Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today along with my colleague, Lois Capps, to honor the legacy of Rosemarie Harding, a mother, counselor, social worker, and teacher. On March 1, 2004, Rose departed at the age of 73, surrounded by loved ones who prayed and sang her passage to the other side.

Rosemarie Florence Freeney Harding was born July 24, 1930 to Dock Freeney, Jr. and Ella Lee Harris Freeney. She was the youngest of nine siblings, a sweet and keenly intuitive child who was deeply loved. After graduating from high school, she spent two years at Chicago Teachers College. In 1955, Rose graduated from Goshen College in Indiana with a major in sociology.

After completing her bachelor's degree, Rose returned to Chicago and worked as a social worker and teacher, during which time she served Bethel Mennonite Church as a lay counselor. In 1959 she met Vincent Harding at a church conference. Rosemarie and Vincent married in 1960 and moved to Atlanta, Georgia in 1961 as representatives of the Mennonite Central Committee. There, they opened up their home as the South's first interracial voluntary service center, Mennonite House. This was an important gathering place for Civil Rights activists, who found respite, hospitality, encouragement and stimulating dialogue.

After her children were born, Rosemarie worked as a substitute teacher and helped found the city's first interracial preschool as well as the Martin Luther King, Jr. Community School, one of Atlanta's earliest independent black day schools. She also helped found the Guardians, an advocacy group dedicated to ensuring black parents a voice in the desegregation of Atlanta public schools. In 1974, Rosemarie and her family moved to Philadelphia where she continued her involvement in progressive political activism and helped raise several grandnieces and nephews. In 1978, she earned a masters degree in history and women's studies at Goddard College. Rosemarie also served in various volunteer capacities at the American Friends Service Committee and traveled to Brazil in 1980 to evaluate the organization's support for faith-based social justice initiatives.

From 1979 to 1981 Rosemarie worked at the Pendle Hill Quaker Study, where she and her husband developed a series of courses on spirituality and social justice. When the couple moved to Denver in 1981, Rosemarie continued to co-teach these courses with Vincent at the Iliff School of Theology. Increasingly, the couple traveled throughout the U.S. and internationally, conducting workshops, giving lectures, and sharing insights with educators, activists, religious leaders, and others. After receiving a masters degree in social work, Rosemarie worked for the Family Crisis Center in Denver. She treated colleagues and clients with great respect and often found gentle and creative ways to resolve even the most intransigent conflicts.

As the first member of her family to finish college, Rosemarie was a mentor and example to all of her nieces and nephews; always assisting and encouraging them. She helped with homework, shared her love for writing and reading, and provided opportunities for her younger relatives to travel and broaden their horizons. She was the mediator in the family--the one who, in the midst of tensions or arguments, could calm the storm. She didn't teach by dictate, but by example. She also loved to laugh and dance and was most happy when those around her were also enjoying themselves.

She leaves many to mourn her death and to celebrate her life: Vincent, her husband of 43 years; Rachel, her daughter; Jonathan, her son; her adopted son, Geshe Thupten Kunsang; her sisters Alma Campbell, Mildred Dozier and Sue Verrett; her nieces and nephews Louis, Maxine, Frank, Robert, Lottie, Carmen, Thomas, Francetta, Nataleen, Eileen, Anita, Tommy, Donna, Jimmy, James, Jean, Gloria, Phillip, Rose, JoAnn, Harvey, Walter, Felicia and Claude; and a host of other dearly beloved relatives and friends.

I take great pride in joining Rosemarie's family and colleagues to salute the extraordinary Rosemarie Harding. I want to thank her on behalf of the entire 9th Congressional District for her great heart and generous soul. She has been a friend who has shared her wisdom and has given me support.

Madam Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for yielding to me and for continuing to speak the truth, and for making sure that our country understands the type of abuses that are taking place here in Washington, D.C. I believe that democracy is at a crossroads, and I think the gentleman has made that very clear tonight. So I want to thank the gentleman for his continuing to speak truth to power, as we say.

Madam Speaker, let me also tonight thank the distinguished chair of the Congressional Black Caucus for his leadership on this and so many other issues as he continues to consistently attempt to wake up America.

We are here tonight, Madam Speaker, to talk about the Bush administration's systematically deceiving the American people. This administration has spun a web of deception that really enshrouds the truth and hides, mind you, reality. Specifically, I want to talk about the administration's foreign policy and how it has based a doctrine of preemptive strikes on a foundation that is really built on falsehoods, lies, and distortions.

But first let me just say it is especially telling and especially tragic that we are here tonight as we mourn nine new victims of this misguided war. Five soldiers and four contractors were killed today. Our thoughts and our prayers go out to their families and to all of those whose loved ones are still at risk.

We mourn these latest deaths as we speak out against the deliberate decisions and the deceptions that took this country to war. This administration did not tell the truth to Congress, to the American people, and to the world about the causes, the costs, and the consequences of the war in Iraq. The deceit started, mind you, well before the war did, and that is no accident. The web of deception was woven in order to create a reason for the war.

The administration told us time and time again that Iraq posed an immediate threat to the United States. In the President's State of the Union address, the Secretary of State's presentation to the United Nations, and in many other statements and speeches the administration told us that Iraq was developing nuclear weapons and it already had vast stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons. This was apparently all false.

President Bush said that Saddam Hussein was buying aluminum tubes and African uranium for nuclear weapons. This was false. Vice President Cheney said we know, and this is a quote, ``We know he has been absolutely devoted to trying to acquire nuclear weapons, and we believe he has in fact reconstituted nuclear weapons.'' This was false.

President Bush said, we gave them a chance to allow the inspectors in and they wouldn't let them in. This was false. As for the weapons of mass destruction, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said, we know where they are. This was false. The administration time and time again tied Saddam Hussein to the terrorist attacks of September 11, and this was downright false.

These statements were, however, part of a larger pattern of distortion that included warping intelligence to fit the administration's vision of the world and then passing on that warped intelligence to the American people and to the world as a fact.

The administration also, mind you, disguised the cost of the war, which of course taxpayers are paying for. When economic adviser Larry Lindsey said in 2002 that war in Iraq could cost between $100 billion and $200 billion, well, he was right; but you know what, he was fired.

When asked about the possible consequences of the war, the administration presented a portrait of a country that would be uniformly grateful to its American invaders. This week's Nation says, and I quote, ``The idiotic and arrogant statements by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and others that policing Iraq would be a simple matter that could be quickly cleaned up by all those flowers they were going to throw.''

The many distortions, deceptions and omissions amounted to, as I was actually taught like many of us were taught as a child, lying. I was also taught that this is really wrong. This deception was clearly and deliberately escalated. The very impressive and thought-provoking report by the Carnegie Endowment For International Peace found a very dramatic shift in the fall of 2002 as the administration sought to rally support for its unnecessary war. Let me just read what the Carnegie Foundation indicates:

Administration officials systematically misrepresented the threat from Iraq's WMD and ballistic missile programs, beyond the intelligence failures noted above by, one, treating nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons as a single WMD threat. The conflation of three distinct threats, very different in the danger they pose, distorted the cost-benefit analysis of the war.

