Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I certainly would like to extend my appreciation and gratitude to our senior ranking member, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for allowing me this opportunity to share some thoughts concerning this important resolution. I certainly also want to thank our chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for his support and leadership and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her management of this legislation.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 44, recognizing the historical significance of the Mexican holiday well known as Cinco de Mayo. I commend my colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca), for introducing this legislation certainly as a tribute in his capacity as vice chairman of the Hispanic Congressional Caucus.

This resolution recognizes the significance of Cinco de Mayo, as it truly does serve as a reminder that the United States is a country built by people of many nations and diverse cultures who are willing to fight and die for freedom. To truly appreciate the importance of this holiday to the good people of Mexico, we can compare it to the level of importance we place when our own Nation was divided on the issue of slavery, hence the Civil War. In the same way, Cinco de Mayo commemorates the Battle of Puebla on May 5, 1862, fought by the Mexican people against a transferred ruler by the name of Maximilian from Austria.

Madam Speaker, I want to especially share with my colleagues in the House of Representatives the life and history of a leader who, in my humble opinion, is the greatest hero in Mexico's history, a true statesman, whose name is inextricably linked with the name Cinco de Mayo.

His name is Don Benito Juarez, president of Mexico from 1861 to 1863 and 1867 to 1872. President Juarez led the Mexican people in their fight for independence during this crucial period of their history.

Unbeknownst to many of our fellow Americans, President Juarez was the first Mexican president of indigenous Indian descent. His parents were members of the Zapotec tribe prevalent in the province or state of Oaxaca in Mexico. When he went to Oaxaca City at the age of 13, he could not read, write or speak Spanish. He was adopted by lay members of the Franciscan Order, who taught the young Juarez reading, writing, arithmetic and Spanish grammar. He later entered the Franciscan seminary in Oaxaca and studied Aquinas and other great Catholic philosophers, eventually turning his attention instead to the study of law.

President Juarez was educated in the law in preparation for a political career. In his first political position as a city councilman, he was noted as a strong defender of Indian rights. He participated in the revolutionary overthrow of Santa Anna in 1855, becoming the minister of justice and instituting reforms that were embodied in the constitution of 1857. During the Reform War of 1858 to 1861, President Juarez led the liberals against the conservative faction of Mexico's government. The liberals succeeded only through popular support and the unwavering determination of President Juarez, and he was elected president in 1861.

Madam Speaker, to fully understand the quality of the leadership of Mexico at the time in the person of President Don Benito Juarez, one can compare him to, arguably perhaps, the greatest President in our own country's history, President Abraham Lincoln. Both leaders, in fact, presided over their countries in times of crisis, exhibiting great courage and perseverance in the fight for self-determination. Both grew up in poverty and studied law. Both fought against bigotry and racism.

In fact, President Lincoln and President Juarez were contemporaries who held each other in high regard. In fact, in 1858, upon hearing of Juarez's struggles in Mexico, President Lincoln sent him an encouraging message expressing hope, and I quote, for the liberty of your government and its people. Even in the midst of our own Civil War, President Lincoln provided arms and munitions to President Juarez to support the Mexican people in their fight against France. When the U.S. Confederacy sent an emissary to Mexico to enlist support for their cause, President Juarez jailed the man for 30 days before sending him away, a clear sign of support for President Lincoln's cause.

Madam Speaker, today, the United States and Mexico share close ties. We also share the ideals of freedom and independence. Because of our shared values and the tremendous contributions made by Mexican Americans, I think it is fitting and most proper for us here in Congress to recognize the

historical struggle of the Mexican people for independence and freedom as called for in this concurrent resolution. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I want to again thank the gentleman from California, our senior ranking member, for yielding me this time to say a few words concerning this resolution.

I also want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida representing the majority and especially the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for his support and leadership in getting this resolution to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, in my visit to the Holocaust Museum here in our Nation's capital, I always come away with this great lesson that I learned about the suffering of some 6 million Jews in that terrible period during Nazi rule by Adolph Hitler. The words that come to my mind every time I visit that museum are the words ``never again.'' ``Never again.'' And I cannot help but express my sense of gratitude to the gentleman from California, not only as a child of the terrible conflict that occurred to his family but certainly who has been a great teacher and a mentor to me in understanding and appreciating what racism and bigotry and hatred is. And the fact that he has had to live that in his own life and has certainly been a great champion not only of the issues affecting the good people of the State of Israel, I want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for being that leader whom I admire and respect very much.

Mr. Speaker, the provisions of the resolution speaks for itself. It is time for the United Nations to give serious attention to this problem. Year after year, the only democratic government in the Middle East has been ostracized, condemned, vilified, falsely accused of so many things. I simply say, enough is enough, Mr. Speaker. I sincerely hope that copies of this resolution will be served to every ambassador from every country represented in the United Nations.

