the politics of freedom are very much the concern of our constituents. That is why they support these policies that have been implemented by President Bush after comprehensive study in the context of a multifaceted policy, and they continue to support us not only when we go to the gas station and the laundry but at the polls every 2 years.

So to say that our constituents do not know, or as one gentleman just said, have no concern about these issues, is really rooted in ignorance of our constituents. Mr. Chairman, I would say to those distinguished colleagues who may be listening in by television, as I stated before, I would never pretend to be expert on what are the most critical issues in each of our constituents' districts. I would never pretend, never dare to pretend that I would be more expert than each of my colleagues on the most critical important issues in their districts.

But that is what this amendment is saying. This comprehensive policy, which has a facet of reduction of hard currency to the terrorist regime, hard currency that is utilized not only to oppress the Cuban people, but to export terror and to harbor international terrorists, that policy, we have heard today, our constituents cannot be supportive of, or so say Members who do not represent them.

So, again, without seeking to be more expert than everybody else here on their issues, on issues in every Members' district, I would simply ask for the same respect that I think everyone should show toward the most important issues in each of our districts; and, thus, rejection of what I consider an arrogant attitude, which is this amendment of ``we know better what is good for your constituents.'' We know better; that you should have your thoughts elsewhere and not in the suffering of Dr. Biscet.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Announcement by the Chairman Pro Tempore

Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mario Diaz-Balart).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), a fighter for human rights who I very much admire.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, with a great sense of responsibility, I say that political prisoners in Cuba have asked that their support for President Bush's policy be made known. I know that the wrath, the brutality of the tyrant falls upon with all severity heroes such as that,

but I think I have an obligation to say that Felix Navarro Rodriguez of Guantanamo asked that his support for this policy and its reduction, which has been admitted already by the regime to be substantial, of dollars to the coffers of the terrorists state be noted.

Mr. Chairman, the Cuban people have never stopped fighting for freedom during these 45 years, and Cuba will be free. And men and women like Felix Navarro Rodriguez and Oscar Elias Biscet and Jorge Luis Garcia Perez and Rafael Ibarra and Francisco Chaviano, those are the people who will be respected for generations to come because they, in those dungeons, stood up for the freedom of the Cuban people. They support these measures. We owe it to the Cuban people to sanction the regime and support President Bush's policy. Reject the Davis amendment, I ask my colleagues with all due respect.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Jose Gabriel Ramon Castillo, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Ramon Castillo is a teacher by training. As a teacher, he was interested in helping to instruct and inform his impressionable students. After learning about the propaganda mandated by the regime, he was unable to continue with the charade of manipulating young minds with lies instead of truth. Because of his strong belief in truth and democracy, Mr. Ramon Castillo eventually became the director of the Independent Culture and Democracy Institute. He also began to work as an independent journalist, chronicling the reality of deprivation and misery that truthfully characterizes the totalitarian regime.

According to Amnesty International, Mr. Ramon Castillo was repeatedly subjected to persecution and harassment by the regime from the beginning of his involvement in the movement to peacefully create a free and democratic Cuba. On March 19, 2003, Mr. Ramon Castillo was arrested as part of the dictatorship's heinous crackdown on peaceful pro-democracy activists. In a sham trial he was sentenced to 20 years in the tyrant's sub human gulag.

It is unconscionable that any man can be sentenced to 20 years in the grotesquely inhuman quarters of Castro's gulag for a belief in democracy. Mr. Ramon Castillo is one of the many heroes of the peaceful Cuban democratic movement who are locked in the dungeons of the dictatorship for their beliefs. They are symbols of freedom and democracy who will always be remembered when freedom reigns again in Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, it is unacceptable that Mr. Ramon Castillo is languishing in the totalitarian gulag 90 miles from our shore simply because he believes in freedom and democracy. My colleagues, we must demand the immediate release of Jose Gabriel Ramon Castillo, and every prisoner of conscience suffering under the nightmare called the Castro regime.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Felix Navarro Rodriguez, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Navarro Rodriguez is a member of the Democratic Solidarity Party and an independent journalist. He was also a school headmaster before he was fired by the totalitarian regime that mandates propaganda in place of truth. As a teacher who was trained to mold young minds, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez could no longer abide the practice of teaching lies and spreading deceit. After being fired for his beliefs, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez became a peaceful pro-democracy activist, focusing his energies on writing and reporting on the true nature of the totalitarian dictatorship.