Secondly, insisting without evidence, yet treating as a given truth, that Saddam Hussein would give whatever WMD he possessed to terrorists.

Thirdly, routinely dropping caveats, probabilities, and expressions of uncertainty present in intelligence assessments from public statements.

Next, misrepresenting inspectors' findings in ways that turned threats from minor to dire.

The Carnegie Endowment For International Peace is a world-renowned institution. I suggest that if Members have not read this report, they should read it because, in fact, it lays out the facts, the reality and what actually went down prior to this war.

The gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman), ranking member of the Committee on Government Reform, has presented a comprehensive examination of the statements and misstatements by the President, the Vice President, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defense and the National Security Adviser. The gentleman from California has compiled a database of deception about alleged weapons of mass destruction, alleged ties to al Qaeda and the allegedly urgent threat to the United States posed by Iraq. That database shows just how far- reaching these distortions were, and they do not stop with Iraq, and they do not stop with foreign policy. But let me just read a couple of the gentleman from California's quotes which have been recorded in this document:

One is from Vice President Dick Cheney. He said, ``We know he's got chemical and biological weapons.'' But, rather, the truth is the statement failed to acknowledge that the Defense Intelligence Agency's position was, ``There is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing and stockpiling chemical weapons or where Iraq has--or will-- establish its chemical warfare agent production facilities.''

President Bush: ``We've also discovered through intelligence that Iraq has a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial vehicles that could be used to disperse chemical or biological weapons across broad areas. We are concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using these UAVs for missions targeting the United States.''

The explanation of this tale is this was misleading because it claimed that Iraq's UAVs were intended and able to spread chemical or biological weapons, including over the United States, but this failed and the President failed to mention that the United States Government agency most knowledgeable about UAVs and their potential applications, the Air Force's National Air and Space Intelligence Center, had the following view: ``The U.S. Air Force does not agree that Iraq is developing UAVs primarily intended to be delivery platforms for chemical and biological agents.''

Another President Bush quote: ``We found the weapons of mass destruction. We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and he said, Iraq has got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They're illegal. They're against the United Nations resolutions, and we've so far discovered two. And we'll find more weapons as time goes on. But for those who say we haven't found the banned manufacturing devices or banned weapons, they're wrong. We found them.''

What this really was, according to the Defense Intelligence Agency, was that these trailers which the President said were to produce biological weapons did not disclose the fact that the engineers at the DIA examined the trailers and concluded that they were most likely to produce hydrogen for artillery weather balloons. That is what the DIA concluded.

We could go on and on tonight about this, but I think the public is beginning to get the picture.

Let us look at Haiti for a minute where the administration claimed it was defending democracy while in fact it was conspiring to undermine and to overthrow the duly elected President of Haiti. That is why we need an independent commission to investigate the role of the administration in the overthrow of the Aristide government. That is also why we still need a truly independent commission to investigate the use and the misuse of intelligence in the war in Iraq.

Of course, the same deceptions permeate our domestic policies as well. Look at the administration's track record on its domestic policies.

Example. He said that his tax cuts for the rich would create jobs. Instead, we have seen 3 million jobs disappear in this country since President Bush took office. He said the vast majority of those tax cuts would go to those at the bottom end of the economic spectrum. Instead, the top 1 percent of earners reap over a third of the tax benefits by themselves. Only the top 1 percent. The President said that our schools will have greater resources to help meet the goals of Leave No Child Behind. But for the third year in a row the President's budget falls billions of dollars short of fully funding Leave No Child Behind.

The deficit. The President says our budget will run a deficit that will be small and short-term, but the fact is that the 10-year deficit projection by the Congressional Budget Office, assuming extending the tax provisions, is $4.7 trillion. In just 2 years, there has been an almost $12 trillion swing in the deficit outlook. The $5.6 trillion 10- year surplus projected when the President took office has been replaced by deficits as far as the eye can see. For 2004, the President's budget proposes a record deficit of $521 billion, $146 billion more than the 2003 deficit, which was also a historic record. Yet the President said on January 7, 2003, ``Our budget will run a deficit that will be small and short-term.''

We have to really get our administration to begin to understand the value of telling the truth, because in both the domestic and foreign policies of this administration, this administration and the President has deceived the American people about their national security, their economy, their children's education and their future. We should be leading the world, not misleading it. That is exactly what we are doing.

Finally, let me just say one of the biggest farces which the President said and indicated he wanted to do was to unite the country. I believe that this country is more divided tonight than ever.

announcement by the speaker pro tempore

Madam Speaker, may I respond?

Madam Speaker, I am referring to statements of fact and information which has been documented and quotes which have been published already.

I thank the Speaker for reminding us of the rules of the House.

I would just like to say, I think it is very important for us, as the leader of the free world, the greatest superpower in the world, to be credible, to be credible as we move forward in this 21st century in terms of how we view the world in terms of our strategic position, in terms of our quest to have a peaceful world, a secure world and in terms of our efforts to eliminate terrorism.

There is no way we should sweep under the rug the facts. The facts are here, they are published, we know what who said when. I hope that the American people understand that we come to this floor to try to present the facts because oftentimes the media does not do that. We have it right here, and we are urging people to read what has been said over the last few years.

We have lost over 560 young men and women in the military. Their lives are lost, their families' lives are shattered as a result of this misinformation and this deceit which led us to war.

I believe it is our duty and our responsibility to put these facts out and to make sure that the American people know what was said, what was the basis for this war and what the outcome, unfortunately, has been.

Mr. Chairman, first let me thank the chairman for his leadership. I thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) for his leadership in working to make a budget, presenting to this body a real and progressive alternative for us.

Mr. Chairman, during this debate and also for many weeks now, we have made a clear case for why and how the Republican budget sacrifices our children, our seniors, our security, our environment, our economy. They do this in order to advance special interest, money interest, and to promote tax breaks for the wealthy. The Republican budget does not fulfill our most fundamental requirement of providing for the common defense; the Congressional Black Caucus budget does. $9 billion for ballistic missile defense does not provide for that defense. It diverts terribly scarce resources into a program that really does not meet our own most urgent security needs and probably will not work anyway.

Let us be clear, ballistic missile defense would not have prevented September 11, and the approach taken in the Republican budget will not prevent its recurrence.

The CBC alternative budget more than fulfills our fundamental requirement of providing for the common defense. Instead of continuing to give Halliburton a license to steal, that is about $3 million a year, our budget furthers our commitment to our veterans who are returning home from war, and they deserve the economic security and health care that they were promised. Instead of throwing billions of dollars, billions of good money, on a bad missile defense system, our budget invests in our own security by giving increased homeland security resources, job training, health care, education, housing. We have a budget that provides for housing and education, HIV/AIDS services and prevention, and foreign aid.

So I am very proud to support this budget which invests in our future rather than bankrupting our children. That is the choice really that we have today. So I urge all Members to support this budget.

And, again, I congratulate the Congressional Black Caucus for their fine work.