We will let them know that the will of the Congress is expressly stated to this effect in the provisions of the resolution, that enough is enough.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 366, the Vocational and Technical Education for the Future Act. I want to commend my esteemed colleague, Mr. Castle, for his leadership on educational issues and particularly for sponsoring this important legislation.

Vocational and technical education is critically important in American Samoa. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, only 13 percent of 18 to 24 year-olds were enrolled in college classes, leaving a large number of the Territory's youth out of school, but unprepared for the skilled labor market.

In order for American Samoa to continue our economic development, our youth need skills training in construction skills, including carpentry, welding, and electrical engineering. We need architects, engineers and auto mechanics. The funding H.R. 366 provides will allow American Samoa to give our people the necessary skills to compete in this economy.

I support this legislation and I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of H.R. 366.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in observance of Holocaust Remembrance Day, to honor the memory of the six million Jews who died in the Nazi concentration camps during World War II.

As the dedication in the United States Holocaust Museum's Hall of Remembrance so thoughtfully observes:

. . . guard yourself and guard your soul carefully, lest you

forget the things your eyes saw, and lest these things depart

your heart all the days of your life, and you shall make them

known to your children, and to your children's children.

Sixty years ago, in 1945, World War II ended and Allied soldiers liberated the survivors of the Nazi concentration camps. Through the survivor's stories and other documented evidence, the full extent of the atrocities committed by the Nazi soldiers became known and we learned of the bottomless depths of mankind's capacity for cruelty.

Observing Holocaust Remembrance Day is vitally important. As time passes, our tendency is to disbelieve that people could be so monstrous as to commit such horrific deeds. That is why we have to remain vigilant, to remember what happened so that we can guard against it ever happening again.

Mr. Speaker, thank you for this opportunity to honor the memory of those who were killed in the Holocaust, and the courage of those who survived.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 108, commemorating the life of the late Prime Minister of the Republic of Georgia, Zurab Zhvania. I commend my colleagues, Mr. Gallegly, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Wexler, for introducing this resolution and I am proud to be a cosponsor. I want to thank them for providing us an opportunity to recognize the life and contributions of Prime Minister Zhvania to the cause of freedom.

Mr. Speaker, on February 3 of this year, the Republic of Georgia suffered a tremendous loss with the untimely passing of their Prime Minister, Zurab Zhvania. An academic and unlikely political hero, Zhvania was elected to the Georgian national parliament in 1992, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. His passion and his eloquence brought him to the attention of Eduard Shevardnadze, and eventually to the office of Speaker of the Georgian Parliament. A champion of democracy and freedom of the press, Zhvania distanced himself from Shevardnadze and joined a party of young reformers who brought about the Rose Revolution in 2003. As the Prime Minister, Zhvania led the economic and social reform efforts that have transformed the lives of the Georgian people.

His visionary leadership in guiding the Republic of Georgia as it reached independence, his commitment to the development of core democratic values, and his tremendous courage in the face of adversity, will make the late Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania a towering figure in the history of the independent Republic of Georgia.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 34, honoring the life and contributions of Yogi Bhajan. Yogi Bhajan was an extraordinary man of compassion, wisdom and kindness whose teachings have provided immeasurable benefits spiritually, culturally and politically to millions here in the United States and around the world. A master of Kundalini yoga, his love of humanity was so strong that he violated the tradition of secrecy surrounding this practice to bring the healing power of yoga to the troubled American youth of the 1960's by providing a healthy alternative to the drug culture.

Yogi Bhajan worked tirelessly throughout his life to spread the message that ``it is our birthright to be happy, healthy, and holy.'' He established a Sikh Ministry in the West and motivated thousands to embrace the Sikh way of life. He founded 3HO Superhealth, a drug rehabilitation program based on yogic wisdom and modern technology, a program that has now expanded worldwide. His books, the organizations he founded, and the thousands of teachers he trained will serve as his legacy.

One overriding message of Yogi Bhajan's teaching is that we are all one people--Sikhs, Christians, Jews, Buddhists--and in my opinion his life stands as a shining example of how an unconditional love of humanity can contribute greatly to the health and well-being of us all.

