Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I thank the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and his staff for their hard work in producing the legislation we have today. President Bush's 2005 homeland security budget request…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers) and his staff for their hard work in producing the legislation we have today. President Bush's 2005 homeland security budget request fell far short; and while this bill is an improvement, and that it is, I am concerned that it does not go far enough to close troubling homeland security gaps.
The committee followed a logical plan in distributing the $32 billion allocation. However, this measure does not provide the resources needed to significantly improve our ability to detect terrorist activities or to respond to an attack. The committee was forced to make trade-offs among programs to improve disaster preparedness and response, immigration services, and programs to stop terrorists. As a result, we have some worrisome gaps.
The first responder funding cuts, this funding cut for local fire, police, and emergency personnel, is one of my biggest concerns. With cuts in fire grants and deep cuts in formula funds to most States, overall the bill provides $327 million less for first responders than was enacted in 2004. While funding to certain high-threat urban areas is increased, the fact is that this increase comes at the expense of the rest of the country. If these cuts hold, next year most States and localities will end up with less homeland security funding than they have today.
This bill comes just weeks after the American people saw live television coverage of the Attorney General and the FBI Director giving us alarming warnings of imminent terrorist attacks. At their press conference, Mr. Ashcroft said that our own intelligence and al Qaeda public statements indicated that it is almost ready to attack the United States and that they intend to hit us hard. This week an alleged al Qaeda operative was indicted for plotting to blow up a shopping mall in Ohio.
If terrorists attack us again, our local police, firefighters, and emergency workers will be the first on the scene. It frustrates me that there is little sense of urgency to ensure that these first responders have the tools that they need to do their jobs. This legislation also fails to address other critical homeland security issues.
Two of my chief concerns are the inadequate inspection of cargo carried on passenger planes and the lax Federal oversight of chemical plant security practices. Unlike passenger baggage, the cargo on passenger aircraft is not rigorously inspected, even though it is carried in the same hold. Furthermore, cargo carried on all cargo aircraft is not inspected at all. I am also troubled that the administration continues to have inadequate chemical plant security policies. For the most part, vulnerability assessments and security plans are left to the plant owners' consciences.
Last, I would like to point out a bill provision concerning the CAPPS2 air passenger prescreening system that TSA is developing and may be testing later this year. This provision updates last year's bill by requiring the Secretary to certify, and the General Accounting Office to review, the certification that all eight security and privacy criteria are met before the passenger profiling system can be deployed. In its first review in February, the GAO found that TSA had met only one of the eight criteria.
The new language also specifically mandates that GAO review the CAPPS2 methodology that is intended to predict whether a passenger could be a terrorist. This element is the most sensitive aspect of CAPPS2 with broad implications for Americans' privacy and civil liberties.
In closing, I am concerned that this bill continues, does not do more to close the troubling homeland security gaps. The American people demand our best efforts to protect the country from those who would do us harm, and the Congress should be more aggressive in challenging the administration where it falls short.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the full committee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price), a distinguished member of our committee, and friend.
(Mr. Price of North Carolina asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 15 seconds to my friend the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Let me say to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Wamp), I think I know a little bit about budgets, having spent some time doing that, at a time when we passed budgets that reduced the deficit and we had some tough requirements on spending, and raised revenues to make the deficits go down.
The reality is that the most important decision in a budget resolution is the total amount set for discretionary spending. That then governs the decisions we have to make on this bill and the other 12 bills that we have before the Congress. If that budget resolution has an unrealistic number for the total discretionary spending, it limits every option we have.
I think I and others have been clear that this bill represents an improvement over what the President asked for, that it has reasonable choices within the dollar allotment that this committee has given. I think the chairman has done an excellent job. I would not share his enthusiasm for how good the Department is going, but he is also tough on them at many times.
But there is also one other thing that we do, and that is we say there are certain expenditures that are emergencies and go above and beyond the normal budget process. Since 9/11, we have appropriated billions of dollars as emergency expenditures for our friends in New York, for operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, I think with unanimity on the expenditures in Afghanistan, division over our operation in Iraq, but then again significant support for our troops whether we agreed or disagreed with that policy.
Just the other day in appropriations, we appropriated $25 billion more of emergency spending beyond the normal defense appropriation for next year for operations in the Middle East, and we know that number is going to increase. What some of us are saying is that there are significant security gaps that we should deal with in this country and we should have a modest amount as emergency spending.
