District Of Columbia Appropriations Act, 2004
Mr. Chairman, I have a lengthy statement talking about generally what is in this bill, really basically praising the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) for putting together a very…
Mr. Chairman, I have a lengthy statement talking about generally what is in this bill, really basically praising the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) for putting together a very good bill.
I would like to address briefly, though, the Davis amendment that will be coming up before this body a little bit later. I will submit for the Record a Washington Post editorial written by Tony Williams, the elected mayor of the city; Kevin Chavous, elected council member and chairman of the District's education committee; and Peggy Cooper Cafritz, the elected chairman of the school board, all supporting my amendment and the school voucher program. I will also submit for the Record a May 12, 2003, editorial from the Washington Post which sets the record straight on the history of school vouchers in Washington.
Let me just say, the idea that this is an anti-voucher city is something we need to contend with. The vote in 1981 was not on a school voucher program like we have here. It was on tuition tax credits that one could argue hurt the District budget. I think we have solved that here by bringing additional money in, and more money will be coming into the city that would not otherwise come in as a result of the appropriations process I think at the end of this.
So that was a completely different proposal. That vote was in 1981. The Washington Post, a newspaper of some renown in this town, ran a poll in May of 1998 that asked, do you favor or oppose using Federal money in the form of vouchers to help low-income students in the District go to private or parochial schools? In that poll, 56 percent of city residents said they favored the idea. If that is the idea of anti-voucher, I think that we are being misled. City opinion is split on this, but the elected mayor and the elected chairman of the school board have come to us, they are in charge of this, they are entrusted by the voters to focus on this particular issue, and they have said that they need this to help D.C. schoolchildren get the same level of opportunity that the rest of us have for kids in our districts.
Over the years I have worked hard to try to bring this city back. I have worked with my friend, the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia
(Ms. Norton), on a number of issues and we have had a number of successes. We have sponsored legislation to bring the city back to financial stability. We sponsored legislation to help the city overcome its unfunded pension liability, a major issue that people said could not be done. We have worked in assisting the economic recovery of this city with tax relief and regulatory relief for our Nation's capital. We have worked together on the D.C. College Access Act which makes college affordable to the District population that basically was discouraged from going because they had no State university system like the rest of us do in our States. I think all of these have helped. But the most difficult problem facing this city is its public school system.
I respect my colleagues who oppose this amendment. They argue that public dollars should be reserved for public schools only. I think philosophically I believe the same thing, but I think they are misguided in this instance when they put the preservation of the institution, a failed institution, ahead of the opportunities for children that could be advanced by this. Ultimately our responsibility is to the kids, not to an institution, not to a failed, dysfunctioning bureaucracy.
What has it produced over the years? They say that we are going to put more money into public schools. We have put more money into public schools. It still has one of the highest dropout rates in the Nation. It has some of the lowest test scores in the Nation. The average SAT throughout the city, combined verbal and math, is under 800. It is a failure. Its school lunch program was just rated by the Physicians Committee on Responsibility and was given an F. They cannot even feed the kids in the public school system. Yet they say, no, that is where we want to send them, that is where they have to go. We are talking about kids whose parents cannot move to the suburbs. They cannot move to Ward 3. They are trapped in an area, in a monopoly system that is not even giving them a decent school lunch. By the way, that same system rated my county a B on its school lunch, rated the city of Detroit an A-minus, but the city of Washington gets an F on its school lunch program.
It is a system that has produced a disproportionate number of rapes, of assaults and robberies to kids in the public school system. Yet they say we want them to go to that school, a public school system, that we will just add more money, which we have done. Over $2,000 a year more is paid on a kid's education in the city than is paid in my county of Fairfax. If money were the answer, we would put money at it and solve the problem. But it is a failed institution. You cannot put, to quote biblically, new wine into old bottles. This is an old bottle and it needs fixing. It is a system that last week was found to have paid $59,000 to a phantom company that does not even exist.