According to Amnesty International, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez has been subjected to harassment and detention for his pro-democracy activities since at least 1992. In November 1996 he was questioned by regime thugs for allegedly not paying union dues and having a copy of the newspaper ``El Nuevo Herald'' at his work. It has also been reported that he was detained in November 1999 and September 2001 for participating in a commemoration for two political prisoners who perished in Castro's gulag.

In March 2003, as part of the tyrant's crackdown on peaceful pro- democracy activists, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez was arrested. In a sham trial, he was convicted on activities that included, ``among other things, leaflets and literature; the latter was proved by the confiscation of aggressive and corrosive writings and printed material from his house.'' This sham trial resulted in Mr. Navarro Rodriguez being sentenced to 25 years in the abhorrent totalitarian gulag.

Just a few weeks ago, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez was able to send a message of strong support for President Bush's Cuba policy initiatives from his cell in the totalitarian gulag. In that cell, Felix Navarro Rodriguez personifies the heroism and perseverance of the Cuban people and their admirable commitment to see freedom reign in Cuba.

Let me be clear, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez is locked in sub-human conditions for writing and owning printed materials that contain facts and truth. Simply because he does not subscribe to the lies and propaganda forced upon the nation of Cuba by the communist tyrant, he is locked in a dank dungeon.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Navarro Rodriguez is languishing in the repulsive squalor of the tyrant's gulag because he believes in truth and freedom. It is detestable that at the dawn of the 21st century, and a mere 90 miles from our shore, honorable men and women are imprisoned in repugnant gulags for believing that all men have an inherent right to live in freedom. My Colleagues, we must demand the immediate release of Felix Navarro Rodriguez and every prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Speaker, 3 years ago, cowardly terrorists attacked America. Today, in the building that symbolizes America's freedom, we remember those who died on that fateful day. The memory of their loss will forever guide our mission to protect America from terror.

Terrorism continues to plague our world, but it can not and it will not deter us from our mission to spread liberty and defend freedom.

I commend President Bush for his unwavering commitment to the security of the United States. The sacrifices that our brave men and women in uniform have made in pursuit of the security of our Nation will never be forgotten. And it is because of their dedication that two formerly oppressed nations are free and that our homeland is more secure.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment of my friend from Arizona.

We have these totalization agreements with about 20 countries: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Ireland, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom. But even though this agreement is not yet approved by the Congress, it will, under regular order, be considered by the Congress.

We are to then, under this amendment, outright reject by defunding an agreement with our neighbors to the south and Mexico, our largest trading partner? Why? I think it is incorrect; and I think that's unfortunate, perhaps unintentional, signals are being sent out by this amendment that we must be very wary of; and so it is important to focus on the facts, as the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Shaw) has said.

The law is not changed by this totalization agreement. Social Security benefit accounts will not be paid to undocumented workers. That is the fact. That is the law. I oppose this amendment, with respect to my friend from Arizona.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations and the ranking member for bringing forth this legislation so quickly to make certain that there is no interruption in the assistance that FEMA and the Small Business Administration are providing to the victims of the two hurricanes that have caused so much damage in Florida in recent weeks.

I have been very proud of, just like today, the response that we see from the Congress. Obviously the Speaker and the leadership have demonstrated tremendous solidarity with the people of Florida today. I have also been very pleased to see the promptness and the seriousness and the leadership of the President and the Governor, who, even before the first hurricane, Charley, hit Florida, there had been a major disaster area declared by the President pursuant to the request of the Governor.

So everything that can be done is being done. It is important for the people to know that we will continue to do everything that we can to alleviate their need in this very difficult moment. I thank again the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) for bringing this forward with such promptness.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Luis Milan Fernandez, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba.

Mr. Milan Fernandez is a medical doctor by profession. Because of his training in protecting and nurturing human life, he could not tolerate the tyrant's incessant abuse of Cuban people. He understood the human condition and he knew that freedom is infinitely superior to the ills of tyranny and repression. Because of his belief in liberty, he joined the Cuban Medical Association and other groups dedicated to peacefully advocating for freedom for every citizen of Cuba.