Mr. Speaker, Yogi Bhajan requested before his death that his passing be a time of celebration of his going home. I am proud to join my colleagues here in celebrating the life and contributions of Yogi Bhajan, and celebrate his going home.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 120, commending the outstanding efforts of our military and civilian personnel who responded to the humanitarian crisis engendered by the earthquake and tsunami of December 26, 2004. I commend my colleagues, Mr. Blumenauer and Mr. Leach, for submitting this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I traveled to Southeast Asia in January to help assess the damage caused by the tsunami. I saw firsthand the overwhelming scale of the human tragedy that killed over 250,000 people. Without the heroic efforts of the U.S. Armed Forces personnel and the civilian employees of the Department of State and the United States Agency for International Development, the death toll would have been far worse.

These men and women worked tirelessly to help provide necessities, like drinking water, food, and medical supplies, to survivors of the tragedy. In addition, many worked to coordinate the relief efforts of donors, relief organizations, aid agencies, and governments. The civilian employees worked to identify and assist U.S. citizens who were affected by the tsunami.

Because of the courageous efforts of these Americans, I have no doubt that many lives were saved. This selfless giving in a time of crisis was beyond the call of duty. Their efforts deserve great recognition and I am proud to support this resolution commending them.

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 3, the Transportation Equity Act: A Legacy for Users (TEA-LU). I commend Chairman Don Young and Ranking Member Jim Oberstar of the Committee on Transportation for their leadership in drafting this legislation and I thank them for supporting my request to set aside $16 million for high priority projects in American Samoa.

This funding is in addition to American Samoa's annual federal highway funds and will be used for village road improvements, drainage mitigation, shoreline protection and upgrades and repairs of the Ta'u ferry terminal facility.

In consultation with the Honorable Togiola Tulafono, Governor of American Samoa, we have set aside $10 million for village road improvements in the Eastern, Western, Central and Manu'a districts of American Samoa.

In consultation with Senator Tuaolo Fruean and High Paramount Chief Mauga and members of the Pago Pago council of chiefs, we have set aside $1 million for drainage mitigation for Pago Pago village roads.

In consultation with Senator Tago Suilefaiga, Representative Fagasoaia Lealaitafea and Representative Mary Taufete'e and members of the Nuuli council of chiefs, we have set aside $1 million for shoreline protection and drainage mitigation for Nuuli village roads.

In consultation with Senator Faiivae Galea'i, Senator Lualemaga Faoa and members of the Leone and Malaeloa councils of chiefs, we have set aside $1.4 million for drainage mitigation for Malaeloa-Leone village roads.

In consultation with Senator Liufau Sonoma and Representative Paopao Fiaui, we have set aside $1 million for shoreline protection and drainage mitigation in Aua village.

In consultation with Senator Faamausili Pola and members of the Ta'u village council of chiefs, we have set aside $1.6 million to upgrade and repair the Ta'u harbor facility.

Like other insular areas, American Samoa will continue to receive its annual share of federal dollars provided by the Territorial Highway Program. The Territorial Highway Program includes American Samoa, Guam, the Virgin Islands and CNMI. Based on population, area, road mileage, or any combination of these factors, each Territory receives a portion of the funds allocated to the Territorial Highway Program.

To assure that American Samoa is treated equitably, I have worked closely with Chairman Young and Ranking Member Oberstar to make sure that the administrative formula for apportionment is closely reviewed. It is my understanding that the Federal Highway Administration has not reviewed its administrative formula for ten years and I thank Chairman Young and Ranking Member Oberstar for their commitment to revisit this issue.

Again, I commend the Chairman and Ranking Member for their leadership and for supporting my efforts to make sure that American Samoa's needs are addressed in this historic and important initiative. Without reservation, I urge my colleagues to vote yes on H.R. 3.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the life and the contributions of my good friend and colleague, the Congressman from California, Bob Matsui, who passed away last Saturday.

During his 26 years of service here in Congress, Mr. Matsui was a great leader in the House of Representatives, introducing legislation on issues such as welfare reform, health care, tax issues and the environment. His thorough knowledge of the Social Security system made him a strong advocate against proposed reforms that would negatively impact America's elderly population.

Mr. Speaker, I know I speak for many of my colleagues when I say I will miss the Congressman from California deeply. When I started here over 16 years ago, Mr. Matsui was already well established, and I was one of the many beneficiaries of his knowledge and experience.

In many ways Mr. Matsui brings to mind the late Martin Luther King. In the same way that the Reverend King was able to rise above the challenges facing him in his fight for civil rights for African- Americans, Mr. Matsui, who began

his life in a Japanese internment camp during World War II, never retreated into bitterness and instead remained an inspiration and a strong positive force throughout his career, representing not just the Asian American community but his constituency and our country, with honor and pride.

Mr. Matsui dedicated his life to serving our country. Due to his contributions, the lives of our great country's children, our elderly, and our oppressed have been made better. For that, we are supremely thankful.