For opponents of this amendment who say more money, it is the same old, same old, same old. If you do the same thing time and time again, you are going to get the same results. President Bush has talked about the soft bigotry of low expectations. We are trying to change that. These kids deserve every bit the opportunity that my kids have. The proof in the pudding here is that no Member of the House to my knowledge has sent their kids to the D.C. public school system in the last decade. The President and the Vice President, living here and given that opportunity to pick any school in the city, chose private schools.
We just want to give the same opportunities to the poorest of the poor. This legislation restricts it to kids from nonperforming schools, low-income. This is going to be, I think, a shock treatment to the public education system. Five years from now I hope we will not need this, I hope the public education will improve, but it is not going to improve without this kind of shock treatment. I urge my colleagues to support the Davis amendment.
[From the Washington Post, May 12, 2003]
Straight Talk on Vouchers
In making her case against a federally funded school
voucher pilot program, Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D) has
repeatedly said that D.C. voters are firmly opposed to the
idea. Thus, she argues, to support vouchers is to oppose home
rule. As the basis for her declaration, Ms. Norton cites the
results of an exit poll conducted in November for the
National School Boards Association. The poll, which she
supplied to this page, showed that 76 percent of the 603
voters interviewed opposed school vouchers. But as is true of
so much that stirs up this city, Ms. Norton's poll is hardly
gospel.
Let's look at the wording of the question posed in the
poll. It asked: ``Do you favor or oppose giving taxpayer-
funded vouchers to parents to pay for their children to
attend private schools even if that means less money for
public school students?'' Note the phrase ``even if that
means less money for public school students.'' That's a
loaded question if there ever was one. What majority would
favor that? It would be just as unfair if voucher supporters
sponsored a poll that asked, ``Do you favor or oppose giving
taxpayer-funded vouchers to parents to pay for their children
to attend private schools if that enables them to transfer
out of an inferior public school with low test scores?''
Imagine the responses to that question.
There is a less prejudicial way to measure public sentiment
on the school voucher question. The Post conducted a poll
based on random interviews with 1,002 D.C. adults in May 1998
that asked the following: ``Do you favor or oppose using
federal money in the form of vouchers to help send low-income
students in the District to private or parochial school?'' In
that poll, 56 percent of city residents said they favored the
idea, compared with 36 percent who opposed vouchers and 8
percent who had no opinion. Ms. Norton may be aware of that
poll as well, since the results and story were published on
May 23, 1998.
The Post's findings are consistent with the results of a
National Opinion Poll on education conducted with 1,678
adults in May 1999 for the nonpartisan, nonprofit Joint
Center for Political and Economic Studies. The center
researches and analyzes issues of concern to African
Americans and other minorities. The center's poll found that
``support for school vouchers among African Americans, which
has fluctuated in past Joint Center polls, grew by 25 percent
since 1998 with 60 percent of African American respondents
favoring school vouchers.'' But beyond polls is the question
of actual demand for school choice. Not only are parents
expressing their strong desire for alternatives, as the
popularity of public charter schools attests, but private
associations that provide scholarship assistance to D.C.
students seeking enrollment in private or parochial schools
also report strong requests for help from D.C. parents.
Shouting that support for vouchers doesn't exist in the
District won't make it so. Neither will over-the-top rhetoric
and personal invective that add little substance to the
debate.
Mr. Chairman, let me just set the record straight here, Mr. Chairman, because they talk about audits of time, there will be no audits of the private schools. That is false. The private schools that participate in this have to go through extensive recordkeeping and comparisons and will go through more when the Department of Education has written their regulations. So that is false.
There are no terrorism schools that currently would be eligible for this money as I read the legislation. So, again, that is just a red herring put up there to try to defend the existing status quo which has produced a failing school system that is depriving tens of thousands of District youngsters the kinds of opportunities that children around the rest of the country get.
