Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

(Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I want to express my commendation and appreciation to the distinguished chairman, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for his leadership and support of this legislation, and also our senior ranking member, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos). I do also want to thank my distinguished friend

and colleague, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), for her management and being on the majority side in support of this legislation.

Of course not least of all, the author of this legislation, my very dear friend, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), who is the sponsor, the chief sponsor and author of this proposed resolution.

Mr. Speaker, it was my privilege to travel several times to Haiti with one of our distinguished and senior colleagues of this institution, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers). I can appreciate the many problems and issues facing the good people and the leaders of the country of Haiti. I do want to say I rise in strong support of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, with the cherry blossoms in full bloom in the Nation's capital, democracy is once again blossoming in the troubled island nation of Haiti.

After a tumultuous 2 years under an interim government, the people of Haiti recently went to the polls en masse to elect a new President and a new legislature. After some delay, Mr. Rene Preval was declared the victor in the presidential contest. He is due to be inaugurated after the second round elections for the remaining seats in the National Assembly that are being held. These are scheduled for sometime next month.

Mr. Speaker, once again Haiti has a new chance to emerge from years of conflict and despair and grinding poverty to build a country that reflects the resourcefulness of its people and leaders. The task is tremendous. Haiti still lacks a professional police force that respects human rights and is trusted by the populace.

The murderous drug-dealing organizations continue to control parts of the capital and threaten instability in other parts of the country. Many schools are not in operation and most hospitals are little more than way-stations for the morgue. Infrastructure is virtually almost nonexistent.

Mr. Speaker, although the challenges before him are awesome, I think our President-Elect Preval is singularly capable of addressing these issues, but he cannot and he should not do it alone.

Our own government, the United States, working through the United Nations with our bilateral partners must redouble our efforts and financial commitment to Haiti so that the consolidation of democracy and the rebuilding of the country's economy have a reasonable chance of succeeding.

Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, the President's budget proposal for Haiti for next year fails miserably in this regard. At a time when we should be deepening our commitment to the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, the President proposes to cut core development spending to Haiti by about 20 percent.

I am hopeful that as a result of the efforts of my colleagues, especially including our newly elected ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), we will be able to remedy the administration's shortsightedness through a Foreign Operations appropriations process. Indeed, given the extraordinary opportunity presented by these elections, I hope my colleagues on the Appropriations Committee in this and the other body will consider adjusting the pending emergency supplemental appropriations bill to include funding for the urgent needs of the Republic of Haiti.

In the meantime, I look forward to the April second-round elections and the overdue inauguration of Haiti's newly elected president.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the distinguished ranking member of our Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the distinguished lady and the chief sponsor of this legislation, my good friend.

Mr. Speaker, at this time, I gladly yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), one of our most distinguished senior members of the Committee on International Relations, and certainly a champion of human rights and my dear friend.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege and certainly an honor for me to give the rest of my time to our distinguished ranking member of our Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), to summarize the various aspects of this important legislation. And certainly I want to again thank my good friend, the gentlewoman from Florida, as the manager of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 322, expressing the sense of Congress regarding the contribution of the USO to the morale and welfare of our service men and women of our Armed Forces and their families.

I commend my colleagues Mr. Miller and Mr. Reyes for giving us this opportunity to express our appreciation to the USO for the service they provide to our country through their work with our military forces throughout the world.

I believe the United Service Organizations, USO, is best known to the public for bringing in diverse celebrity musicians, comedians and actors to entertain and to boost the morale of our troops around the world, including such familiar names as Wayne Newton, Robin Williams, actor Gary Sinise, the Dallas Cowboy Cheerleaders, and even including a son of my own district, Dwayne Johnson--the Rock.

What is less widely known is the existence of other important programs and services the USO has developed to support our troops, such as family crisis counseling; housing assistance; airport service centers; libraries and reading rooms; telephone, internet, and e-mail capabilities; support groups for families separated by deployments; and USO centers--on- and off-base--to provide relaxing and wholesome recreational activities to our service members and their families. In fact, the USO currently operates more than 120 centers around the world, including centers in Germany, Italy, France, Bahrain, Bosnia, Japan, Qatar, and Kuwait.

I note that the USO is a private, nonprofit organization relying on donations from private citizens, organizations and corporations to support their mission. The USO credits its success in large part to the services of more than 12,000 volunteers, who provide some 450,000 hours of service annually to support our troops.

I am a proud supporter of our military troops and a proud member of the USO Congressional Caucus. In my opinion, the work the USO has been doing for the past 65 years is

vital to the morale and welfare of our men and women in the Armed Forces. For this reason, I am honored to have this opportunity to speak in support of H. Con. Res. 322 and recognize the USO for their invaluable contributions to the success of our U.S. military.

I urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 322.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support House Resolution 670, congratulating the Pittsburgh Steelers for winning Super Bowl XL in Detroit, Michigan. On February 5, 2006, the Pittsburgh Steelers defeated the Seattle Seahawks by a score of 21-10. And by winning their impressive fifth Super Bowl, the Steelers tied the Dallas Cowboys and the San Francisco 49ers in the record books for the most Super Bowl championship wins in NFL history.

On Super Bowl Sunday, the Pittsburgh Steelers exemplified their blue- collar style of play that represents the great city of Pittsburgh. The Steelers completed the successful season utilizing their resilient defense and tenacious defense. They accomplished a tremendous feat by being the fourth wild-card playoff team to ever win a Super Bowl especially after defeating the top teams of the Cincinnati Bengals, the Indianapolis Colts, and the Denver Broncos.

Now, Mr. Speaker, I also want to congratulate the efforts of the Seattle Seahawks for making it to the Super Bowl after going through a very tough season.