Mr. Speaker, I would ask my colleagues to remember our departed friend not with sadness, but with joy in their hearts that we had the opportunity to be associated with such a strong, inspiring, devoted man.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for yielding me this time and also extend my appreciation to the chairman of our committee for the support and cosponsorship of this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, this certainly has been a tragic crisis in Southeast Asia, and I do not know if my colleagues know that I am probably one of the few Members who has ever personally experienced what it means to go through a tidal wave and so sad to hear from the media reports and learning in some parts of this region when the reefs and the beaches are sucked into the ocean and the water recedes some 300 yards from the reefs and the children and people not knowing the nature, that this is how a tidal wave comes about.

And then, the children playing and the fish flopping all over the place thinking this is a blessing from God, and then knowing that they should be running in the opposite direction when the tidal wave hits. This is really a sad situation.

Mr. Speaker, what I really wanted to address and share with my colleagues is a certain criticism that has been brought not only to the world community, but to our Nation, suggesting that our country has been stingy in giving assistance to those who are in need. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Mr. Speaker, in the Wall Street Journal article on 31 January, and according to a USAID report, in the year 2000, our country donated over $56 billion in international assistance. Eighteen percent of that alone came from the government. $33.6 billion, or 60 percent, came from private donors, $3 billion from corporations, $3.4 billion from religious organizations, $18 billion from individual donations alone, not even counting foundations and from public organizations and universities.

I suggest that the next time we get criticisms from others suggesting that our Nation has not been generous in giving assistance to those in need really needs to be corrected. And I am very, very glad not only from Secretary Powell, but from President Bush, that we need to make certain corrections.

Mr. Speaker, I will insert for the Record the full text of this editorial commentary in the Wall Street Journal of 31 January. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

[From the Wall Street Journal, Jan. 3, 2005]

Far From Stingy

Across the world, the reaction to Asia's tsunami is

bringing out the best in human nature. Fund-raising appeals,

disaster-relief teams, military assets--all are being

marshaled for the victims of this tragedy.

Which makes it all the more outrageous that a top United

Nations official chose this week to accuse the U.S. and other

Western nations of being stingy with assistance to poorer

nations. ``We were more generous when we were less rich,''

Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Jan Egeland

lectured on Monday. ``And it is beyond me why we are so

stingy, really.''

Now, complaints about U.S. miserliness are more routine

than the earthquakes and floods that strike the globe. A

favorite ``fact'' of international critics is that while the

U.S. government nearly always ranks first in absolute amounts

of foreign aid, it tends to fall last among industrial

countries in aid as a percentage of gross national product.

The one-tenth of one percent that Washington devoted to

foreign assistance, they say, is nothing compared with what

the U.S. could afford.

The problem is that, as with so many questions of

accounting (say, Oil for Food), the U.N. and other

international bodies rely on unreliable ledgers. Groups like

the Development Assistance Committee (part of the

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) tend

to look only at ``official'' government aid. What this misses

is that Americans have never trusted government institutions

to dole out assistance. Instead, we open our wallets for

private groups that are better at targeting money where it's

needed, tracking projects, cutting waste--and getting

results.

When it comes to this sort of giving, nobody beats

Americans. According to a 2003 report from the U.S. Agency

for International Development, U.S. international assistance

to developing countries in 2000 was $56 billion. Yet just 18%

of that was ``official'' government assistance. Some $33.6

billion--or 60%--came from the private sector. Corporations

shelled out nearly $3 billion. Religious groups weighed in

with $3.4 billion. Individuals provided $18 billion. To say

nothing of funds from foundations, private and voluntary

organizations, or universities.

Cynics mark this generosity down to a U.S. tax code that

encourages giving. Yet most research shows that Americans

view donations as a duty. Philanthropy magazine reports a

study showing the average U.S. contribution outweighs the

average German or French one seven- or eight-fold. This sense

of responsibility is often motivated by faith; some 60% of

American donations go to religious groups or causes.

None of this sits well with the U.N., whose own budget

relies on state dollars. A chastened Mr. Egeland was forced

later this week to claim he'd been misinterpreted and to

acknowledge U.S. generosity. But behind this apology is the

U.N.'s longstanding belief that what's really needed is for

the U.S. and others to raise taxes to pay for more public

foreign aid.

That approach reigns in Western Europe and explains what's

wrong with so much of current foreign aid. Europeans have

come to view private donations as a failure of the state and

expect their governments to collect billions in taxes to

shuffle along to slow-moving and unaccountable international

bureaucracies. The result is a lose-lose situation. Giving

countries see their own economies depressed by higher taxes

and receiving countries find the aid too often enabling

strongmen or perpetuating poor policies.