Madam Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings) for not only holding this Special Order tonight to discuss the misplaced priorities and the misallocated resources found in the Republican budget and to discuss our CBC alternative budget, but just for his leadership and his attempts to organize us to wake up America. Quite frankly, I do not think the majority of American people know the damage that is being done in this place each and every day. And thanks to the gentleman's leadership, we have the opportunity to come forward to present a vision of the world, of our country that we know is an American vision, a vision based on our values.

So I want to thank the gentleman for his leadership and just hope that the gentleman's district understands how important you are to our caucus and to this entire Congress for helping us move our agenda forward. Let me also mention and thank my colleague, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), who is a member of the Committee on the Budget and he is a leader in our caucus on the budget. I want to just thank the gentleman for his very exceptional work in making this budget a very real and very progressive alternative for Members.

I want to thank all of my colleagues who contributed to the process. I think that our work speaks for itself.

As the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings) indicated earlier, this budget received over 100 votes. That is a record vote, I believe, for the Congressional Black Caucus, and it is under the leadership of the gentleman that we achieved this vote. But this is the budget that really should have passed because it would have put America on the right fiscal track, and it also ensured the economic security for all Americans.

During this debate and for weeks prior to today, we have made a clear case for why and how the Republican budget sacrifices our children, our senior citizens, our security, our environment, and our economy in order, really, to advance monied interests and to promote tax breaks for the wealthy. We have made it clear that we hold the President and this Republican-led House responsible, responsible for the largest deficit in history.

The 5.6 trillion 10-year surplus projected when President Bush took office has been replaced by deficit as far as the eye can see. For 2004 the budget proposes a record deficit of $521 billion. That is the budget they passed tonight. That is $146 billion more than the 2003 deficit, and that was a historic record. It is a greedy budget. That is what this is. It gives to the few while sacrificing the needs of the many, and it gives the bill to our children and to their children. It is irresponsible, and it is unacceptable.

Now, unlike the Republican budget, the Congressional Black Caucus substitute has its priorities really in the right place. It is based on fairness. It is based on fiscal responsibility. And it is based on the values that we hold dear. And it happens to be balanced. Instead of gutting foreign aid programs and woefully underfunding the promised global AIDS initiative, the Congressional Black Caucus alternative includes $800 million towards our commitment and our moral obligation to fight the devastating HIV/AIDS pandemic. And it also includes $1 billion towards the global fund to fight aids, tuberculosis, and malaria.

Instead of ignoring our neighbors in Haiti and the African continent, the Congressional Black Caucus budget adds $1 billion to critical development assistance to meet the critical needs in countries that really need our help the most.

Instead of rolling back our environmental programs, which the Bush budget does, and cutting badly needed enforcement programs at the Environmental Protection Agency, the Congressional Black Caucus's budget enhances them to ensure that our children and families have access to clean water and clean air. The Bush budget ensures that they have less access to clean air and clean water.

Now, California has 97 sites contaminated with toxic waste. These sites are on the national priority Superfund list and 38 sites are likely to be affected by failing to fully fund the Superfund program. The Republican budget also cuts clean water funding by 37 percent nationwide and that is mind boggling; 37 percent which is over a $35 million cut in funding just for my home State of California alone.

Instead of leaving millions of our children behind in education and in training, they cut job training almost out for the most part and turn a blind eye to the millions of unemployed Americans, as the Bush budget does, the Congressional Black Caucus budget increases funding for school construction, for Head Start, for GEAR UP, for Perkins loans, for Pell grants, for job training which we so desperately need in an economy where so many millions of our people are unemployed. Also, funding for historically black universities, it fully up-funds the fiscal year 2005 authorization level for Leave No Child Behind.

Instead of cutting funding for housing, we do have an affordable housing crisis in this country. My home State of California is off the scale. Our budget puts more resources into housing. Affordable housing, or the lack thereof, is really a national disgrace; and it is a national emergency. Housing is, or rather it should be, a basic human right; and, unfortunately, it remains ignored and underfunded in the Republican budget again this year. And we are seeing an increasing number of homeless people out there on the streets of America, the most powerful and wealthiest country in the world.

Currently there are over 2 million households assisted by rental vouchers and turnover in this program is very low. Thirty-seven percent of vouchers are used to house our most vulnerable citizens, namely, senior citizens and persons with disabilities. This budget barely funds the 1.75 million in rental vouchers. The Bush budget for HUD proposes that public housing authorities scramble to cover the $1.7 billion costs needed to fund the remaining 250,000 vouchers and to ensure that housing remains available to special needs populations.

Now, this ultimately means that a quarter of a million section 8 recipients, current section 8 recipients, not those in waiting lines and on the list but current section 8 recipients, they will lose their vouchers or they will be forced by the public housing authorities to increase the amount of rent that they pay. Where in the world are they going to find the money? Where are the jobs? They do not have the jobs. They do not have the resources to afford to pay more rent.

This is just downright cruel. In my district alone, 3,000 families who are currently using section 8 vouchers to pay their rent will lose their homes. This is unacceptable. This is unconscionable.

The Bush administration must fully fund and take responsibility for our most vulnerable families living in the section 8 program; but, of course, the budget that they passed out tonight did not do that. Ours did.

In the area of crime, the Congressional Black Caucus budget keeps our commitments to our local law enforcement agencies by providing real funding programs like the community policing efforts, like the Department of Justice reentry initiatives.

Under the Republican budget, the COPS program would be slashed by 87 percent, 87 percent. Crime rates are going up in certain communities. Of course, we know the reasons, but community policing has been a remedy and a way to really affect in a very positive way the reduction of crime in many of our neighborhoods; but again, the budget that they passed out tonight cut the COPS program by 87 percent.

The Republican budget underfunds homeland security programs. The Bush administration budget cuts first responder funding by $648 million and cuts port security grants by 63 percent, and they talk about homeland security. Yes, homeland security is very important. We must ensure the homeland, but we have got to pay for it. We have got to pay for it, and cutting port security grants by 63 percent does not tell me that this administration is committed to homeland security.

The House Republican budget is even worse. It cuts homeland security funding by an additional $155 million in 2005 and $857 million over 5 years. What a sham. Currently, 95 percent of all

North American and U.S. trade moves by sea, concentrated mostly in a handful of ports. Only about 5 percent of the cargo containers that enter the United States are screened, 5 percent. Any one of these containers, the vast majority of which do not have tamper-resistant seals, could hold a deadly threat, a disease hidden in a shipment of foreign fruit, radioactive material hidden in frozen seafood, or an explosive device.

Instead of skimping on homeland security, our budget, the Congressional Black Caucus budget, provides the necessary resources for the Department of Homeland Security to fully begin protecting America's rails and ports, and we provide significant resources for our first responders, the first line of defense in the event of an attack.

Homeland security, dealing with terrorism, we have got to get this administration to understand they have got to support this. They have got to support homeland security and our first line of defenders, our police officers, our firefighters, our emergency workers, our health workers.