Mr. Speaker, I also want to personally congratulate the efforts of the seven Asian Pacific Americans who are Polynesians and were participants in this year's Super Bowl: Lota Tatupu, Itula Mili, Wayne Hunter of the Seattle Seahawks and Troy Polamalu, Shaun Nua, Chris Kemoeatu and Kimo von Oelhoffen of the Pittsburgh Steelers. I want to emphasize how much they have accomplished in life by overcoming such a great feat in succeeding in the National Football League.

It is also interesting to note, Mr. Speaker, that from a population of approximately 300 million of our fellow Americans, there are 600,000 Polynesians living in the United States today of Tongan, native Hawaiian and Samoan descent; and 35 currently play in the National Football League. It is interesting to know that of the 35 players that currently play in the National Football League, Mr. Speaker, 24 are Samoans, four Tongans and seven Native Hawaiians.

It is amazing, Mr. Speaker, that from a population, as I noted earlier, in our country today that out of this 35 and interesting to note too that the 24 Samoans who currently play in the NFL, five are high school graduates from my humble district of American Samoa. And of the 24 Samoans that currently play in the NFL, Mr. Speaker, five are graduates from my alma mater, my humble high school Kahuku High School in Hawaii. And, Mr. Speaker, I want to especially commend my fellow Samoan, Pittsburgh Steeler player Troy Polamalu, and fellow Native Hawaiian Kimo von Oelhoffen for their outstanding performance at the Super Bowl. I also want to commend my fellow Samoan, linebacker with the Seattle Seahawks, Lota Tatupu. Again, I offer my congratulations to the Pittsburgh Steelers for winning their fifth Super Bowl game.

Mr. Speaker, I want to extend my appreciation and commendation to the distinguish gentleman who is the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Mr. Sensenbrenner, and my friend, Mr. Conyers, the ranking member, for bringing this important resolution to our colleagues for our consideration.

I have mentioned you cannot mention the name Martin Luther King, Jr., without echoing the name of this great American woman, Coretta Scott King. In all of the years I have had the privilege of getting to understand and appreciate the tremendous contributions that our African American community has made to the greatness of our Nation, I think we cannot deny the fact that Martin Luther King, Jr., and all of the accomplishments and all of the things that he has done, and in my humble opinion when times are really bad and depressing and all the things the great leader has done, I can actually say that Coretta Scott King was the healer, the soother, the one that gave Martin Luther King, Jr., all the moral support that he needed in the afflictions he had to face in bringing down so many evils and the problems affecting the civil rights of our fellow Americans who just happened to be of African descent.

I once read somewhere that it was Leo Tolstoy and Mahatma Gandhi who advocated the principle of nonviolence, and it was from those writings that Martin Luther King, Jr., took the matter in the same way that Mahatma Gandhi did in India. How important it is that we conquer obstacles by usage of nonviolence and use pure love. I really, really appreciate the fact that we have this resolution to honor Mrs. King, and I urge my colleagues to pass this resolution. I also would like to express my severe sympathies and condolences to the members of the King family.

Mr. Speaker, it is with great pleasure and indeed a personal honor for me to share with my colleagues and the American people that for myself as a Polynesian of Samoan ancestry and as a Member of the United States Congress, to congratulate, to recognize and to commend seven sons of the Asian-Pacific American community who will be playing in Super Bowl XL this coming Sunday, at Detroit, Michigan.

These seven players are Lofa Tatupu, Itula Mili, and Wayne Hunter of the Seattle Seahawks, and Troy Polamalu, Shaun Nua, Chris Kemoeatu, and Kimo van Oelhoffen of the Pittsburgh Steelers.

Among the seven Polynesian players in this Sunday's Super Bowl game, Kimo von Oelhoffen is Native Hawaiian, Chris Kemoeatu is Tongan, and Lofa Tatupu, Itula Mili, Wayne Hunter, Shaun Nua, and Troy Polamalu are all Samoans.

Mr. Speaker, this is a monumental achievement in the history of our Polynesian people in this great country of ours. These young men exemplify for me a journey of our people, particularly those of us who come to this country from humble beginnings as people of small island nations, with nothing but our values, our culture and our great fear of God to navigate the great highways of our Nation.

Today, Mr. Speaker, I am especially proud of these young men, give tremendous credit to their parents and extended families. It is a pride that comes from a deep understanding that great feats are accomplished through a dedication to basic hard work, perseverance, determination, and a lot of patience. Each of these young men have had to overcome great obstacles to be where he is today.

Such a feat reminds me of the wisdom of one of my great heroes, the nonviolent leader, Mahatma Gandhi,

whose insight into the human spirit sums up quite frankly what I believe to be a fundamental truth. Mahatma Gandhi says strength does not come from physical capacity; it comes from the indomitable will.

Lofa Tatupu, Itula Mili, Wayne Hunter, Troy Polamalu, Shaun Nua, Chris Kemoeatu, and Kimo von Oelhoffen epitomize the indomitable will of our Polynesian people, which in my opinion is another clear manifestation of the greatness of our Nation, to allow its citizens whose roots are from just about every part of the world to be all you can be if given the opportunity.

And in this instance, seven Polynesians have stepped to the plate to share their God-given talent of playing the sport of football in the National Football League.

Of the 300 million Americans today, only 30,000 are Tongan Americans, and about 200,000 are Samoans living in my district and in the Continental United States, and approximately 400,000 Native Hawaiians nationwide.

From these meager statistics, Mr. Speaker, the presence of these seven Polynesian men in the Super Bowl this Sunday should remind us all as Americans that the values upon which this country was founded are still alive; that pure hard work, commitment, determination, and perseverance continue to be rewarded.

