Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, on Roll Call No. 457, I mistakenly voted NAY when I intended to vote YEA.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1486, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 1469) ensuring accountability for key officials in the Biden-Harris administration responsible for decisionmaking and execution failures throughout the withdrawal from Afghanistan, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, 3 years ago, the world witnessed one of the most devastating foreign policy disasters in American history. The Biden- Harris administration withdrew all U.S. forces from Afghanistan with no plan, no care, and no remorse.

As a result, 13 brave U.S. servicemembers and over 170 Afghan civilians were murdered, and 45 U.S. servicemembers and countless others were injured.

Just this month National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby was asked whether there had been any accountability for the administration's deadly and chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.

He responded: ``We've all held ourselves accountable.''

That answer, Mr. Speaker, is detached from all reality.

Today, the administration touts that deadly withdrawal as a success, and they have yet to hold a single person accountable for their role in this tragedy. In fact, many of those responsible for this catastrophe have actually been promoted.

If the administration refuses to hold itself accountable, then Congress must.

On April 14, 2021, the President announced the Biden-Harris administration would withdraw all troops from Afghanistan, no matter the cost or the consequence. They ignored the Taliban's violations of the Doha agreement. They ignored objections by our Nation's top military and intelligence experts, and they ignored objections by our NATO allies.

According to the administration's own admission, the Doha agreement was immaterial to that decision.

Following President Biden's go-to-zero order, the Taliban captured province after province in Afghanistan. Afghanistan's collapse was all but set in stone.

Astoundingly, this administration did nothing to plan for an evacuation. Instead, they denied threats to American interests, American citizens, and our decades-long Afghan partners.

On August 15, 2021, after months of Taliban advances, Kabul fell. The administration's utter failure to prepare became painfully clear.

President Biden claimed the very next day that his administration had planned for all contingencies. Nothing could be further from the truth.

At every step, the administration prioritized the optics and the politics of the withdrawal over the security of U.S. personnel and diplomats on the ground.

To protect their partisan aims, they ignored the well-known terrorist threats from ISIS-K and the Taliban to our servicemembers, diplomats, citizens, and allies.

The Biden-Harris administration instead chose to treat the Taliban-- the very terrorists that we had been fighting for 20 years--as security partners, for God's sake, security partners during the evacuation.

This administration created the very environment that allowed an ISIS-K terrorist to pass through a Taliban checkpoint, because, Mr. Speaker, we put the Taliban in charge of the checkpoint.

Mr. Speaker, guess who let the suicide bomber through?

It was the Taliban.

The result of that was the deadliest day for American troops in Afghanistan since 2021.

On August 26, 2021, that terrorist detonated a suicide vest, murdering 13 U.S. servicemembers and over 170 Afghan civilians, and injuring 45 U.S.

servicemembers and countless civilians.

Rather than admit their failure, this administration continues to this day to celebrate their deadly evacuation. Never once have they said they are sorry to the Gold Star families.

It took the Speaker of the House at the Congressional Gold Medal ceremony to say: I am sorry for what your government did to you.

Just yesterday, President Biden proclaimed to the world that his withdrawal was ``the right decision.''

I believe that is shameful.

When I became chairman, I launched an investigation so that we, the Congress, could work to ensure that what happened in Afghanistan never happens again.

As everyone here knows, you cannot begin to fix a problem without first admitting that there is a problem. That is what accountability is all about.

My 353-page report on this investigation works to provide that accountability. Today, we take the first step in fixing the problem by holding accountable those leaders who were derelict in their duty and are responsible for this disaster.

They are Joseph Biden, President of the United States; Kamala Harris, Vice President of the United States; Jake Sullivan, National Security Advisor; Jonathan Finer, Assistant to the President and Deputy National Security Advisor; Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall, Assistant to the President for Homeland Security and Deputy National Security Advisor; John Kirby, National Security Council spokesperson and former Defense Department Spokesperson; Jen Psaki, former White House Press Secretary; Antony Blinken, U.S. Secretary of State; Brian McKeon, former Deputy Secretary of State; Ross Wilson, U.S. Ambassador and former Chief of Mission to the U.S. Embassy in Kabul; Zalmay Khalilzad, U.S. Ambassador and former Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation; Ned Price, Deputy to the U.S. Representative to the United Nations and former State Department Spokesperson; Lloyd Austin, U.S. Secretary of Defense; Derek Chollet, Chief of Staff to Secretary Austin and former Counselor to Secretary Blinken; and, finally, Colin Kahl, former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.

The American people, U.S. servicemembers, veterans, and, most importantly, the Gold Star families, deserve this. They deserve transparency, and they deserve, Mr. Speaker, accountability. This measure is the first step toward that, and I urge my colleagues to support it.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Committee on Armed Services,

House of Representatives,

Washington, DC, September 24, 2024.

Hon. Michael T. McCaul,

House Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman McCaul: I write concerning H. Res. 1469, a

resolution condemning the Biden-Harris Administration's

disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan. As a result of your

having consulted with us on provisions within H. Res. 1469

that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on

Armed Services, I agree to forego any further consideration

of this resolution so that it may proceed expeditiously to

the House floor for consideration.

The Committee on Armed Services takes this action with our

mutual understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.

Res. 1469 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over

subject matter contained in this or similar legislation and

that our committee will be appropriately consulted and

involved as this resolution or similar legislation moves

forward so that we may address any remaining issues in our

jurisdiction.

Finally, I ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on

this matter be included by House Committee on Foreign Affairs

in the Congressional Record during floor consideration, to

memorialize our understanding. Thank you for the cooperative

spirit in which you have worked regarding this matter and

others between our respective committees.

Sincerely,

Michael D. Rogers,

Chairman, House Committee

on Armed Services.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I will address some of the points. I can tell my good friend from New York (Mr. Meeks) has some prosecutorial background, like myself, and I commend him for his skillful arguments.