What the CBC does not provide for is $9 billion a year for ballistic missile defense. Missile defense merely diverts terribly scarce resources into a program that does not meet our most urgent security needs and probably will not work in any case. Let us be clear, ballistic missile defense, better known as Star Wars, would not have prevented September 11, and the approach taken in the Republican budget will not prevent its recurrence.

One other thing the Congressional Black Caucus does not provide, Halliburton's license to steal, by withholding payments to the company that has overcharged taxpayers. That is what we did in our budget. This amounts to over $300 million. I do not know if the American people understand that the budget that the Bush administration and that Congress reported out tonight pays Halliburton, gives them money for violating the law. Unbelievable to me, unbelievable.

Let me just read my colleague a list of some of the programs being eliminated, not cut. These are some of the programs being eliminated in the Bush budget to feed this military spending. They are eliminating alcohol abuse reduction, arts and education, close-up fellowships, community technology centers, comprehensive school reform, demonstration projects to ensure quality higher education for students with disabilities. They are taking $7 million out of that. They are eliminating that. Dropout prevention programs, they are eliminating. Dropout prevention programs. Dropout prevention programs.

They are eliminating the Eisenhower National Clearinghouse for Math and Science Education, Elementary and Secondary School Counseling, Even Start, the Excellence in Economic Education program. They are eliminating literacy programs for prisoners. My God, what are we going to do? They will be getting out sooner or later and no skills, no job training, no jobs. What do we expect in terms of the recidivism rate, and here they are cutting out the literacy program for prisoners.

They are eliminating the Migrant and Seasonal Farm Workers programs, the National Writing Project, Parental Information and Resource Centers. Recreational programs, eliminate $3 million. They really cut out really all the federally funded recreational programs for kids. Regional Technology in Education.

They eliminate Smaller Learning Communities. They eliminate, here is another one, State Grants for Incarcerated Youth Offenders. They decimate that program. They gut it. It is gone. It is gone.

They eliminate Vocational Education National programs. They eliminate the Women's Educational Equity program. They eliminate the Early Learning Opportunities Fund, the National Youth Sports. They eliminate Community Food and Nutrition Efforts. They close that down. They shut it down. They shut down the Rural Community Facilities.

They shut down Hope VI, which revitalizes many of our communities, our urban communities where the unemployment rates are soaring. They finish, they cut out, they eliminate Empowerment Zones which have provided the opportunity to create jobs and to create economic opportunities for minority- and women-owned businesses and small businesses. The Bush administration just cuts that. They cut it out. It is gone.

The more I look at that, the more upset I get. It is very hard to convey the depth of my anger at this budget.

Brownfields Redevelopment they cut that out. Rural Housing and Economic Development programs they are cutting out.

I mentioned all the COPS programs and law enforcement programs they are just taking away. They are cutting out juvenile accountability block grants. They are taking away migrant and seasonal farm workers programs. I do not know if the American people know about all these programs that, like I said, are not being cut, they are being eliminated. They are gone. They are gone.

The Tech Prep Education State grants, $107 million, that is done. That is finished.

Madam Speaker, I will insert this list into the Record tonight at this point.

Zero Funding

The Bush administration proposes to eliminate the following

programs in fiscal 2005:

------------------------------------------------------------------------

2004 funding Reason for

Program (in millions) termination ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Commerce:

Advanced Technology Program... $171 Duplicates private-

sector efforts.

Technology Opportunities 14 Diminished need.

Program.

Continued Dumping and Subsidy 293 To save money.

Offset Act. Education:

Alcohol Abuse Reduction....... 30 Duplicates other

programs.

Arts in Education............. 35 To fund higher

priorities.

B.J. Stupak Olympic 1 Duplicates other

Scholarships. programs.

Close-Up Fellowships.......... 1 Duplicates private-

sector efforts.

Community Technology Centers.. 10 Duplicates other

programs.

Comprehensive School Reform... 234 Duplicates other

programs.

Demonstration Projects To 7 Goals achieved.

Ensure Quality Higher

Education for Students With

Disabilities.

Dropout Prevention Programs... 5 Duplicates other

programs.

Eisenhower National 5 Duplicates other

Clearinghouse for Math and programs.

Science Education.

Eisenhower Regional Math and 15 Duplicates other

Science Education Consortia. programs.

Elementary and Secondary 34 Duplicates other

School Counseling. programs.

Even Start.................... 247 Goals not met.

Excellence in Economic 1 Duplicates other

Education. programs.

Exchanges With Historic 9 To fund higher

Whaling and Trading Partners. priorities.

Federal Perkins Loans; Capital 99 Duplicates other

Contributions. programs.

Foreign Language Assistance... 17 Duplicates other

programs.

Javits Gifted and Talented 11 Duplicates other

Education. programs.

Leveraging Educational 66 Goals achieved.

Assistance Partnerships.

Literacy Programs for 5 Duplicates other

Prisoners. programs.

Migrant and Seasonal 2 Duplicates other

Farmworkers. programs.

National Writing Project...... 18 Duplicates other

programs.

Occupational and Employment 9 To be merged with

Information. other programs.

Parental Information and 42 Duplicates other

Resource Centers. programs.

Projects With Industry........ 22 Duplicates other

programs.

Ready To Teach................ 14 Duplicates other

programs.

Recreational Programs......... 3 Duplicates other

programs.

Regional Educational 67 Goals not met.

Laboratories.

Regional Technology in 10 Duplicates other

Education Consortia. programs.

School Leadership............. 12 Duplicates other

programs.

Smaller Learning Communities.. 174 Duplicates other

programs.

Star Schools.................. 20 Duplicates other

programs.

State Grants for Incarcerated 20 Limited impact.

Youth Offenders.

Supported Employment State 38 Goals achieved.

Grants.

Tech-Prep Demonstration....... 5 Duplicates other

programs.

Tech-Prep Education State 107 Duplicates other

Grants. programs.

Underground Railroad Program.. 2 Goals achieved.

Vocational Education National 12 Duplicates other

Programs. programs.

Women's Educational Equity.... 3 Duplicates other

programs. Health and Human Services:

Early Learning Opportunities 34 Duplicates other

Fund. programs.

National Youth Sports......... 18 Duplicates other

programs.

Community Food and Nutrition.. 7 Duplicates other

programs.

Rural Community Facilities.... 7 Duplicates other

programs. Homeland Security: Metropolitan 50 Goals achieved. Medical Response System. Housing and Urban Development:

Community Development Block 334 Congressional add-

Grant. on.

HOPE VI Revitalization of 149 Goals achieved.

Severely Distressed Public

Housing.

Empowerment Zones............. 15 Funding not needed.

Community Development Loan 7 Accomplishments not

Guarantees. measured.

Public Housing Drug 0 Limited results.

Elimination Program.

Brownfields Redevelopment..... 25 Accomplishments not

reported.

Rural Housing and Economic 25 Duplicates other

Development. programs. Environmental Protection Agency: 511 Congressional add- Unrequested Project Funding. on. Interior: National Park Service 13 Secondary to Statutory Aid. mission. Justice:

Edward Byrne Memorial Grant 704 Merged with other

Program. programs.

Local Law Enforcement Block 223 Merged with other

Grants. programs.