Mr. Speaker, let me give you a brief summary of each of those players' achievements. Of the seven players, Itula Mili and Chris Kemoeatu are graduates of my alma mater, Kahuku High School in the State of Hawaii. As a matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, of the 24 Samoans that currently play in the National Football League, five are graduates of Kahuku High School of Hawaii, and five are graduates of high schools of my little territory of American Samoa.

Itula Mili wears jersey No. 88 and plays for the Seattle Seahawks. Wayne Hunter wears jersey No. 73 and plays for the Seattle Seahawks. Lofa Tatupu wears the jersey of 51 and plays for the Seattle Seahawks. Lofa is the son of the former NFL great fullback and special teams great and my dear friend, Mosi Tatupu, both alumni of the University of Southern California Trojans.

Wearing No. 43 with the Pittsburgh Steelers is Troy Polamalu. Polamalu has developed into one of the NFL's top safeties and was one of the six Steelers selected to the 2005 Pro Bowl. He has been selected to the 2006 Pro Bowl team. He was named to the Associated Press second team all pro squad as a ferocious hitter with excellent speed.

Twenty-four-year-old No. 96, Shaun Nua, plays for the Pittsburgh Steelers. Born in American Samoa, he attended a local high school. He is known as an athletic defensive lineman.

Chris Kemoeatu wears jersey No. 68 for the Pittsburgh Steelers, Kahuku high School graduate, All American University of Utah. Komo von Oelhoffen wears No. 67 for the Pittsburgh Steelers. He hails from Kaunakakai, Hawaii, a graduate of Molokai High School.

Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the Asian-Pacific American community living in this great Nation of ours, once more, it is with pride that I share with my colleagues and indeed with all of my fellow Americans the accomplishments of our Polynesian young men in the field of sports, specifically football.

Mr. Speaker, again I want to say fa`afetai tele, mahalo nui loa, and malo e lelei, which means ``thank you'' in Samoan, Hawaiian, and the Tongan languages.

Mr. Speaker, I will insert for the Record at this point articles on these players.

[From Sports Illustrated, Nov. 14, 2005]

The Young and Relentless

Versatile, hard-hitting and oozing confidence, the next generation of defensive stars is disrupting game plans and creating a new blueprint

for building winners

(By Peter King)

Something hard to quantify hit the NFL in the first half of

the season. Not quite a trend, but more than a feeling: Young

defensive players--rookies, second- and third-year players--

are making a bigger impact than, well, maybe ever.

The Colts are 8-0 and on track for the Super Bowl using

seven key defensive players who are 25 or younger; Colts

defensive end Robert Mathis, 24, is tied for the NFL sack

lead with eight, while linebacker Cato June, 25, is second in

the league with five interceptions. The Jets followed middle

linebacker Jonathan Vilma's young leadership to the playoffs

last year, and now two contenders--Cincinnati (with Odell

Thurman) and Seattle (Lofa Tatupu)--have rookie middle

'backers calling defensive signals. In Chicago safety Mike

Brown, 27, is the old man of a rock-solid secondary for the

NFC North-leading Bears. None of his fellow starters

(cornerbacks Charles Tillman and Nathan Vasher and rookie

safety Chris Harris) has turned 25 yet. Five rookies are

playing in Cowboys defensive coordinator Mike Zimmer's

rotation, helping Dallas contend in the resurgent NFC

East. The most accomplished of the young bunch, and

certainly the most recognizable, may be Steelers safety

Troy Polamalu (page 44), who in just three seasons has

become a force in the league, ranging all over the field,

hair flowing as he delivers game-changing plays.

``I see it every week, right in front of me,'' says Chiefs

defensive coordinator Gunther Cunningham. ``The league is

changing. First-day draft picks are coming in and making an

impact early on defense.''

``If you're good, you're good,'' says Tillman, 24, an

intelligent third-year player who has started since October

of his rookie year. ``LeBron James was--what?--18 when he

came into the NBA. Michelle Wie's playing with the best at

16. No one said, `Oh, she's too young.' Football's not old

school anymore, where you sit till you're a senior in

college, then get to play, then sit for two or three years

before you get your chance in the NFL. When I came to camp as

a rookie, it was all about who was the best guy.''

The philosophy of building a defense with star free agents

and supplementing them with meat and potatoes in the draft

began to wane in the late '90s, after several high-profile

mistakes. In 1998 Jacksonville gave linebacker Bryce Paup a

five-year, $21.8-million deal, and he gave the Jags 7\1/2\

sacks in two years before being cut. That same year

cornerback Doug Evans (Carolina), defensive end Gabe Wilkins

(San Francisco) and defensive tackle Dana Stubblefield

(Washington) signed for a combined $79 million; they made

zero Pro Bowls for those teams. In '99 Dale Carter signed a

six-year, $38 million deal and gave Denver one lousy season

on the field and a second in which he was suspended for

substance abuse.

``Money can make fools of all of us,'' says Chargers coach

Marty Schottenheimer. ``There've been some lessons learned

from free agency. And I've changed a little bit when it comes

to the draft. I used to say draft a guy and let him sit till

he learns it, maybe two or three years. Now, the last five or

six years, they've got to produce in year two and three.''

The first five picks in last April's draft were offensive

players, but 34 of the next 59 were defenders. And there's no

question that the bigger impact has been made by the

defensive rookies, led by Thurman, San Diego's Luis Castillo

and Shawne Merriman, and Dallas's Demarcus Ware--any of whom

could make the Pro Bowl this season.

Says Tennessee director of pro scouting Al Smith, a 10-year

NFL linebacker who retired in 1997, ``On our side of the

business we're seeing it's better to draft a good prospect

and develop him rather than spending $10 or $15 million on a

signing bonus in free agency and getting burned. With guys

like Merriman and Ware, you basically tell them, `Get to the

quarterback and don't jump offside.' ''

Mr. Speaker, I include my remarks on deliberations on this bill.