A far better approach, at least in the public sphere, are

initiatives such as President Bush's Millennium Challenge

Account. By tying long-term assistance to improvements in

specific economic and political goals--such as cracking down

on corruption or establishing rules of law--foreign aid

brings about real reform. This approach drives U.N.

bureaucrats nuts, a sure sign it's on the right track.

Today's priority in Asia is immediate humanitarian relief.

The list of U.S.-based private and religious organizations

already working in the area is stunning. And it's good to see

the U.S. decision effectively to go around U.N. bureaucracy

by working directly with a coalition of Japan, Australia and

India to coordinate relief. Meanwhile, we can expect the

federal government to continue its tradition of generosity in

the upcoming weeks--a tradition that resulted in $2.4 billion

in humanitarian relief last year along, or 40% of the world

total.

But future money, both public and private, should be aimed

at developing the sort of governments and economies that will

be equipped to deal with disasters on their own.

Madam Speaker, I certainly would like to commend the gentlemen from California and the gentleman from Arizona for their management of this proposed legislation.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.J. Res. 102 as offered by my good friend from Arizona (Mr. Flake) in recognition of the 60th anniversary of the Battle of Peleliu and the end of Japanese control of the Pacific islands of Palau.

The Battle of Peleliu was one of the bloodiest in the Pacific theater in World War II, lasting more than 2 months, during which the United States suffered over 10,000 casualties. As a result of this momentous battle, Japanese control of Palau was ended. Today, Palau is an independent, democratic country and a strong ally of our Nation.

As we are all well aware, Madam Speaker, freedom is not free. The price of freedom was paid in blood, and we owe a great debt of gratitude to the American forces who sacrificed their lives at the Battle of Peleliu so that Palau can enjoy freedom today. By this resolution, we in Congress will acknowledge the bravery and courage shown by the members of the United States Armed Forces in the Battle of Peleliu and work to ensure their sacrifices are never forgotten.

Over the years, it was my privilege, along with my colleagues in the House, to personally visit and meet with the leaders of the Republic of Palau. Although small in numbers as far as population goes, the Republic of Palau along with the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia are a strategically important region for our national security and defense.

Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation and, again, commend my good friend from Arizona (Mr. Flake) for sponsoring this proposed legislation.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.

Madam Speaker, I too would like to echo the sentiments expressed earlier by the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Flake).

One wonders what does a landlocked State like Arizona have in common with the Island of Guam? I say it quite simply, Madam Speaker: We are all Americans. And I certainly commend the gentleman's sentiments and his remarks concerning the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Guam as expressed by House Resolution 737 offered by the gentlewoman from Guam (Ms. Bordallo).

I also would like to extend my appreciation to the gentleman from California for his management of this legislation. I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Pombo) and the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Rahall) as chairman and the ranking member of the Committee on Resources. And I would be remiss if I did not also express my appreciation to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), ranking member of the Committee on Armed Services for his compliments concerning this proposed legislation.

One of the things that I would like to share with my colleagues about this occasion, the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Guam, and it is one of the dark pages of our history, the fact that the U.S. nationals, Chamorros, who were militarily under the Imperial Japanese forces for some 2 years and 8 months, the question has always come to mind why these U.S. nationals who owed allegiance to the United States were never evacuated along with U.S. citizens before the oncoming forces of the Imperial Japanese naval and armed forces coming to this island? I need to remind my colleagues of the atrocities that were committed against these U.S. nationals, Chamorros. I recall rather distinctly our former colleague, the gentleman from Guam, Bob Underwood's relatives who were summarily executed by the Japanese in the occupation for 2 years and 8 months before, finally, U.S. forces came to liberate these loyal Americans.

I sincerely hope that perhaps we need to look at this with greater depth and appreciation of what the sacrifices that these U.S. nationals, who owed permanent allegiance to the United States, had suffered and why we never were able to evacuate them as we should have along with all the U.S. citizens who were on that island.

Again I want to thank the gentlewoman from Guam (Ms. Bordallo) for proposing this resolution and thank the members of the Committee on Resources and the gentleman from California for his support of this legislation.

I urge my colleagues to agree to House Resolution 737.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan and my good friend from New Jersey for the management of this proposed legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of Senate Joint Resolution 41, as offered by the good Senator from the State of Colorado, Mr. Campbell; and I would like to take this occasion to commend Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell and Senator Daniel Inouye on the historic opening of the National Museum of the American Indian.

The museum's opening and the other celebratory events of this week represent a culmination of over 15 years of dedicated work by Senator Ben Campbell and Senator Daniel Inouye to establish a national museum that acknowledges and honors the history, the achievement, and the arts and the culture of Native Americans.