COPS Hiring Grants............ 119 Merged with other

programs.

State Criminal Alien 297 Results not

Assistance Program. demonstrated.

COPS Law Enforcement 157 Duplicates other

Technology Grants. programs.

COPS Interoperable 84 Responsibility

Communications Technology transferred to

Grants. Homeland Security.

Juvenile Accountability Block 59 Results not

Grants. demonstrated. Labor: Migrant Seasonal 77 Ineffective. Farmworkers. Small Business Administration: 17 Expensive; Microloan Program. duplicates

assistance. U.S. Postal Service: Foregone 29 Eliminates reduced Revenue for Reduced Mail Rate. rates for some

nonprofit mailers. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Source: Office of Management and Budget.

Madam Speaker, let me just finally say that this Bush budget embodies values that are quite un-American, if you ask me. It is fiscally irresponsible. It mortgages our children's future, and it decimates the lives of the least of these. It is not compassionate. In fact, it is really downright mean-spirited, and I hope that the American people understand that this administration is bankrupting our children and their future, and they are investing in money interests and privileges for the few.

If the gentleman would yield for just a moment, let me just comment on what you have said in terms of our values, looking out for each other, making sure that all Americans have equal opportunity.

Madam Speaker, the insidious and the sinister nature of this Bush budget is that so many of these efforts and programs which have been eliminated or cut affect the African American, the Latino and the Asian Pacific Islander communities. They affect low-income individuals, poor people.

Now, what kind of values do we have if we are going to do that? That is not the American way from what I know. I think we need to make sure that the country understands that there are communities that are impacted by this budget, and then there are communities that are severely impacted by this budget and will take us back 50 years if this passes.

First responder funding, police, firefighters, health care emergency workers, we are cutting $648 million out of that budget. We are cutting port security grants by 63 percent. This totals, in terms of homeland security, an additional $155 million in 2005 and $857 million for 5 years. What kind of real war on terrorism do we have? What kind of commitment do we have to secure America, to secure people in our country?

We will have to look at it in a way that we have not looked at it before if in fact these numbers hold in the Bush budget.

Madam Speaker, if the gentleman would yield, that is extremely important because having the resources there to do their job reduces the anxiety level. It reduces the fear factor which people quite naturally have at this point in our time.

I do not believe this administration wants people to feel that level of security. They like to keep them unstable and fearful and worried, and that is just downright wrong.

I think this budget really reflects exactly what the gentleman said. We do not have the equipment. Our first responders, our counties and cities, do not have what they need. People know they do not have what they need, and they are afraid. People need to rise up and tell the Bush administration to fully fund homeland security.

Big cuts in job training.

Madam Speaker, I think I have the answer to why they cut job training, and that is, they do not know where the jobs are coming from and what to train people for. First, we have lost the service industry. We have lost manufacturing, and we are outsourcing high tech. What is left?

We had a hearing several weeks ago with Alan Greenspan, and we talked to him about the economy and job losses. I asked Chairman Greenspan, What do we tell our young people? How do we tell them to play by the rules, go to school and develop some skills and some know-how because there is a job at the end of the road? And he could not answer that.

We asked where the jobs will be in the future, what industries, what sectors do we train people for? In what regions, and what jobs are going to be available in 2 to 3 years? And there was no answer for that question. I suspect the reason they cut job training is because they do not have a clue what kinds of jobs are out there in the future to train for.

Mr. Greenspan indicated if he did not believe those jobs were going to be out there, he would be as upset as I am, and he believes they are out there, but he never told us where.

Going back to the Congressional Black Caucus' budget, we increased the funding for Pell grants and for our young people so they do not have to deal with the very situation that the gentleman described.

Taking it just a little further, those that somehow make it through start looking for job. There are no jobs out there; but if in fact we created an infrastructure, development initiative, if we invested in our economy by investing in health care, if we invested by establishing the National Affordable Housing Trust Fund to increase the production of affordable housing in this country, we would be able to create jobs by creating an investment in our country and in our communities for areas that people need.

People need health care and housing and transportation. We need schools to be fixed and we need construction projects going on. There are so many millions of jobs that could be created if we just invested our Federal resources into this instead of the military machine for weapons which feed the military industrial complex.

There has to be the political will to do that, and the future has to be a priority in terms of the budget priority. You have to see young people as being our future, those who are going to really take over the world, and we have not invested in our young people. We have not developed an educational system that will allow them to develop, learn and grow and move forward.

Again, Leave No Child Behind is a classic example. It is $9.4 billion underfunded.

I want to thank again the gentleman from Maryland for his leadership and for insisting that the Congressional Black Caucus put forth this vision, a vision that is based on true American values, a vision that is based on equality and justice, a vision that is based on fiscal responsibility, a vision that is based on not mortgaging our children's future; and it is a vision for the country that I know someday will be seen by those on the other side. It is just a matter of time.

Yes, there is a better way. I think Dr. King, reflecting upon him right now, showed us a better way and told us that there was a better way. He told us how the bombs bursting in Vietnam would explode here in the ghettos of America if in fact our spending priorities were not reordered. Those who care about Dr. King and celebrate his birthday in January need to celebrate his life each and every day by executing his vision. We have the opportunity to do that. What an honor. We have been elected to Congress to be able to create a better world. In fact, when we do not take those opportunities to do that, I worry for us. I worry for our country.

I say, thank God for the Congressional Black Caucus. If it were not for the Congressional Black Caucus, I do not know if, in fact, any of these issues would be crystallized in the way that they are being crystallized as a result of our efforts. I want to thank the gentleman, even though I know it is very difficult sometimes dealing with 39 of us who all have ideas. But the chairman incorporates all of our ideas and comes up with a magnificent document each and every year. I think that sooner or later our budget will be the budget. It will be the budget that is passed by this House and the other body, and it will be in the White House, and we will someday see our vision for America and for the world as being the American Dream realized and in action.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor a man who has set the bar for public service, working for over thirty years for the Congress of the United States, Sandre Swanson. On March 1, 2004, Sandre retired from congressional service. The 9th Congressional District salutes and thanks him for his three decades of tireless and spirited service.

Sandre R. Swanson met Congressman Ronald V. Dellums, my predecessor, over thirty-three years ago. Ron, at that time, was a candidate for Congress, and Sandre was the Student Body President at Laney College in Oakland, California. Their first meeting was at an Oakland peace march protesting the May 4, 1970 shooting of four Kent State University students. This shooting ignited a national student strike that was unprecedented in the history of our country. Ron and other Civil Rights leaders were leading the march while Sandre was leading the Laney Student Body protest. Sandre, who was not acquainted with Ron at the time, was part of a group carrying a mock casket for the fallen students. He was so impressed by Ron's speech that day that he organized scores of students for the Dellums campaign.

In 1971, Sandre was elected, via neighborhood balloting, as the East Oakland representative for the Oakland Anti-Poverty Board. He became one of the Board's most vocal Vice-Chairmen.