Mr. Speaker, as a matter of public record, I wish to thank the Honorable William Thomas, Chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means, for his unwavering support in saving the jobs of more than 5,000 tuna cannery workers and the economy of American Samoa for future generations. Chairman Thomas is a true friend of our people. He stood with us during the Andean Trade debate and he is standing with us again on an extension of 936 tax credits for American Samoa until such time as a more long-term solution can be put in place once the GAO and Joint Committee on Taxation complete their reports regarding the impact of Federal tax policy in the insular possessions.

I also thank the Honorable Charles Rangel, Ranking Member of the House Committee on Ways and Means. Congressman Rangel is also a friend of American Samoa and has championed our cause on each and every trade agreement that has come before the U.S. Congress. He also supports our extension of 936 tax credits for an additional year.

At a time when our Nation is faced with paying for the war in Iraq and helping the victims of Hurricane Katrina, I know the inclusion of American Samoa in H.R. 4297 was no easy task. I also know it was no easy task for my Democratic friends to allow this amendment to be included when on principle there is disagreement about tax cuts and government spending.

While I appreciate the concerns we share and respect the fundamental differences between us, the possession tax credit offered by section 936 of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 has encouraged two U.S. tuna canneries which employ more than 5,150 people or 74 percent of the workforce to remain and invest in American Samoa. More than 80% of American Samoa's private sector economy is dependent either directly or indirectly on these canneries and a decrease in production or departure of one or both of the two canneries in American Samoa could devastate the local economy resulting in massive layoffs and insurmountable financial difficulties.

For this reason, I again thank the Chairman and Ranking Member and my Republican and Democratic friends for working with me to include an extension of 936 tax credits for American Samoa in H.R. 4297. Only 27 provisions were included and most tax credits were only extended for a year due to budgetary concerns and, in the case of the possession tax credit, pending reports which will guide the Committee next year.

Again, given how serious this issue is for American Samoa, I urge support of H.R. 4297 and I thank the Chairman for supporting my request to include language in the conference report to provide for the development of a comprehensive long-term policy for American Samoa once the GAO and the Joint Committee on Taxation complete their reports.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in full support of H.R. 1492, a bill to provide for the preservation of historic internment facilities where our fellow Americans who happened to be of Japanese ancestry were detained during World War II.

I also want to especially commend my colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), for his leadership and commitment for authoring this important legislation, in recognizing the need for some kind of a program to identify and provide a historic recognition of these so-called relocation camps or internment camps, I call them concentration camps, where well over 100,000 men, women and children, all Americans who happened to be of Japanese ancestry, all within the borders of our own country, were forced to move into these camps that were, in actuality, more like prison camps. Their homes and properties were confiscated without any compensation and certainly without any due process of law.

Despite all of this, and I want to share this with my colleagues if they do not know this, tens of thousands of Japanese-Americans requested to join our military to fight for our country during World War II. It was at the recommendation of George Marshall to President Roosevelt that we should establish a military force composed of these Japanese-Americans. That was the result of our establishing the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry groups who fought for our country in Europe against the Nazi Germans.

History documents the bravery of these Japanese Americans I submit, Mr. Speaker. The military records of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry are without equal. These units received over 18,000 individual declarations, many awarded posthumously, for courage in the field of battle; 9,480 Purple Hearts; 560 Silver Stars; 52 Distinguished Service Crosses; and only one Medal of Honor. I submit, Mr. Speaker, something was wrong here, one Medal of Honor. The 442nd combat group emerged as the most decorated combat unit of its size ever in the history of the United States Army.

Because of the tremendous sacrifices made by Japanese-American soldiers and African-Americans during World War II, President Truman was so moved by this that he issued an Executive Order to desegregate our Armed Forces.

I am proud to say that the Honorable Daniel K. Inouye, the senior Senator from the State of Hawaii, and the late highly respected Senator Spark Matsunaga of Hawaii were among those who distinguished themselves in battle as soldiers of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry.

It was while fighting in Europe that Senator Inouye lost his arm while engaged in battle. After congressional mandate to review the military records of our Japanese-American veterans, I was privileged to attend the White House ceremony officiated by then-President Clinton that provided an additional 19 Congressional Medals of Honor to these Japanese Americans. I submit, Mr. Speaker, how beautiful it is to see justice, including for Senator Inouye who was also awarded with the Congressional Medal of Honor.

When the patriotic survivors of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry returned to the United States, many were reunited with their parents and brothers and sisters in these relocation camps. I do not even know if I could have done what they did. Despite all the hatred and the bigotry, the racism that was heaped upon these Americans, when they came back, they could not even get a haircut in San Francisco simply because they were Japanese-Americans. Full with their decorations and a uniform, they could not even get a haircut in San Francisco simply because they were Japanese.

I believe these sites must be preserved because they remind us to be vigilant, never to forget what happens if we allow our judgments to be clouded by bigotry and racism. Preserving these sites is how great America can truly be for our mistakes rather than sweeping them under the rug, and we learn from our mistakes in order to move to closer equality for all Americans.

Mr. Speaker, I wish I did not have to call myself a Pacific American or Japanese-American or African-American. I have not heard anybody refer to themselves as European American or French-Americans. I do not know why we are forced into this kind of a situation. I would just like to say we are all Americans. I hate these labels. I wish we could have done a better job.

I thank my dear friend for allowing me the time. I want to especially commend the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda), my colleague and Chairman of our Asia Pacific Congressional Caucus, and also the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Matsui), Mr. John Tateishi, the National Director of the Japanese-American League and my good friend, Floyd Mori, the Washington representative for JACL.

I want to share this point with my colleagues and the public about what happened.