In June 2001, Mr. Milan Fernandez signed a document called ``Manifesto 2001'', a document that called for recognition of fundamental freedoms in Cuba. According to Amnesty International, he, along with other medical professionals, staged a 1-day hunger strike to call attention to the medical situation of detainees.

On March 18, 2003, as part of the dictator's condemnable crackdown on peaceful prodemocracy activists, Mr. Milan Fernandez was arrested because of his belief in liberty over repression. In a sham trial, he was ``sentenced'' to 13 years in the inhuman, totalitarian gulag.

Mr. Milan Fernandez is languishing in the infernal gulag because he believes in human rights and liberty. He is suffering in abhorrent conditions because he refuses to accept the reality inflicted on the Cuban people by the tyrant. Let us be very clear, the politics of repression and tyranny practiced by the regime in Havana are incompatible with the democratic values of the western hemisphere.

Mr. Speaker, it is a crime against humanity that prodemocracy activists such as Mr. Milan Fernandez are locked in totalitarian dungeons because they advocate for freedom and human rights. My colleagues, we must demand the immediate release of Luis Milan Fernandez and every prisoner of conscience imprisoned by the nightmare called the Castro regime.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 738 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

(Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 738 is a standard, closed resolution for consideration of the underlying trade legislation that provides for fair and extensive debate on H.R. 4842, the United States-Morocco Free Trade Agreement Implementation Act.

The rule provides 2 hours of general debate evenly divided and controlled by the chairman and the ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. Speaker, the relationship between the Kingdom of Morocco and the United States of America has existed throughout the history of the United States. In December of 1777, when war raged between the American colonies and Britain, Sultan Sidi Mohammed boldly recognized our young, and not yet free, Republic. That magnanimous act of recognition was cemented in a Treaty of Peace and Friendship between our countries, ratified in July of 1878. That enduring document remains the oldest unbroken treaty in the history of the foreign relations of the United States. Quite simply, the Kingdom of Morocco is our most permanent and enduring friend.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. English), the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Tanner), the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. John), and I came together to form the Morocco Caucus in Congress to highlight and to further deepen the truly magnificent and critically important relationship between the United States and the Kingdom of Morocco. The United States has no better friend and ally in the Maghreb, in North Africa and in the Arab world than Morocco.

We are cognizant of, and grateful for, the help Morocco provided during the reign of the great statesman King Hassan II in the dangerous and prolonged struggle known as the Cold War and in the initial and ultimately delicate stages of the peace process between Israel and her neighbors.

We are cognizant of, and grateful for, the unequivocal and decisive help Morocco has provided during the reign of another great statesman, King Mohammed VI, in our common war against the forces of international terrorism. Both our peoples have been victims of the scourge of cowardly attacks upon unarmed civilians, and both nations have answered the challenge of this difficult time with strong leadership and decisive action.

The United States must be cognizant and supportive of the wisdom and experience of Morocco, that great influence for stability in North Africa, in the Middle East, regarding issues related to international terrorism. We must understand that Morocco's insistence upon its territorial integrity and its refusal to accept a terrorist state in the Western Sahara is critically important, not only for the national security of Morocco, but also for the security of the United States and of our European allies.

Today, Mr. Speaker, we celebrate another milestone in the wonderful relationship between the United States and Morocco as we prepare to consider H.R. 4842, legislation to implement the United States-Morocco Free Trade Agreement. This agreement will benefit both our peoples as it facilitates and encourages ever-growing commerce between our countries and the creation of many new jobs in Morocco and in the United States. This agreement will help turn an already solid relationship into an even greater friendship.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to publicly thank a few distinguished leaders for making this important free trade agreement a reality.

Understanding the importance of this agreement and with the August recess quickly approaching, the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas) made great efforts to expedite the consideration of this agreement in the House. The gentleman from Illinois (Speaker Hastert) has been especially solid in his leadership on this critical issue, as has been the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader, and the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), chairman of the Committee on Rules. Ambassador Bob Zoellick has been and continues to be a stalwart, strong advocate on behalf of the economic interests of the United States and especially job creation in America, and President Bush's leadership has truly been the linchpin for great accomplishments such as this.