This museum also symbolizes the courage and determination of Native Americans to persevere in the face of over 500 years of hardship and adversity. The National Museum of the American Indian is a true national treasure, a living legacy to the vitality and creativity of the first Americans of our Nation, a treasure that would not exist today without the vision and the efforts of Senator Ben ``Nighthorse'' Campbell and Senator Daniel Inouye.

Senator Campbell has worked tirelessly on behalf of Native Americans throughout his distinguished career. He introduced important legislation for native communities on issues as divergent as economic development, job training, trust reform and health care. Senator Campbell has also introduced resolutions honoring the contributions of Native American veterans to the United States and designating November 2003 as National American Indian Heritage Month. Senator Campbell has been a leading voice in establishing Native American policies and addressing the numerous challenges facing the Native American people, and his voice will be sorely missed when he retires at the end of this congressional session.

Senator Inouye has a tremendous reputation among the American Indian community. He deserves high praise for his countless contributions to the health and the well-being of our Nation's native people. Senator Inouye has been actively involved in the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs since 1978, playing a key role in establishing the committee from a select committee to a standing committee in order to better address long-neglected issues affecting our Native American community.

Senator Inouye has introduced legislation recognizing tribal sovereign authority, supporting native health care, and in conjunction with Senator Campbell, authorizing the construction of the National Museum of the Native American Indian.

Mr. Speaker, I also commend the Native American Caucus here in our own Chamber, led by my colleagues, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee) and the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Hayworth) for their outstanding leadership on issues of concern to the Native American community. For 16 years I have proudly supported the Native American Caucus as it advanced the interests of Native Americans in Congress, in the ongoing mission to improve the relationship between the United States Government and the Native American tribes to one of dignity and mutual respect.

Mr. Speaker, when I think of the American Indian museum, I think of the many trials and tribulations and suffering of the Native Americans. I am reminded of their generosity and humanity to teach the first pilgrims how to farm and to save the first Europeans from starvation. I am reminded of the forced removal of the Cherokees on the infamous ``Trail of Many Tears,'' and the moving surrender speech of Chief Joseph, who said, ``My heart is sick and sad. From where the sun now stands, I will fight no more, forever.''

Mr. Speaker, when I think of the American Indian Museum, I am reminded of the great speech by Chief Seattle, a member of the Squamish-Dowamish tribe in the State of Washington, and I will submit the text of Chief Seattle's speech for the Record. Chief Seattle's speech was a moving and most profound and keen observation on the relations between Native Americans and our country; profound, in that his insights were prophetic and accurate. I want to share with my colleagues an excerpt of Chief Seattle's speech, and I quote.

``Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter in the sun along the silent shore in solemn grandeur thrill with memories of past events connected with the fate of my people. The very dust under your feet responds more lovingly to our footsteps than to yours because it is the ashes of our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our kindred.''

Mr. Speaker, as my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca) alluded to earlier, the unmet social, political, educational and health care needs of some 4.1 million Native Americans is still an embarrassment, at least in this Member's opinion, and is not a record of which our national government can be proud. Yes, we are giving assistance, but never enough to do the job. I, for one, am puzzled by our Nation's inability to provide the necessary resources to assist our Native American community

with the very serious problems affecting them, especially health care and education.

Today, Mr. Speaker, the opening of the National Museum of the American Indian is a celebration of the Native American contributions to our national identity as well as a testament to the drive and determination of our congressional leaders who fought to make this museum a reality. Again I applaud the efforts of Senator Ben ``Nighthorse'' Campbell and Senator Daniel Inouye for their leadership and initiative, and I am hopeful that Congress will now act to give our Native American community a voice in government, hopefully for generations to come.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support Senate Joint Resolution 41.

Mr. Speaker, the speech of Chief Seattle, referred to above, follows:

Chief Seattle's Speech

As Translated by Dr. Henry Smith--Seattle, Washington Territory, During

Treaty Negotiations--1854

Yonder sky that has wept tears of compassion upon our

fathers for centuries untold, and which to us looks eternal,

may change. Today is fair, tomorrow it may be overcast with

clouds.

My words are like the stars that never set. What Seattle

says the Great Chief at Washington can rely upon with as much

certainty as our paleface brothers can rely upon the return

of the seasons.

The son of the White Chief says his father sends us

greetings of friendship and good will. This is kind, for we

know he has little need of our friendship in return because

his people are many. They are like the grass that covers the

vast prairies, while my people are few and resemble the

scattering trees of a storm-swept plain.

The Great, and I presume, also good, White Chief sends us

word that he wants to buy our lands but is willing to allow

us to reserve enough to live on comfortably. This indeed

appears generous, for the Red Man no longer has rights that

he need respect, and the offer may be wise, also, for we are

no longer in need of a great country.