I remember a former colleague and Member of this House for many years, my good friend, Secretary Norm Mineta, an 11-year-old in these camps. They had these machine gun nests posted all over the camps, and he was telling me this story. We asked, well, why do you have these machine guns around the camp? He said, they are to protect you from invaders coming in from outside. He said, if that is true, how come the machine guns are pointed all inside the camp?

Mr. Speaker, I think this bill is well-deserved of consideration and approval by our colleagues here, and again, I want to commend the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), my good friend, for his leadership in getting this bill in, and I sincerely hope that the Members of this institution will approve this legislation.

Again, I thank my good friend for allowing me this additional minute to say these things.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3665, the Veterans Housing and Employment Improvement Act of 2005. I especially want to thank Chairman Steve Buyer and Ranking Member Lane Evans of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs and also Chairman John Boozman and Ranking Member Stephanie Herseth of the Subcommittee on Economic Opportunity for their leadership in making it possible for Native Americans to participate in the veterans' housing loan program.

I am especially thankful that American Samoa's veterans have also been able to participate in this very successful program. Today, I am here to thank my colleagues for working with me to address the concerns of American Samoans without adversely affecting the rights of other tribes.

Many Samoans have served in the military and they are allowed to obtain home loans under current law. Other Samoans are married to non- Samoan veterans. Nonnative military spouses married to native Samoans have not been able to qualify for the VA home loan program. In part, this is because the Native American Home Loan program excludes the spouses of non-native Americans from qualifying for a VA home loan.

For my constituents, this is problematic. In brief, most land in American Samoa is communal, meaning that only Samoans of Tutuila, Manu's, Aunu'u, or Swain Islands may qualify for home loans offered by traditional lending institutions because only they can make claim to native land.

As a result of these land laws, non-native spouses of veterans or persons serving in the U.S. Armed Forces who are married to a Samoan may not qualify for a VA home loan. The VA has been helpful in assisting the Veterans' Affairs Committee and my office in drafting language to rectify this problem and I am pleased that this language has now been included in H.R. 3665.

As we have agreed, it is our understanding that this language now makes it possible for a non-Samoan military member or veteran to qualify for a VA loan if the non-Samoan military member has a ``meaningful interest'' in the housing a Samoan spouse has been granted permission to build on communal land. It is also our understanding that ``meaningful interest'' means that the veteran has the right to reside in the home under tribal laws.

Madam Speaker, I urge support of H.R. 3665 and I again thank my colleagues for including my provision in this important legislation. I also thank the VA for its assistance, and Ms. Mary Ellen McCarthy, Democratic Staff Director for Disability Assistance and Memorial Affairs, for her tireless efforts. I urge support of this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me, and certainly want to first commend the chairman of the Committee on House Administration, the gentleman from Ohio (Chairman Ney), and our ranking member of the committee, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald), for managing our portion of this important resolution that was introduced by Senator Dodd from Connecticut.

Mr. Speaker, I am very honored to be given this opportunity to speak on the occasion of honoring this great American. As vice chairman of our Asian Pacific Congressional Caucus, I know that the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda), our chairman, would have loved to be here, but he is necessarily absent, so I am doing this on behalf of our Asian Pacific American community.

History has not been very kind to the coming of various minority groups to our Nation. The history of the African American is replete with so much of the tremendous amount of racism and bigotry that has been heaped upon these good fellow Americans.

Mr. Speaker, we have a saying in the islands, ``The leaves of the coconut tree just do not swing by themselves.'' There is a reason for it. There is a cause for it.

I did not have the privilege of knowing personally this great American woman Mrs. Rosa Parks, but I stand here before my colleagues as one who is the beneficiary of the sacrifices and the tremendous examples she has set for all Americans. I would like to say that not only did she serve as a catalyst, but she planted a seed, a seed that was planted in fertile ground, as the good book says, and what has that seed produced?

Mr. Speaker, I would like to share with my colleagues, and I will include the full text of this speech for the record that I think probably every Member should read at least 1 year, the famous speech given by this great American minister on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial on that summer day in 1963. I want to share portions of this speech that was given by this great American as a result of the seed that was planted by Rosa Parks. This American minister made this most profound speech. I will share portions of that with my colleagues.

He said: ``I am happy to join you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our Nation.

``Four score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who have been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

``But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro still lives in the lonely island of poverty, in

the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. And so we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

``We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our Nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

``But there is something that I must say to my people who stand in the warm, fresh hope which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to justify our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

``I have a dream that one day this Nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: `We hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal.'

``I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

``I have a dream that one day even the State of Mississippi, a State sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

``I have a dream that my four little children one day will live in a Nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.''

This minister, Mr. Speaker, happens to be Martin Luther King, Jr., whom we all know.

This is the seed that Rosa Parks planted. The greatest American that I have ever, ever studied, idolized in my own little humble history, coming from a little village in one of those little islands, to know that this man stood, not because he is an African American, but because he was a human being, just as Rosa Parks was a human being, not because she was an African American.

I think this is what America is all about. This is what makes the greatness of our Nation, that we are able to correct those injustices and those wrongs that were committed against other people who have every perfect right to live as fellow Americans. It was done to the Japanese Americans during World War II, just as it was done to the African Americans in their history as they now just realize that the civil rights, the rights of all Americans, should be treated fairly under the Constitution and under our laws.

For that, Mr. Speaker, I make this humble homage and a special tribute to this great American lady, Rosa Parks; and I am just so happy that this resolution calls for her remains to be in the rotunda as the greatest honor of any American.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for giving me this chance to speak.

Martin Luther King, Jr.: ``I Have a Dream''

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in

history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the

history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic

shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to

millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of

withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the

long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.