The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) asked for $3 billion for rational things to do, disciplined things to do, in comparison to the billions and billions we are spending outside this country. That is legitimate debate. It is legitimate options that we could do, and some are choosing not to do that. If we declared it emergency and appropriated that $3 billion, it could not be spent unless the President decided to spend it.
So what we are talking about here is not irrelevant, it is important and there are distinct differences; and those differences do not diminish our respect for the quality of work done by the chairman and the subcommittee.
I would just suggest do not belittle the opinions of lots of people in this place that there are significant security gaps in domestic security, echoed by all kinds of experts outside this institution that we are not dealing with.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Olver), a member of the full committee.
(Mr. OLVER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) who has done an outstanding job as the ranking member of the Select Committee on Homeland Security.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), a member of the authorizing committee for a significant part of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn).
(Mr. WYNN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).
Mr. Chairman, unrelated to the gentleman from Pennsylvania's amendment, I think the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) had an amendment right prior to that, and I think he was standing right here.
I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) be allowed to offer his amendment after the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon).
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I support the amendment, and I am ready to vote.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I congratulate the gentleman on a very good amendment. It is a much needed study.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I suppose if it were an ideal world, I would prefer not to have staffing caps and would like to think I could trust an agency to manage the staffing.
There is nothing about TSA that gives me that confidence. I have dealt with endless agencies over the years. I have never dealt with one more frustrating to deal with in all my years of public service than
Mr. Chairman, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
I just want to make sure where we are in the bill. Let me describe the problem. I think the last number read was the number on the bottom of page 22. The gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) had an amendment that would have come after that but before the top of page 23; but I think, in fact, the current amendment is amending the number on the top of page 23.
After this amendment?
I thank the Chair.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I join everyone else in congratulating the New York/New Jersey delegation on their enthusiasm and their vigor. This Congress has responded. It has promised New York in a rather dramatic fashion post-9/11. But let us be clear about what we are doing today. We are very substantially reducing the funding for local responders, fire, police, emergency personnel all over the country. We are doing that before this amendment and dramatically more if this amendment is adopted. The basic formula grant in 2004 was $1.690 billion. Under this bill it is $1.250 billion, a drop of $440 million. This amendment would reduce it by another $446 million. The Urban Area Security Initiative, $721 million last year, $1 billion, under this bill, already an increase of
$279 million plus another $446 million under this amendment for more than a doubling of this program, while the other program would be virtually cut in half, that deals with the balance of the country, most of the rural and moderate size communities in this country and many fairly large size communities.
Another thing that sort of strikes me in all this discussion, I hear about the initial grants in proportion of grantees that happened later on and that some terrible thing happened because the numbers increased. I recall that first grant by the agency. I asked them a question: What were the criteria they used to distribute these funds? I waited and waited and waited for an answer. I talked to a high up official, and they said, We will see you in a week, and I would wait another month or two. I am still waiting. We finally did have a briefing before the second round of grants were awarded, at which point we had some criteria. But this is no great science. I wish we had this total understanding where threats were in this country. Clearly large urban areas like New York, like the District of Columbia, are threats. But so are many other parts of this country. And in many parts of the country, the need for technical assistance, for training, for specialized equipment, it is probably more substantial than it is even in some of our larger urbanized areas. And these formula funds do not flow out willy-nilly sort of around the country. We have to develop a State plan and a regional plan to get these funds.
So it is not a dab here and a dab there. But States have to work at it; local communities have to work at it. They have to have regional approaches. They have to use these funds where they make sense to deal and respond to real projected threats.
So, Mr. Chairman, I wish we had all the money we needed. The fact is the base bill in total has some reduction in funding for local responders. The basic formula grant would be further reduced in a significant fashion by this amendment, while the urban security initiative, which is already receiving an increase, would have a substantial increase.
I do not think that is fair. I think we need to be fair to the totality of our country. In my judgment, the base bill, if anything, is skewed too much in changing money away from the basic formula grant. So I would urge defeat of this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, those are decisions that are at a higher pay level than mine, and I have to object.
Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, while I objected to a time limit a short time ago, let me suggest that if only those Members that had something unique and new to say chose to speak, we might be able to vote fairly soon.