In 1972, Wilson Riles Jr., who was the Northern California Coordinator for the historic presidential campaign for Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, recruited Sandre to run the campaign's Advance Team. That was when I first met Sandre. I also recommended to Congressman Dellums that he hire Sandre as part of his congressional staff.

On May 1, 1973, when Sandre was 24, Congressman Dellums asked Sandre to join the district office staff. During his tenure for the Dellums office, Sandre served as Aide, Staff Assistant, Press Secretary, and District Director.

In the fall of 1976, judge Lionel Wilson, another significant mentor, asked Congressman Dellums to borrow Sandre to manage his campaign for mayor. With the assistance of Sandre as his Campaign Manager, Judge Wilson became Oakland's first African-American Mayor on May 17, 1977.

On October 25, 1977, Mayor Wilson appointed Sandre to the Oakland Civil Service Commission, where he served with distinction as Chairman and Commissioner for two terms. The Commission's employee and union appeals caseload doubled under Chairman Swanson's leadership.

In 1990, Congressman Dellums invited Nelson Mandela to Oakland, California following his release from a South African prison after twenty-seven years. A coalition of labor, community and church groups asked Congressman Dellums to grant Sandre leave so that he could serve as the Northern California Coordinator for the Nelson Mandela Freedom Tour. Working with the legendary Bill Graham and hundreds of community organizations, Sandre brought 60,000 people to the Oakland Coliseum in support of this celebration. To complete this historic event, he organized a fund-raising dinner in Oakland for 3,000 people. The committee gave the Free South Africa movement the largest contribution of the tour.

In 1993, as a result of military base closures, Congressman Dellums asked Sandre to spearhead the congressional district's military base conversion effort. Sandre was the architect of the cross jurisdictional memberships on local reuse authorities in charge of military base conversion in Alameda County. He served as Vice-Chair of the Alameda Reuse and Redevelopment Authority and Commissioner on the Oakland Base Authority for five years.

In 1998, when I took office, I hired Sandre as my District Director. On May 1, 1999, twenty-six years after I recommended that Congressman Dellums hire him, I appointed Sandre as my own Chief of Staff. As my most trusted advisor, he managed my Washington and Oakland offices.

Sandre has served on countless boards and commissions. He has been the Chair and is currently a trustee for the Alameda County Employees' Retirement Association (ACERA). ACERA manages benefits for its retirees and makes the investment decisions for a 3.5 billion dollar pension fund. Sandre is also the Vice-Chair of the Alameda Golf Commission.

After such distinguished and prestigious service to his community, Sandre retired from congressional service on March 1, 2004. I wish him continued success long into the future, and I also thank him for his outstanding contributions to this congressional district. I take great pride in joining Sandre's wife, Anita, and his children, friends and colleagues to recognize and celebrate the accomplishments and contributions of Sandre R. Swanson.

Mr. Speaker, let me thank the chairman of the committee and subcommittee and the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) and the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller) for their incredibly hard work on this very important program.

Let me talk about the provision of the bill dealing with irradiated food in the National School Lunch program. Today, over 27 million low- income children throughout the Nation have come to rely on the National School Lunch program and also the breakfast program for a healthy and nutritious meal. In many cases, these programs provide the only source of information and nutrition that these children receive all day. So really it is very important that we provide healthy, nutritious meals to these students and information to their parents so that they know what they are eating.

Basically when it comes to irradiated food, food of course that is really bombarded with gamma rays or electrons, there is no requirement in law that schools must notify parents or students about what they are eating or even that irradiated food is being served in schools. So that is why I introduced the Right To Know School Nutrition Act, which was intended to do just that.

I want to thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) and the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller) for making sure that the provisions of that bill are included in this bill.

Mr. Chairman, although I do have some reservations about this bill, I rise in support of the vast majority of the underlying bill and want to praise the excellent bipartisan leadership exercised in crafting it and moving it to the floor today. It was a long time in the making and I congratulate my colleagues on their hard work.

The bill provides much needed regulatory relief to credit unions, national banks, and savings and loan institutions. We all know that regulations can do great good, but they need to be reexamined and refined from time to time, especially when new consumer protections are warranted and where they can provide needed flexibility to enhance efficiency.

This bill does exactly that and I am pleased with many of its provisions, especially those that will help the credit unions compete, thrive and improve their services to consumers.

Mr. Chairman, I hope that we will improve the bill before us today by adopting the Manager's amendment, and Waters amendment, among others.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce a resolution designating a Caribbean-American Heritage month. This resolution acknowledges the contributions of Caribbean-Americans from the inception of our country to the present.

Alexander Hamilton, Hazel Scott, Sidney Poitier, Jean Michel Basquiat, Eric Holder, Colin Powell, Edwidge Danticat, Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, Sidney Ponson, Maryse Conde, Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poitier, Celia Cruz, Mervyn Dymally and Shirley Chisolm are just a few of the many Caribbean-Americans who helped shape American government, politics, business, arts, education, science, and culture.

Many of us in Congress focus on ``hot spots'' in the Caribbean--Cuba and Haiti--and forget that we have many constituents with roots from Suriname to the Bahamas and from Belize to Barbados.

The recent revitalization of a bi-partisan Congressional Caribbean Caucus forced many of us to re-evaluate the policy between CARICOM and the United States, and to discuss proposed and pending U.S. legislation that will have a direct impact on bilateral relations.

It is also important that we remember that our policies in the Caribbean affect the relatives of our constituents. I wrote this resolution to remind the American public that there are Caribbean- Americans who reside in every state of the union, and make sure that are recognized and celebrated.

I ask all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this measure to honor the Caribbean-American community, and create a month designated to annually acknowledge their service to our society.

Mr. Speaker, let me just thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding me this time and for his strong leadership on each and every committee on which he has served.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this rule and this resolution. This resolution really is an affront and an insult to our troops. I tried to offer an amendment to this very deceptive resolution. My amendment just basically expressed deep sorrow and real support for all of those who have been killed in this war and we extended support for their families in my amendment.

As the daughter of a career military officer, Mr. Speaker, I know how important this is and what this means. This resolution as it is written never even mentions the over 550 Americans who have died. How insulting and insensitive. It does not even mention the Iraqi civilians and all of our international friends who have died in this war. My amendment also stated that the war in Iraq has undermined our alliances, it has cost hundreds of Americans and unknown numbers of Iraqi lives and billions of dollars, and it has made the world a more dangerous place rather than a safer place. The evidence speaks for itself on that. We are not voting on my amendment today because once again the Republican- controlled Committee on Rules did not allow any amendments, not only my amendment but zero, none, they did not allow. Once again true debate is being stifled. What a shame and disgrace. As an officer of the Congressional Black Caucus, we continue to stand in full support of our troops, in support of our veterans and their health benefits, and in support of their economic security. This resolution does none of this. None of this.

I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this rule. I urge them to vote ``no'' on this resolution. Remember, this is part of a pattern of deception which we have

seen from day one. We are talking about not only the intelligence information that was not there but really a whole host of deceptive measures that have come before this body that we have voted on. I hope we vote ``no'' on this resolution. It is wrong. It is terrible.