One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly

crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of

discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a

lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of

material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is

still languished in the corners of American society and finds

himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here

today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a

check. When the architects of our republic wrote the

magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of

Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which

every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that

all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be

guaranteed the ``unalienable Rights'' of ``Life, Liberty and

the pursuit of Happiness.'' It is obvious today that America

has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her

citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this

sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad

check, a check which has come back marked ``insufficient

funds.''

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is

bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient

funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And

so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us

upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of

justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America

of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in

the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug

of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of

democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate

valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.

Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of

racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the

time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of

the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate

discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating

autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not

an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro

needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a

rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America

until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The

whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations

of our nation until the bright day of justice I emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who

stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of

justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we

must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.

Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by

drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must

forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and

discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to

degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must

rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with

soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro

community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people,

for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their

presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny

is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize

that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall

always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil

rights, ``When will you be satisfied?'' We can never be

satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the

unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be

satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of

travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and

the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a

Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York

believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not

satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until ``justice rolls

down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.''

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of

great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh

from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas

where your quest--quest for freedom left you battered by the

storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police

brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering.

Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is

redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go

back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to

Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern

cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be

change.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you

today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and

tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted

in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and

live out the true meaning of its creed: ``We hold these

truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.''

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia,

the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners

will be able to sit down together at the table of

brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi,

a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering

with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an

oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day

live in a nation where they will not be judged by he color of

their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its

vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping

with the words of ``interposition'' and ``nullification''--

one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black

girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and

white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted,

and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough

places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be

made straight; ``and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed

and all flesh shall see it together.''

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to

the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain

of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able

to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a

beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will

be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle

together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom

together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day--this will be the day when all of

God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I

sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become

true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New

Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of

Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we

let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every

state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day

when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and

Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join

hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God are free at last!

Mr. Speaker, I am proud today to introduce legislation to permit American Samoa, the Virgin Islands, Guam, and Puerto Rico to provide one statue to be placed with the state statues in the Statuary Hall collection here in the Capitol Building. I want to thank my colleagues, Mrs. Christensen, Ms. Bordallo, and Mr. Fortuno for joining me as original co-sponsors of this legislation.

On July 2, 1864, Congress enacted a law creating the National Statuary Hall. In the debate over what to do with the old House Chamber, Mr. Morrill in the House of Representatives proposed, ``To what end more useful or grand, and at the same time simple and inexpensive, can we devote the Chamber than to ordain that it shall be set apart for the reception of such statuary as each State shall elect to be deserving of in this lasting commemoration?''

At the time of enactment, American Samoa, the Virgin Islands, Guam, and Puerto Rico were not a part of the U.S. and were not included in Mr. Morrill's proposal. For this reason we come before you today to introduce legislation that would extend this same courtesy to Americans who live in the outlying areas of our great country. Each of our outlying areas has a unique history and a unique relationship to the United States. The annals of our territorial histories are replete with examples of outstanding leaders. To allow this legislation would be to honor these great citizens' contributions.

Also, this legislation would symbolically acknowledge that our U.S. Territories are an important, integral part of our national heritage. Imagine the pride a young person would feel, traveling here to our nation's capital from American Samoa, or the Virgin Islands, or Guam, or Puerto Rico, and seeing a statue of a person from their own territory's history, side by side with many of America's other significant historical figures.

Mr. Speaker, the funding for the commissioning and transportation of the statues would be borne by the territories themselves in the same manner as the statues from the states, meaning there would be no cost to the American taxpayer. Because this legislation provides a simple and inexpensive method for us here in Congress to educate Capitol visitors about the contributions of our outlying areas to our great nation, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support H. Res. 492 of which I am an original cosponsor and join with my colleagues in mourning the loss of life as a result of the earthquake that occurred on October 8, 2005 in Pakistan and India.

It is estimated that the earthquake claimed the lives of 20,000 to 40,000 people and left more than 2.5 million homeless. Millions of people throughout the region now lack clean water, food, proper sanitation, basic healthcare, adequate shelter, and other necessities.

To date, the U.S. and 30 other donor countries have pledged several hundred million dollars in emergency and long-term reconstruction assistance and many are involved in delivering humanitarian supplies.

As the ranking member of the International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, I express my condolences to the victims and urge continued assistance of those affected. In the case of India, I especially commend the efforts of the Indian American community for mobilizing its forces and working

with Members of Congress to make sure help is rendered.

I urge support of this legislation and I thank Chairman Hyde and Ranking Member Lantos for their leadership in crafting this important piece of legislation and bringing it before the House for consideration this day.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 429 congratulating the West Oahu Little League baseball team for winning the 2005 Little League Baseball World Series. I commend my good friends Mr. Abercrombie and Mr. Case for introducing this Resolution.

The West Oahu Little League baseball team truly deserves the accolades this Resolution bestows upon these young boys deserve to be recognized for their tremendous accomplishment as the first Little League World Series Champions from the state of Hawaii.

With one swing of the bat, the simple joy of baseball was transformed into a monumental achievement as Michael Memea's home run lifted the West Oahu Team to the Little League World Championship title. Now, this team is a source of great pride for Hawaii and for all Americans. Throughout the Series, people in Hawaii were glued to their television sets for news of the progress of the West Oahu team. When the travel- weary, newly crowned Champions arrived at the airport in Honolulu, they were greeted by a crowd of over 700 people, including Governor Lingle, Mayor Mufi Hanneman, and the state representatives from Ewa Beach.

The young men on this team and their coaches deserve the highest praise for winning the Little League World Series and I am proud to support this Resolution honoring their achievement.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 264, the Hawaii Water Resources Act of 2005. I commend my good friend Senator Akaka for introducing this bill in the Senate, and my friends and colleagues here in the House of Representatives from the Hawaii delegation, Mr. Abercrombie and Mr. Case, for their strong support.

