Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.) Mr. Chairman, H.R. 1036, the Protection of…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Ms. LINDA T. SANCHEZ of California asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, H.R. 1036, the Protection of Lawful Commerce and Arms Act, seeks to prohibit civil liability actions from being brought or continued against manufacturers, distributors, dealers, or importers of firearms
or ammunition for damages resulting from the misuse of their product by others.
The bill makes certain exceptions, however, to allow lawsuits against gun manufacturers, sellers, distributors, and importers. For example, it allows a lawsuit to proceed in case of negligence per se or negligent entrustment. It also allows lawsuits for victims in certain cases where the gun seller or manufacturer knowingly or willingly broke State or Federal law.
My amendment would be one of the smaller exceptions to the ban on lawsuits. It would essentially do more than require gun sellers or manufacturers to obey the law that already exists.
Section 922 of title XVIII of the U.S. Code establishes that it is unlawful for any person to sell guns or ammunition to someone who uses or is addicted to illegal drugs or who has been adjudicated as a mental defective. Later on, the same section makes it illegal for drug users or abusers or persons with adjudicated mental problems to ship, possess or receive guns or ammunition that have been in interstate commerce.
This makes sense. Congress has decided that there are certain people who should not have access to firearms, and these are the two categories of people who are restricted.
Congress further decided that the responsibility for this restriction is on both the buyer and the seller. If the gun sellers and manufacturers are not checking to be sure that they do not sell guns to people with drug or mental problems, then how can we keep the guns out of their hands? That is why the U.S. Code specifically prohibits both the sale and the purchase.
I just want the gun sellers to do the proper background checks. If they do not and it turns out they sold weapons or ammunition to a person in one of those categories, then they should not have the benefit of immunity from the court system. As a matter of public policy, we should most definitely provide victims with an opportunity to take their case to court, and we should allow judges the opportunity to decide if what the gun seller did was a violation of the law.
Last fall, when there were suspicions that the Beltway sniper might have had a mental illness, the House rapidly passed a bill to enforce the already-existing law that requires the FBI to list any person who has been adjudicated as a mental defective on the National Instant Criminal Background Check system. It is important to note that the bill did not create this requirement; rather, it sought to provide incentive grants to encourage the use of it.
That bill unfortunately did not pass the Senate, but that does not change the fact that this requirement already exists. If we are intent on requiring that the information be listed in the system, and if we say that gun sellers must do background checks, then how can we go wrong by holding them liable if they fail to do the background check?
Having already mentioned some of my opposition to this bill, and having tried to correct one of the many, many problems with it, I would like to talk about the egregious manner the Majority has used in moving this bill through the House.
This is a fairly partisan bill, which went through a very partisan Committee, the Judiciary Committee. No hearings were held at Full Committee. Essentially, no markup occurred either. Technically, the Committee met and we started debate on what should have been 10-15 amendments. The first one was offered and withdrawn. Shortly after we began discussing the second one, offered by Mr. Watt, the Majority called the previous question. And with that, our so-called democratic debate on an important piece of legislation ended.
The Majority has since made claims that they cut off debate because no amendments were at the desk. This is patently untrue. As I said, and as the transcript from that markup shows, we were in the MIDDLE of the debate on an amendment when the previous question was called.
I realize that the Majority wouldn't have liked a lot of our amendments, in which case they would have had the freedom to vote against then. But to not even allow debate on a topic of such divergent opinions is a disgrace. We're talking about a bill that includes findings that have no basis in fact or law. A bill that makes sweeping changes to liability, thus cutting off legitimate victims' access to the court system. A bill that rewards certain shoddy gun dealers with the same immunity that it gives to honest manufacturers who have worked diligently to improve their products.
That appalling markup happened last Thursday. Now here we are today, less than a week later, debating the bill on the Floor. But one again, a true democratic effort has been thwarted, because the Majority has only permitted us five amendments. Five amendments. Again, I'm sure that the Majority didn't like all of the amendments we offered. But that doesn't mean they are non-germane. And it's no reason to cut off debate. If that's going to be the basis for how we run this body, then we should stop claiming to be a democracy.
And, frankly, the amendments allowed today don't include all of the ``heavy'' amendments we offered. Let's be honest--my amendment has a much smaller impact than some of the other ones offered today. I think it represents an important change, but I also think there were a whole host of other important changes that could have been made--had we had a full markup, or had the Rule been an open one.
I am shocked by the complete disregard to Majority has demonstrated for the democratic process. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to resist this kind of disintegration of our free speech and our democratic process. Otherwise, the democratic ideals our troops are fighting for in the Middle East may as well be meaningless.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I do not understand how my colleagues on the other side of the aisle can say that this case is clearly set forth in the proposed legislation, because the negligence, number one, the negligence per se doctrine, does not exist in every State, and I believe it is the citizens of those States who deserve the kind of protections included in this amendment.
The other exception that is stated in this bill is for knowingly or willfully violating Federal or State law, and it requires a conviction, and that does not apply here either. That implication or that state of mind, that mens rea, requires a specific mens rea, whereas my amendment here only includes a reasonable cause to believe standard.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I think it is important to clarify something that was stated by my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. They keep talking about negligent entrustment, but negligent entrustment liability only applies when someone knows that person is going to commit a crime. However, this amendment specifically speaks to a different type of mens rea. It speaks to the reasonable cause to believe standard. It does not require, as the current bill stands, the mens rea of knowingly or willfully, plus a conviction, in order to hold these distributors and manufacturers liable.
I think the purpose of this amendment is strictly as an incentive to make sure that sellers and manufacturers and dealers are actually doing the criminal background checks that the law already requires of them; and again, I am talking about having a reasonable cause to believe that somebody is either addicted to drugs or has been mentally adjudicated as incompetent.
I think that requiring a higher standard of proof in terms of the intent of the seller or the distributor, plus a conviction, denies legitimate plaintiffs the right to sue in civil court, and so I would urge my colleagues to please support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, it is part of the bill. My understanding it is a definition in part of the bill.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will continue to yield, I would say no, I believe it is applied on a case-by-case basis under tort law.
Well, if the intention is to cover the incidence that I am talking about, of dealers or sellers or manufacturers who have reasonable cause to believe, why not state that intention clearly in the legislation?
My understanding is that the negligence per se definition section in the bill does not state those cases.
So we agree to disagree, in other words.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. In closing, I just want to say that if we had had the opportunity to bring these amendments up in subcommittee and to discuss them at length, I think we probably could have come to some agreement in terms of what cases we chose to cover by this piece of legislation and which cases we did not.
However, we were not afforded that opportunity because the question was called and debate was cut off. Now we find ourselves here on the floor of the House debating amendments, a scant five, when we had 10 to 15 to offer in subcommittee. This, in essence, cuts off the democratic process, which in essence does not give us the chance to meaningfully consider the amendments as a way to improve this bill.
I urge that my colleagues vote ``yes'' on my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.