Mr. Speaker, first let me just say I rise in total opposition to this resolution. This is another resolution to deceive the American people. This resolution completely distorts and ignores the basis for this war and its costs.

This resolution never even mentions the more than, now, unfortunately, 560 Americans and countless others who have died in this war. This is really insulting, and it is insensitive.

It also leaves out any mention of weapons of mass destruction, which was the rationale for this war. And it claims the war made the world a safer place. That ignores reality.

We had choices. We had options. We did not have to go to war. In the last year, for example, 72 Members of this House voted for my amendment to the Bush administration's war resolution that would have rejected the unnecessary rush to war and instead strengthened our commitment to the United Nations inspections process.

Now we have a resolution today that celebrates this war but ignores its cost, its cost to our soldiers, to our credibility, to our children's future. This pattern of deception and distortion must end.

I tried to offer an amendment to this misleading resolution yesterday. It just expressed our deep sorrow for all those who have been killed in this war and pointed out the terrible toll this war has taken on our own security. The Committee on Rules did not even allow my amendment honoring the sacrifice of our troops or offering the truth about the war. Once, again, the debate is being stifled.

What has happened to democracy in this body? Once again, this administration and the Republican leadership are attempting to trick the American people. And they are neglecting the very soldiers they claim to honor, the men and women who need health care, proper equipment, and veterans benefits, whose families need economic security. We must call them out on this and vote against this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to H. Res. 577. This resolution claims to support our troops, yet it fails to even mention the over 550 American service men and women who have died in this conflict.

It also fails to even mention the weapons of mass destruction what were supposedly the justification for this war with its terrible cost in lives, dollars, and security.

And its claims that this war has made the world safer. In fact, the war in Iraq and the Doctrine of Preemption have made the world a more dangerous place. This is a terrible resolution. And it is a trap.

This resolution completely distorts and ignores the basis for this war.

In the fall of 2002, the Bush Administration told us that Iraqi weapons of mass destruction posed a grave and gathering danger to the United States and that we therefore supposedly had to go to war.

This resolution does not even mention this.

Now, the Administration's own chief weapons inspector, David Kay, has said that there are no large stockpiles of chemical, biological or nuclear weapons. He said, ``We were almost all wrong.'' Why isn't this cited in the resolution before us? Leaving out the weapons of mass destruction argument represents yet another lie of omission.

In fact, the truth is, not everyone was wrong.

Mohammed El-Baradei and Dr. Hans Blix, the U.N. inspectors, raised real doubts about the Administration's rush to war.

And 72 members of Congress voted for my amendment to the use of force resolution that would have rejected the unnecessary rush to war and instead strengthened our commitment to the United Nations inspections process.

Last March, before the first shots in the war were fired, I introduced a resolution disavowing the Doctrine of Preemption because I believed that preemptive first strikes in the absence of a proven imminent threat go against both American values and American interests.

We had choices. We had options. We did not have to go to war.

Now we are on the verge of commemorating a year of war led by a President who is proud to claim his record as a war president. In that year over 550 American service men and women have died and over 3000 have been wounded, along with literally untold numbers of Iraqi civilians.

This Republican resolution blatantly and shamefully disregards this fact.

Some of us remember them today and their families. We also hope and pray for the safe and swift return of all our armed forces who are still in harm's way. As the daughter of a retired military officer, I know what we owe to these men and women.

We owe them and their families economic security. And we owe them our best efforts to create a safer world.

Now I tried to offer an amendment to this misleading resolution that said two things.

First of all, my amendment expressed our deep sorrow and regret for all those who have been killed in this war and extending our support to their families in this moment of terrible loss.

As I said, the resolution as written, never mentions the more than 550 Americans who have died. How insulting and insensitive.

Second, my amendment addressed the new world order--or disorder--that has been created by this war.

It stated: The war in Iraq and the Doctrine of Preemption on which it is based have undermined long-standing alliances; weakened the effectiveness of the United Nations; cost hundreds of American and unknown numbers of Iraqi lives and billions of dollars; and have made the world a more dangerous rather than a safer place.

We are not voting on this amendment today because the Rules Committee did not allow my amendment honoring the sacrifice of our troops or offering the truth about the war.

Once again, true debate is being stifled. What a shame and a disgrace!

Once again, this Administration and the Republican leadership are attempting to deceive the American people.

We must call them on it and vote against this resolution which does not mention those who have been killed.

It does not mention the weapons of mass destruction that supposedly were the justification for the war itself.

And it does not accurately portray the fact that this war and the Doctrine of Preemption on which it is based have made the world a more dangerous, rather than a safer place.

Is that the world that we want to turn over to our children?

Mr. Speaker, I rise to introduce legislation calling on the Administration to expose and explain their involvement in Haiti's 33rd coup d'etat.

My legislation will create a TRUTH Commission, which stands for The Responsibility for Uncovering the TRUTH about Haiti. This independent commission will be bipartisan and work to uncover the Bush administration's role in Haiti prior to President Aristide's exile.

I believe the Bush administration undercut the potential for a diplomatic solution for peaceful democratic elections, any potential for a cease-fire and an end to violence.

It bears primary responsibility therefore, for Aristide's unwilling departure as well as for the sacrifice of the democratic process in Haiti.

As Members of Congress find out more about the events leading up to President Aristide's departure, the twilight activities of his alleged resignation, the current unconstitutional government, and the ongoing turmoil, fear, and misinformation that is still flowing out of Haiti.

We want answers, Mr. Speaker and an independent commission is one of many tools that we intend on exercising.

I have several pressing questions that I hope this commission will find the answers for:

1. Did the U.S. Government impede democracy and contribute to the overthrow of the Aristide government?

2. Under what circumstances did President Jean-Bertrand Aristide resign and what was the role of the United States Government in bringing about his departure?

3. To what extent did the U.S. impede efforts by the international community, particularly the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, countries, to prevent the overthrow of the democratically-elected Government of Haiti?

4. What was the role of the United States in influencing decisions regarding Haiti at the United Nations Security Council and in discussions between Haiti and other countries that were willing to assist in the preservation of the democratically-elected Government of Haiti by sending security forces to Haiti?

5. Was U.S. assistance provided or were U.S. personnel involved in supporting, directly or indirectly, the forces and opposed to the government of President Aristide? Was United States bilateral assistance channeled through nongovernmental organizations that were directly or indirectly associated with political groups actively involved in fomenting hostilities or violence toward the government of President Aristide?

6. Was any U.S. bilateral assistance channeled through non- governmental organizations that were directly or indirectly involved in fuming hostilities or violence toward the Aristide government?

And there are more questions about the long-term origins of Haiti's current crisis and the long-term impact on the region as a result of the administration's policies.

This was regime change by other means.

We do not teach people to violently overthrow our U.S. Government, and we must not teach other people in the international community, particularly Haiti, to participate in activities that taint the hope for democracy by use of violence.

I stand here today because the Haitian community stands for democracy and not for political maneuvering by the Bush administration.

This is an issue of democracy.

The United States must stand firm in its support of democracy and not allow a nascent democracy like Haiti, fall victim to regime change and an international ``racist'' foreign policy.