Due to the scarcity of water in Hawaii, the state has a strong need for resource management projects such as the ones proposed in this bill. The desalination project in Honolulu County, the wastewater treatment plant project outside Kona, and the recycled water project in Lahaina, will all serve the vital needs of the people of Hawaii in their efforts to provide for their increasing water demands.

Again, I commend Senator Akaka for his leadership on this important initiative. Enacting

this bill will help Hawaii to manage its water resources more efficiently, particularly in the areas where water is increasingly scarce.

I support this legislation and I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of S. 264.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 2601, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Years 2006 and 2007. I want to thank Chairman Henry Hyde and Ranking Member Tom Lantos of the International Relations Committee for their leadership in crafting this legislation and moving it to the House floor for consideration and vote.

I also want to thank them for supporting my efforts to include a number of provisions in the base text of H.R. 2601 including the authorization of funding for South Pacific scholarships, a review of the marginalization of Pacific Island students in the awarding of Fulbright Scholarships, a requirement for the State Department to report on developments in West Papua--including a review of human rights violations committed by Indonesia's brutal military, Indonesia's Special Autonomy Law for West Papua and the 1969 Act of No Choice in which 1,025 Papuans were selected to vote on behalf of 800,000 West Papuans to join Indonesia in circumstances that were subject to both overt and covert forms of manipulation.

I also thank Congressman Donald Payne for working with me to make sure authorization to fund the Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Program at Howard University was included in the base text of H.R. 2601 and, again, I thank the Chairman and Ranking Member for being fully supportive of our efforts.

I am also appreciative that Chairman Hyde and Mr. Lantos agreed to include my request for authorization to fund an HIV/AIDS program at $1 million per year for fiscal year 2006 and $1 million for fiscal year 2007 which is intended to be directed toward India. As we agreed, language was included in the Committee report which states, ``The Committee understands that India reports as many as 1,000 new AIDS cases per month, with some estimating that almost two-thirds of all HIV-positive Asians live in India. Many experts are particularly concerned that infections are moving from high-risk groups to the general population. The Committee believes that a significant program using these funds should be directed toward India and strongly encourages the establishment of a summer exchange program for postgraduate students from India to attend conferences and engage in research activities at leading universities in the United States.''

I especially commend Mr. Sanjay Puri, who is a leading voice on India and India Americans, for his efforts and diligent work on this issue. I also thank him for the work he has done to promote peace in the Asia Pacific region. Included in the base text is language which requires the State Department to report to Congress on the extent to which the Government of Pakistan has restored a fully functional democracy in which free, fair, and transparent elections are held. The Committee remains concerned that Pakistan's democratization process is moving too slowly and needs to accelerate considerably. Restoring democracy in Pakistan is key to stabilizing the region and I thank the Committee for supporting this important initiative.

At this time, I also wish to more extensively highlight the plight of the West Papuans. First, I extend a warm welcome to the new Indonesian leader, President Yudhoyono, and I look forward to his fostering of democratic principles. I commend Australia for supporting the spread of democracy to Iraq and call upon the Australian Prime Minister, Mr. Howard, to seriously rethink the gravity of the situation and the immediate and continuing threats to the people of West Papua. I urge the Prime Minister to take the lead on engaging with the Indonesian government on this issue. I also appeal to all countries which have thrown off the yoke of colonization and all Pacific nations to rise in support of the West Papuan cause.

There are three areas of serious deficiencies in Indonesia's treatment of indigenous West Papuans which make an investigation absolutely crucial. One is the Indonesian government's series of hostile actions in taking over West Papua. The Indonesian government enacted a takeover of West Papua by military force of arms in 1963 clearly violating the terms of an agreement mediated by the United States and the Dutch in 1962 which gave sovereignty over West Papua to a United Nations Temporary Executive Authority. In 1969 the Indonesian government then orchestrated an election that many regarded as a brutal military operation. Known as the ``Act of Free Choice,'' 1,022 Papuan elders were ``selected'' under heavy military surveillance and to no one's surprise, every elder voted in favor of Indonesian rule.

Two, the Special Autonomy Law passed by the Indonesian Parliament in 2001 supposedly enabled the people of West Papua to govern their own affairs. However, today key measures under the Law remain unimplemented or actively violated. West Papuans have not received their promised representative body, funds vital for meeting their basic human needs are either unallocated, or are allocated late, transmigration of Indonesian migrants continues to overwhelm culturally distinct indigenous. West Papuans, and the division of West Papua into two provinces violates key governance provisions.

Finally, human rights abuses committed by the military over decades, including those related to environment degradation, continue. Under the repressive regimes of Presidents Sukrano and Schuarto, military brutality resulted in the merciless killing or disappearance of an estimated 100,000 West Papuans while unofficial counts are set at the extraordinary level of 300,000 to 400,000. The Indonesian military and Special Forces have, in the past three years alone, murdered 81 indigenous civilians; tortured, beaten and jailed 34 West Papuans; displaced 6393 from their homes; and brunt down 23 churches and 370 traditional houses. This violence threatens to escalate. The Indonesian central government is responding swiftly to a West Papuan announcement that decisively rejects the Special Autonomy arrangements. It is currently transferring over 15,000 troops to West Papua, a region which is already occupied by six Army Battalions, one Air Force Battalion and one Battalion of Mobile Brigade of Police, by far the heaviest military presence in all Indonesia.

These are human issues that transcend national borders. The investigation called for under this Bill will send a strong message that Congress will no longer ignore the human rights abuses, the increasing threat of military violence and the denial of a voice under which the people of West Papua have suffered for so many years. I thank the Committee for including this historic initiative in the Foreign Relations Act. For too long, the cries of West Papuans have fallen on deaf ears and I pray that with the concerted attention of the U.S. Congress, Australia, and the international community, justice and freedom will finally come to the people of West Papua.