I know the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) has an amendment that wants to compare with Fairfax County. Let me make a point. The District of Columbia pays more per student than they pay in Fairfax County or Arlington. If this were a money problem, they would get the money, but they have a school system that when given the money has not been able to produce textbooks on time, was under court order to repair its schools, wasted just last week $59,000 on a phantom contract to a company that does not even exist.
Mr. Chairman, let me again just say how much I have enjoyed working with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah) and the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton) on a number of other issues. We have a difference on one issue that we will resolve today on the House floor and then we will go on, and we will be working together on other issues tomorrow.
But this is an important issue; it is important I think to all of us. And this is not dollars to private schools; these are dollars to parents. Because what has happened to the District of Columbia over the years, thousands of District residents have moved to the suburbs so their kids could get a decent education that they could not get in the city. Thousands of District residents send their kids to private schools because the public schools in the city have failed them.
Not one Member of Congress, not a member of the city council, currently has their kids in the public schools of the District of Columbia. They are not good enough for our kids, but they are good enough for the people who cannot afford otherwise. This is a chance to equalize opportunity. That is all it is.
It has been requested by those poor families that came before our committee and testified. They said, We have been waiting for years. They said they are going to fix the system, and 9 percent of our school children are reading proficiently in the 4th grade.
That is the problem, and that is what we are trying to fix, not defend a system that is failing our kids.
Mr. Chairman, I raise a point of order against section 119 regarding sole source contracts on the grounds that this section changes existing law in violation of clause 2(b) of House rule XXI and is, therefore, legislation included in a general appropriation bill.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am offering this amendment with the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Frelinghuysen) and the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Boehner). This creates an historic opportunity for families and students of the District of Columbia. This amendment can make a huge difference in the lives of thousands of low-income children from nonperforming schools in the District. It represents a shot at a better education and, of course in turn, a better life.
The condition of the D.C. public schools, I think, is clearly documented. We have talked about this earlier today in the debate. It has concerned me since the first day I came to Congress as chairman of the District of Columbia Subcommittee. And while we have made strides in so many areas of the city since that time and some in education, the quality of educational opportunities should continue to worry all of us.
One thing is clear, I think both sides agree to this: Too many children in our Nation's capital are not getting the education that they need and that they deserve. Lower-income families concerned about the quality of safety of their children in the D.C. public schools should not have to resign themselves to sending their kids to underperforming schools where students are not adequately motivated to perform.
Over the past decade, Congress has spent considerable time and resources working with the District to reform its education system, but the ability of D.C. schools to meet key performance goals has long been plagued by financial mismanagement and a host of other problems, which means just throwing money at this problem alone is not going to solve it. Despite concerned efforts by local officials to improve the public school system, and there has been some progress, we are not getting the kind of progress in improving academic performance that ought to be available to these kids.
I have traditionally opposed Federal dollars going to private schools because I think Federal dollars ought to be targeted to the public schools. Of course, in this case, we give the dollars directly to the parents who make those choices. But for the District, which does not have a State government to rely on, as we take a look at other voucher programs around the country, cities work in concert with States. The District does not have a State. So I think we have an obligation here to answer the calls from the mayor, the chairman of the school board and the Washington Post and other advocates for D.C. children, and we have to ask this question: Would not more choices funded by new Federal dollars provide a needed alternative for low-income children attending low-performing schools?
Our committee heard testimony on this before we gave authorization authority. The mayor was asked, specifically, if he had this money for vouchers, if he could use it for something else, would he not rather use it for the public school system? He said no. He said we need this alternative as well.
It stands on its own and this is additional money that would not be available to the District of Columbia public schools were it not for this amendment. I have received calls from parents who are frustrated, angry, and distraught by their children's school situation. These parents have attended our hearings. They have danced and wept when our committee approved school choice legislation. But I think it is time to do more than just sympathize. This is a moral imperative.