There was a time when our people covered the whole land as

the waves of a windruffled sea covers its shell-paved floor.

But that time has long since passed away with the greatness

of tribes now almost forgotten. I will not mourn over our

untimely decay, nor reproach my paleface brothers for

hastening it, for we too, may have been somewhat to blame.

When our young men grow angry at some real or imaginary

wrong, and disfigure their faces with black paint, their

hearts, also, are disfigured and turn black, and then their

cruelty is relentless and knows no bounds, and our old men

are not able to restrain them.

But let us hope that hostilities between the Red Man and

his paleface brothers may never return. We would have

everything to lose and nothing to gain.

True it is, that revenge, with our young braves is

considered gain, even at the cost of their own lives. But old

men who stay at home in times of war and mothers who have

sons to lose, know better.

Our great father, Washington, for I presume he is now our

father as well as yours, since George has moved his

boundaries to the North--our great and good father, I say,

sends us word by his son, who, no doubt, is a great chief

among his people, that if we do as he desires he will protect

us.

His brave armies will be to us a bristling wall of

strength, and his great ships of war will fill our harbors so

that our ancient enemies far to the northward--the Simsiams

and Hydas--will no longer frighten our women and old men.

Then he will be our father and we will be his children.

But can that ever be? Your God is not our God! Your God

loves your people and hates mine! He folds His strong arms

lovingly around the white man and leads him as a father leads

his infant son--but He has forsaken his red children. He

makes your people wax strong every day and soon they will

fill all the land; while my people are ebbing away like a

fast receding tide that will never flow again. The white

man's God cannot love His red children or He would protect

them. They seem to be orphans who can look nowhere for help.

How, then, can we become brothers? How can your Father

become our father and bring us prosperity and awaken in us

dreams of returning greatness?

Your God seems to us to be partial. He came to the white

man. We never saw Him, never heard His voice. He gave the

white man laws, but had no word for His red children whose

teeming millions once filled this vast continent as the stars

fill the firmament.

No. We are two distinct races, and must ever remain so.

There is little in common between us.

The ashes of our ancestors are sacred and their final

resting place is hallowed ground, while you wander away from

the tombs of your fathers seemingly without regrets.

Your religion was written on tablets of stone by the iron

finger of an angry God, lest you might forget it. The Red Man

could never remember nor comprehend it.

Our religion is the traditions of our ancestors--the dreams

of our old men, given to them by the Great Spirit, and the

visions of our Sachems, and is written in the hearts of our

people.

Your dead cease to love you and the homes of their nativity

as soon as they pass the portals of the tomb. They wander far

away beyond the stars, are soon forgotten and never return.

Our dead never forget the beautiful world that gave them

being. They still love its winding rivers, its great

mountains and its sequestered vales, and they ever yearn in

tenderest affection over the lonely-hearted living, and often

return to visit and comfort them.

Day and night cannot dwell together. The Red Man has ever

fled the approach of the white man, as the changing mist on

the mountain side flee before the blazing morning sun.

However, your proposition seems a just one, and I think

that my folks will accept it and will retire to the

reservation you offer them, and we will dwell apart and in

peace, for the words of the Great White Chief seem to be the

voice of Nature speaking to my people out of the thick

darkness that is fast gathering around them like a dense fog

floating inward from a midnight sea.

It matters little where we pass the remainder of our days.

They are not many. The Indian's night promises to be dark. No

bright star hovers above his horizon. Sad-voiced winds moan

in the distance. Some great Nemesis of our race is on the Red

Man's trail, and wherever he goes he will still hear the sure

approaching footsteps of the fell destroyer and prepare to

meet his doom, as does the wounded doe that hears the

approaching footsteps of the hunter.

A few more moons, a few more winters, and not one of all

the mighty hosts that once filled this broad land or that now

roam in fragmentary bands through these vast solitudes or

lived in happy homes, protected by the Great Spirit, win

remain to weep over the graves of a people once as powerful

and as hopeful as your own!

But why should I repine? Why should I murmur at the fate of

my people? Tribes are made up of individuals and are no

better than they. Men come and go like the waves of a sea. A

tear, a tamanamus, a dirge and they are gone from our longing

eye forever. Even the white man, whose God walked and talked

with him as friend to friend, is not exempt from the common

destiny. We may be brothers after all. We shall see.

We will ponder your proposition, and when we have decided

we will tell you. but should we accept it, I, here and now,

make this the first condition, that we not be denied the

privilege, without molestation, of visiting at will the

graves of our ancestors and friends.

Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every

hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been

hallowed by some fond memory or some sad experience of my

tribe. Even the rocks, which seem to lie dumb as they swelter

in the sun along the silent shore in solemn grandeur thrill

with memories of pass events connected with the fate of my

people, the very dust under your feet responds more lovingly

to our footsteps than to yours, because it is the ashes of

our ancestors, and our bare feet are conscious of the

sympathetic touch, for the soil is rich with the life of our

kindred.

The sable braves, and fond mothers, and glad-hearted

maidens, and the little children who lived and rejoiced here

and whose very names are now forgotten, still love these

solitudes and their deep fastnesses as eventide grows shadowy

with the presence of dusky spirits.

And when the last Red Man shall have perished from the

earth and his memory among white men shall have become a

myth, these shores will swarm with the invisible dead of my

tribe and when your children's children shall think

themselves alone in the field, the store, the shop, upon the

highway, or in the silence of the woods, they will not be

alone. In all the earth there is no place dedicated to

solitude.

At night, when the streets of your cities and villages

shall be silent and you think them deserted, they will throng

with the returning hosts that once filled and still live this

beautiful land.

The white man will never be alone. Let him be just and deal

kindly with my people, for the dead are not powerless.

Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the gentlewoman's amendment that we have sponsored together with the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands.

Mr. Chairman, in fiscal year 2003 American Samoa's Medicaid program cost $12.2 million. If American Samoa were treated like a State, the Federal Government would have been responsible for $6.1 million or half the cost; but the American Samoa government would have been responsible for the other half also, about $6.1 million. As it is, a Federal ceiling is in place, unfortunately. So for fiscal year 2003, the Federal ceiling for American Samoa was $3.7 million. The Federal Government only paid out $3.7 million, and we had to meet the rest of the obligation of the total cost of $12.2 million.

The bottom line, Mr. Chairman, is there is definitely a need for this additional appropriations for our Medicaid needs, and I ask my colleagues to please support this proposed amendment.

Yes, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Chairman, I kindly respect the decision the Chairman has made concerning his opinion that has been expressed concerning the proposed amendment. We realize there is no authorization. But I thought that this was part of the appropriations process, that we have made in the past precedents where appropriations have been made without any authorization. But again I have to respect my good chairman's decision on this and sincerely hope that maybe down the line we will be able to work something out to give due assistance to the insular areas on this very important issue.

Mr. Speaker, today, we honor the men and women who defended and protected our people, our country, and our families. In celebrating the 60th anniversary of the GI Bill, we express our strong sense of gratitude and thanks to the veterans who have served and sacrificed their lives for the freedom and democracy that we still enjoy today.

On June 22, 1944, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944 also known as the G.I. Bill of Rights. This legislation was for veterans of World War II and it established veterans' hospitals, provided for vocational rehabilitation, made low-interest mortgages available, and granted stipends covering tuition and living expenses for veterans attending college or trade schools.

Subsequent legislation extended these benefits to veterans of the Korean War and the Readjustment Benefits Act of 1966 extended benefits to all who served in the Armed Forces even in peacetime. From 1944 to 1949, nearly 9 million veterans received close to $4 billion from the G.I. bill's unemployment compensation program. Education and training provisions existed until 1956, providing benefits to nearly 10 million veterans.

The Veterans' Administration offered insured loans until 1962, and these totaled more than $50 billion. In 1985, the Montgomery G.I. Bill (MGIB) became the newest federal program to provide education and training to our nation's veterans. The MGIB was one of the most important bills passed in its time and its influence is felt today. In 2003, for example, the Department of Veterans Affairs helped provide education or training for 322,754 veterans and active-duty personnel, 88,342 reservists, and 61,874 survivors.

In the past six decades, the GI Bill has continued to change in order to keep up with the needs of today's veterans. As of September 30, 2001, there are about 25.3 million veterans. There are also about 41.4 million family members and survivors of veterans. In addition, there are now more than 300,000 soldiers deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan and these numbers continue to increase.

The VA has become a potential source of benefits for almost one- fourth of the population of the United States. With the growing number of service members in Iraq and Afghanistan, the possible increase in the number of veterans requires us to consider new ways to increase their assistance and benefits.

While the GI Bill continues to assist with cost of college education, purchasing homes, farms, businesses, and also in finding jobs, the cost of living continues to increase. This is why we need to create legislation to improve health benefits and to make sure that education benefits offered by the GI bill are aligned with the rising costs of tuition. With the rising costs of housing, many veterans, especially those in expensive housing markets, also cannot afford average-priced homes.

Although we have done a lot, there are many more issues that need to be addressed. Therefore, as we acknowledge and celebrate the 60th anniversary of the GI Bill, I am hopeful that we will also honor our veterans by ensuring that we preserve and accomplish what the GI Bill promised.