I commend all of my colleagues to join in support of this commission and ask for its timely passage.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the 23 original San Francisco Bay Area Tuskegee Airmen. Tomorrow, March 9, 2004, marks the celebration of Tuskegee Airmen Day in Oakland. On behalf of the 9th Congressional District, I would like to thank them for their tireless and devoted service.

The Tuskegee Airmen are a noble and proud group. Their legacy as the first African Americans ever to qualify as fighter pilots is remarkable and worthy of preservation. These efforts helped pave the way for generations of African-American soldiers, officers, pilots, sailors, and Marines. The Tuskegee airmen didn't lose a single bomber they escorted during the World War II.

Further, their story holds many valuable lessons to be shared with future generations. The principles of life, liberty, and democracy that they fought for and strengthened serve us all today. After liberating Europe, they returned to their homes and hearths to pursue the fight for equal rights, for which we are in their debt.

The Bay Area Original Tuskegee Airmen are: Reuben B. Bilbo, Samuel Broadnax, Dr. Richard Caesar, William A. Campbell, Le Roy Gillead, James C. Goodwin, Arthur C. Harmon, Calvin C. Hobbs, Harold Hoskins, George J. Iles, Alvin J. Johnson, Dr. Wendell Lipscomb, Robert A. Matthews, Fred L. McLaurin, Adolph J. Moret, Jr., George W. Porter, Leon Spears, Morris T. Tatum, James A. Walker, James C. Warren, Theodore Wilson, Lester Williams, and Leona F. Woodward.

Finally, as we honor these brave veterans today, I want to honor their contributions as men, fathers, medical doctors, professors, artists, engineers, technicians, and researchers. I

take great pride in joining their families and friends to recognize and celebrate the many accomplishments and contributions of the Bay Area Original Tuskegee Airmen. God bless them all.

Madam Speaker, first, let me thank Members of Congress tonight, the Congressional Black Caucus, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for our focus and for leading this effort not only tonight but over the years with regard to Haiti.

Of course, Haiti tonight is on the minds and in the hearts of the international community, of many of us here in Congress and throughout the country. And tonight I want to first ask and raise concern for the safety and for the security of President Aristide and Mrs. Aristide and for their family. Given the circumstances of their departure, I think it is appropriate that we be concerned about their safety and insist that our government ensure that they not be put in harm's way.

For many years now we have consistently attempted to increase the Congress's role, the administration's role with regard to engagement with Haiti. We have asked over and over again for immediate humanitarian assistance, development assistance, infrastructure assistance. Really, all of those efforts to allow the Haitian people to live, to survive, and to move forward. Yet, repeatedly, over and over and over again, this administration has blocked any type of assistance, has embargoed efforts to ensure that the Haitian people receive the funding that they have negotiated, every single time. This administration went to the international community and blocked from the world the type of aid and assistance and economic development that Haiti needs.

It is unbelievable the type of circling of the wagons that we have seen as it relates to Haiti. Now, unfortunately, our country has helped to ensure that democratically elected president of Haiti was overthrown and this is totally unacceptable. What I have seen in the last few years is that really this country was setting up the situation which has occurred over the last few weeks. It really has helped democracy fail in Haiti, and that to me is a shame and it is a disgrace. Over and over again this administration has undermined and undercut President Aristide's attempts at social and economic development and the political challenges that have devastated his country. Over and over again I witnessed President Aristide comply with all of the requirements of the United States. One month it was this. The next month it was that. The next month it was something else. The Haitian government continually complied, continually stepped up to the plate even when it caused some discussions and some turmoil in their own country as a result of, for instance, having to raise the price of gasoline so that the international banks would be satisfied so that they could get the money that then negotiated for their loans. Outrageous kinds of requirements this country put on the Haitian government. Yet, still President Aristide responded and complied.

So what we have witnessed over the last couple of weeks really was the march to a coup d'etat. We witnessed the execution of a plan that I believe was really developed by, of course, those; and we are having hearings tomorrow so we will begin to expose and at least ask the questions, but it was the execution of a plan that we saw, I remember I think during the 1980s around Nicaragua, around some of the attempts to overthrow governments in Latin America, the U.S. ambassador, Negroponte, and Noriega who then was Senator Helm's person. We see many of the same kinds of players in place. And so, unfortunately, I am seeing an updated repeated performance of what we saw in the 1980s in Latin America. And, yes, this country has said that central to its foreign policy is regime change. That is a public kind of policy. And regime change manifests itself in many, many ways.

If I were Venezuela or Brazil, not to mention Cuba, I would be a bit concerned with what we know now and what we see taking place in terms of how the execution of a regime change, foreign policy takes place.

Finally, let me just say, when Secretary Powell says, it is nonsense and we are engaged in conspiracy theories, I would ask people to look at the ``U.S. War Against Haiti, Hidden From the Headlines.'' These are the facts. We will begin to expose it tomorrow.

Mr. Speaker, I rise this morning to once again plead with this administration to act before there is any more bloodshed and death in Haiti.

Now, for the past 3 months, we have been coming to this floor calling on this administration to act. Yesterday, the Congressional Black Caucus met with President Bush and he, too, said that he abhorred the violence and the loss of life in Haiti. Colin Powell, our Secretary of State, said, we cannot allow thugs and murderers to overthrow the democratically elected government of President Aristide.

So we must act now. We have an opportunity to do so. The United States must take a role, or at least at the very minimum not block any United Nations Security Council resolution which could provide international security forces in Haiti. But time is of the essence, Mr. Speaker. Lives are at stake. This is urgent.

So I plead with this administration to heed our call and save the lives of Haitians and save the real life of democracy in terms of our neighbor of 8 million people right next door in our own hemisphere.

Mr. Speaker, when it comes to democracy, this country supports democracy in Iraq. We should support democracy in Haiti and come to Haiti's aid right now.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to defend a woman's right to choose and to oppose H.R. 1997.

Once again, the Republican leadership is challenging a woman's constitutional right to make decisions regarding her own body.

This is not new legislation; in fact, the anti-choice movement has forced the Unborn Victims of Violence Act through the House twice since 1999.

The bill's true purpose is not to address violent crime against pregnant women. It is, and always has been, a way of undermining freedom of choice.

H.R. 1997 does not recognize two victims. The mother is notably absent from the bill altogether. In fact, H.R. 1997 does not require a conviction for the underlying crime against the woman; the crime against the woman could go unpunished.

The Unborn Victims of Violence Act goes beyond its intent to protect pregnant women and negates all the good it could do by deliberately and unnecessarily conflicting the core principle of Roe v. Wade.

I challenge may colleagues, male and female, to look at our Constitution and review the freedoms and civil rights that Congress has worked strenuously over our nation's history to protect.

I support the Lofgren substitute because it recognizes the heinous crime of attacking a pregnant woman by creating a new offense to punish violence that results in injury to or termination of a pregnancy, in addition to the crime against the pregnant woman.

I urge you to vote against H.R. 1997, The Unborn Victims of Violence Act because it chips away at all women's civil rights and freedoms which we must protect.