The school choice debate should not be about politics or interest groups. We should have an honest appraisal of the state of affairs in our public schools and about offering an alternative for students and parents, and what is being proposed is not a mandate. It is a choice. The goal of school choice for the city is addition, not subtraction. We all want the city's education system to improve, and I hope that this is a short-term effort to do something about it. The fact is the monopoly of the D.C. public school system is harming kids, not helping them. It is time to shake up that monopoly.
This amendment expands educational opportunity to city students in underperforming elementary and secondary schools, underperforming schools. Other schools, kids do not get the aid. The choice program would be established through a competitive process, administered by the Department of Education, to ensure that the public or private entity that administers the initiative would be dedicated and capable of carrying out a top-notch program.
And there are reporting requirements, many to be written later by the Department of Education, but the legislation here, I think, has criteria that it sets out that need to be met in terms of going on to college, performance levels, tests, and the like. It would provide scholarships of up to $7,500 to eligible students to cover the cost of tuition fees and transportation expenses. It would be considered assistance to the students, not the schools. In order to assure accountability, an evaluation is conducted that would consider the impact in academic achievement attained by the program.
This legislation is a result of a lot of negotiation and consultation with city officials, elected city officials, with the administration and committees with key jurisdiction in Congress. For the first time ever, the mayor, the elected Democratic mayor of the District of Columbia, has come to the conclusion that `` . . . if done effectively, this program would provide even more choices for primarily low-income families who currently do not have the same freedom of choice enjoyed by their affluent counterparts.''
Enhancing educational quality in the city is a critical component of maintaining the positive momentum we have seen in recent years under the stewardship of Mayor Williams and the Council. It is our duty to provide resources so that the kids can have a brighter future. This is not a panacea, but it is a significant step in the right direction and, hopefully, one that will not be needed indefinitely.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. I say to my friends on the other side that we are going to disagree about this, but I think we want the same thing for all these kids, eventually. We will be working together on a number of other issues, but it is my considered judgment, having given a lot of time and thought to this, that this is probably the best thing we can offer, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
Yes, that is correct.
Mr. Chairman, they have to be accredited. They have to meet D.C. standards, number one.
Mr. Chairman, the U.S. Department of Education would carry the list, it is my understanding.
Mr. Chairman, that is correct. And regardless of how this comes out, I hope we would work with the gentleman.
Mr. Chairman, I think the gentleman raised the point of what happened in Florida, and we do not want that to happen. I think that is very clear.
Mr. Chairman, my understanding is that the Department of Education will carry the accredited list at this point, in terms of eligible schools. Not just any school willy-nilly is eligible.
Correct. That is my understanding.
That is my understanding.
The Secretary of Education is the one I think that would set that standard.
To my understanding, it is not a discrimination based on that, but they would have to meet certain academic performance standards. This was drafted, of course, looking at the court cases in line to make sure this met the requirements.
Mr. Chairman, I am happy to answer the gentleman's question, but let me stop at this time and make sure we can get our advocates up, and maybe we can further this discussion if time permits.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen), the chairman of the subcommittee.
I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, to my knowledge there is no exclusion of any religion, or inclusion. The Secretary of Education is the one that would be able to come forward with a list and make the determination. As the gentleman knows, there have been a number of court decisions along this line, and we feel this meets the mandate of the courts, and it has to meet a certain level.
Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will yield further, we leave discretion with the Secretary of Education. Let me say there have been a number of title VII cases that do deal with education, and that would be the criteria that the Department would meet. But we did not try to micromanage the criteria. They also have to meet certain educational standards, and that would really be the controlling criteria, is meeting educational standards.
That is correct. We leave that to the Department of Education.
Mr. Chairman, I understand the gentleman's concern. Every school has to meet the nondiscrimination provisions that are currently in the law as well, if that gives the gentleman some level of comfort.
Mr. Chairman, if I could ask the gentleman to let me get through my speakers and then we can continue the colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Toomey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake), one of the leaders on the original underlying bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter).
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner), the chairman of the House Committee on Education and the Workforce and one of the authors of this amendment.