While we fight terror across the globe, the United States, under this President, has deepened economic and security-based relationships with our friends for the benefit of our protection and our freedom.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support both the rule and the underlying legislation that we bring before the House today.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules.

(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I think the gentleman from Virginia brought up some very important points, and I think they are important to emphasize and not only take note of. This agreement, in addition to the many, many important aspects that it contains for the economy, obviously, of Morocco, and the United States, is a very important agreement politically; and it encourages the extraordinary progress that Morocco has made in the area of labor rights, in the area of a free press, and in the area of democratization.

Morocco has multiple political parties, espousing all conceivable viewpoints. It has an elected parliament and an elected prime minister. It has made commendable progress. It is a great friend and ally of the United States.

For so many reasons, Mr. Speaker, it is important and appropriate for this Congress to be moving forward today passing this implementing legislation for the United States-Morocco Free Trade Agreement.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recall a tragic and infamous event, the 30th anniversary of the invasion of Cyprus by Turkey.

On July 20, 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus. As part of a two stage offensive, Turkish troops forcefully seized approximately one-third of the island nation of Cyprus. This abominable act of violence against the people of Cyprus has never been undone. To this day, Turkish troops occupy Cyprus, splitting the nation into two areas.

Since 1974, the nation has been divided, but progress is being made toward the reunification of Cyprus. In late April, the people of Cyprus went to the polls to vote on a plan of reunification. Unfortunately, this reunification proposal was rushed to coincide with the ascension of Cyprus into the European Union. Citing many issues of concern, including security, approximately 75 percent of Greek Cypriots opposed the plan.

In the end, it was too much to ask that concerns that have been unresolved for 30 years be effectively settled in a process that lasted less than 3 months. However, one failure must not be the end of attempts to reunify the island. A lasting and equitable solution for the people of Cyprus, and the goal of a united Cyprus, is too important to abandon, now or ever. The goal of the process must be to attain a just and lasting solution, not a rushed solution. I remain committed to achieving a solution to this problem so that we never have to gather again to commemorate an anniversary of this hostile and unjustifiable invasion.

The people of Cyprus have suffered from the division of their nation for 30 years. Mr. Speaker, I pray that this will be the last year of a divided Cyprus. I sincerely hope that 30 years after the nation of Cyprus was torn asunder, all Cypriots can be reunited, living in peace and freedom forever.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 730 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

(Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 730 is a rule that provides for the consideration of the conference report for H.R. 2443, the Coast Guard and Maritime Transportation Act of 2004. This is a standard rule for a conference report providing for 1 hour of general debate, evenly divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Transportation and the Infrastructure.

The legislation before us authorizes over $8 billion for the Coast Guard, including a commitment to 45,500 active duty personnel in fiscal years 2004 and 2005. This is extremely important legislation to strengthen the Coast Guard in its ever-increasing role of defense of our homeland.

This bill makes a new commitment to the long-term effectiveness of the Coast Guard. The Department of Homeland Security has called on the Coast Guard to be the defender of American ports while at the same time sending needed resources, soldiers and vessels to the battles against terrorism far away.

I am pleased to highlight the Integrated Deepwater Acquisition Program. This program provides the needed capital to carry out effective acquisition of the cutters, computer equipment and other resources that the Coast Guard so desperately needs. The Deepwater System has not received the funding outlined in 1998, but this bill makes up for the delay. The conference report authorizes over $1 billion for the program, accelerating the Deepwater System 5 years ahead of the original 20-year completion time line.

The Coast Guard is particularly important to the community and constituents that I am honored to represent in south Florida. The Coast Guard Integrated Support Command in Miami is essential to the safety and security of residents. The Coast Guard in south Florida coordinates integrated plans aimed at hurricane safety, recreational boater safety and, obviously, protection of our coastline.

The conference report before us was signed by every member of the conference. It is a good bill, essential really to our continued commitment to the security and safety of all citizens and residents of the United States.

I would like to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. LoBiondo), as well as the ranking member, the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Filner) for their important work.

I urge my colleagues to support both the rule and the underlying legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on this resolution that is very important and urge my colleagues to vote favorably on the underlying legislation as well.

The previous question was ordered.