Mr. Speaker, I take this Special Order time to address a most serious problem pertaining to the colony of West Papua New Guinea, as it is noted and made part of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for fiscal years 2006 and 2007.

Mr. Speaker, the House has just passed this important legislation by a historic vote of 351 to 78 in favor of this bill, and I certainly want to personally commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the honorable chairman of our Committee on International Relations; the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), our senior ranking member; the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), distinguished chairman of the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee; and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for their tremendous help and leadership in getting this provision included in this year's authorization bill.

At the outset, Mr. Speaker, I want to first extend my congratulations, and I do commend the good people of Indonesia for having achieved this new milestone of their political development into a democratic form of government. I commend the newly elected President of Indonesia, President Yudhoyono, and I wish him well in all his efforts to fight corruption and bring about democratic reforms in the new government.

I also note, Mr. Speaker, with interest that the honorable Prime Minister of Australia, Mr. John Howard, is visiting us here in Washington. It is my sincere hope that the Prime Minister will seriously rethink again Australia's policy towards West Papua New Guinea, and I urge all Pacific nations of the Forum Organization not to turn their backs on West Papua New Guinea.

As former colonies themselves, the Forum nations should seriously take the matter of West Papua New Guinea before the United Nations for reexamination, especially on the faulty policies that were implemented by the United Nations towards West Papua New Guinea in the years past.

Mr. Speaker, history has not been kind neither to the people of Indonesia nor to the people of West Papua New Guinea. Under the military dictatorships of Presidents Sukarno and Suharto, some 1 million Indonesians were brutally murdered and killed similar to the killing fields in Cambodia under Pol Pot. And by the same token, since the military takeover of West Papua by the Indonesian Army in 1969, approximately 100,000 West Papuans were murdered, tortured, killed; and it continues even as I speak today, Mr. Speaker.

In actual fact, Mr. Speaker, according to human rights reports and West Papuans themselves, actually approximately 300,000 to 400,000 West Papuans have been murdered, tortured to death, and disappeared at the hands of the Indonesian military.

Mr. Speaker, the United States mediated an agreement in 1962 between the Dutch and Indonesia regarding West Papua, but totally without Papuan representation. Under the terms of the agreement, the Dutch were to leave West Papua and transfer sovereignty to the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority for a period of 6 years, after which time a national referendum would be held to determine West Papua's political status.

This shift, however, did not come to pass. In fact, shortly after the sealing of this agreement, Indonesia violated the unambiguous terms by military force of arms, under President Sukarno, and seized control of West Papua from the United Nations.

Thereafter, in 1969, Indonesia orchestrated an election that many regard as a brutal military operation. Known as ``an act of free choice,'' 1,022 Papuan elders were ``selected'' under heavy military harassment, and intimidation of their families, and to no one's surprise, every elder voted in favor of Indonesian rule.

Under the ensuing decades of Indonesia military rule, West Papuans have suffered as victims of one of the most repressive and unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Brutal treatment by the Indonesia military has resulted in the deaths, as I said earlier, of some 100,000 West Papuans.

I am delighted to say that this bill requires Secretary Rice and the Department of State to reexamine the special autonomy law that was supposed to give autonomy to West Papua. It is my understanding, Mr. Speaker, that the provisions of the autonomy law that was passed by the Indonesia parliament, while substantive, is nothing but the paper that it was written on. The autonomy law, Mr. Speaker, I respectfully submit, is nothing but a sham, a complete farce, and the Indonesia government should be ashamed for doing this.

Mr. Speaker, President Bush during his speech in his inauguration and his

presentation in February of this year before the Joint Session of Congress I believe gave one of the best speeches that I have ever heard concerning democracy and the need as a commitment from our Nation to promote democracy throughout the world among the countries of the world.

Since the passage of the special autonomy law 3 years ago, four key measures under the law remain unimplemented or actively violated. The Papuan People's Council remains nonexistent, cheating indigenous West Papuans of their right to representation; the funds for West Papua are unallocated or are allocated late, threatening their ability to meet their basic human needs; transmigration continues, overwhelming culturally distinct indigenous West Papuans with Indonesia migrants; and key governance provisions were violated when West Papua was divided now into two provinces.

We cannot allow the repeat of history, Mr. Speaker. Rather, we must work to ensure that the central government acts in concert with the needs of the indigenous people of West Papua.

Mr. Speaker, human rights abuses committed by the Indonesia military over decades, including those related to environmental degradation, still continue today. Under the repressive regimes of Presidents Sukarno and Suharto, military brutality continues. The Indonesia military and special forces have in the past 3 years alone murdered 81 indigenous Papuans, tortured, beaten and jailed 34 more Papuans, displaced some 6,393 families from their homes, burnt down 23 churches and 370 traditional houses.

This violation threatens to escalate. The Indonesia central government is responding swiftly to a West Papuan announcement that decisively rejects the special autonomy law, and as I speak, Mr. Speaker, the Indonesia army of the government is currently transferring over 15,000 troops to West Papua, which is already occupied by some 10,000 troops, composed of six army battalions, one air force battalion, one battalion of mobile brigade police, which totals some 25,000 soldiers, by far the heaviest military presence in all of Indonesia.

Mr. Speaker, these human rights issues transcend national borders. It is time for the Congress to no longer tolerate the human rights abuses threatening the military violence and the denial of a voice under which the people of West Papua have suffered for so many years.

Mr. Speaker, for too long, the cries of the West Papuans have fallen on deaf ears, and I pray that with the concerted attention of the Congress the international community will support this effort.