I will address the argument that this is all political. The timing of our investigation and this report was not of my making. It was not my timeline. It was deliberately delayed by this administration, I think, in a plan to take it well beyond this election, well beyond this Congress.

Fortunately, we had it done in September, and we invited the Secretary to testify about the report. He declined to show up, saying he had no time for the Congress, not one day in September.

Secondly, they had nothing to do with this report. Every transcribed interview had full participation by Members in the minority, Members on the other side of the aisle. They were full participants.

I would have to say, with respect to the report itself, we have 1,812 citations with a very thorough, historic document. Their report is a 50-page memorandum that doesn't even cite to a single piece of the 20,000 pages the administration presented to us after a threat of holding the Secretary in contempt.

The Dissent Channel and the after-action report were the testimonies of the diplomats themselves on the ground. That is what is in our report. That is not political. It is not opinion based, other than what the generals were thinking on the ground and the diplomats were thinking on the ground at the time of the fall.

What is despicable is that Ambassador Wilson abandoned his own Afghan employees and left them to the mercy of the Taliban, and I am sure many of them were executed, along with many of the diplomats in the Embassy.

There is just so much more that I could talk about, and I am sure we will, but the fact is, I take pride in the work we did. I did it as a Federal prosecutor would, along with my team, who is also a former Federal prosecutor, methodically building our case.

We never threw advanced conclusions out. We never made judgment calls in advance. We didn't do much with press on this. We built our case, and all roads lead to the Secretary of State, Jake Sullivan, and the National Security Council. I believe those are the facts.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I love this argument. This is all Donald Trump's fault.

I would submit to you: Who made the decision to go to zero? You know what that means? Go to zero means withdraw all troops, withdraw all air cover, and withdraw all contractors.

That is precisely why Afghanistan imploded as fast as it did and why President Ghani, like a coward, left his people behind.

All of this talk about Doha is immaterial. Don't take my word for that. That is exactly what the White House said.

The Doha agreement was immaterial to the President's political decision, which, by the way, was going to happen on September 11. What an insult to the victims' families of 9/11.

The fact is, Donald Trump left troops in Afghanistan after his advisers told him that the Doha agreement was being violated by the Taliban.

They didn't cut their ties to al-Qaida. They did hit our troops. As a result, Donald Trump kept 2,500 American troops in Afghanistan and 6,500 NATO troops.

They will tell you that wasn't sufficient. Don't take my word again. Take the word of his top military generals: Milley, McKenzie, and Miller.

Ask for investigations. What did they do when they were in charge?

They had one hearing and no investigation. You talk about political, to cover up the tracks of this administration's disastrous withdrawal.

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close. I have no further speakers and reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Let me just say to my good friend for whom I have tremendous respect, we work together on many bipartisan things, and when we don't agree, we do so civilly. However, I cannot disagree with you more than I do today.

One of the byproducts of Bagram falling is 7,000 ISIS were released from Bagram prisons. Some of them have found their way into the United States.

What happened in Afghanistan is a tragedy, one of the worst foreign policy failures in our Nation's history.

Who could ever forget the harrowing images of Afghans falling off the planes and babies being flung over barbed wire in a desperate attempt by mothers to save their children and escape Afghanistan under Taliban rule?

The women that Mr. Wilson referred to, left behind along with American citizens, are now enslaved under Taliban Sharia law. We are the United States of America. You can't tell me we couldn't have safely evacuated U.S. personnel, Americans, and our brave Afghan allies.

My report shows the administration had the information and the opportunity to do so, but every step of the way, they chose political optics over the safety of Americans. Their deadly and chaotic withdrawal started a chain of events that have led to a world on fire.

We are witnessing the largest land invasion in Europe since World War II with Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the CCP has become emboldened and more belligerent in their aggression toward Taiwan, and there is a war raging in the Middle East, Mr. Speaker, with the Ayatollah now rearing his ugly head.

That didn't happen by accident. It happened by design, and it started with the fall of Afghanistan. When you project weakness on the world stage, this is what you get: a world on fire inviting aggression from our adversaries.

Our U.S. national security is degraded, America's credibility on the world stage is damaged, and the moral injury to the American veterans and servicemembers is a stain, an ugly stain, on this administration's legacy.

I close, Mr. Speaker, with a reminder of the consequences of the actions of those named in this resolution, and it is the 13 heroic U.S. servicemembers who made the ultimate sacrifice. I have met with their loved ones, and they live with pain every single day. They wake up to it every single day.

These servicemembers paid with their lives because of this administration's failure on August 26, 2021, and I, for one, in this Chamber, in this House, say I am sorry for what your government did to you.

In their honor, I will read their names:

Marine Lance Corporal David Lee Espinoza

Marine Sergeant Nicole Gee

Marine Staff Sergeant Taylor Hoover

Army Staff Sergeant Ryan Christian Knauss

Marine Corporal Hunter Lopez

Marine Lance Corporal Rylee McCollum

Marine Lance Corporal Dylan Merola

Marine Lance Corporal Kareem Nikoui

Marine Sergeant Johanny Rosario Pichardo

Marine Corporal Humberto Sanchez

Marine Lance Corporal Jared Schmitz

Navy Corpsman Maxton Soviak

Marine Corporal Daegan William-Tyeler Page

Nothing will bring their lives back. Nothing will bring these children back to their parents, but we can hold those responsible accountable, and that is what this resolution does.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Indiana for yielding.

Mr. Speaker, as a founder of the Childhood Cancer Caucus 15 years ago, I have met countless cancer patients and advocates who have asked me for one thing: to give the kids a chance. They want a chance to receive better and safer treatments that preserve their quality of life, a chance to beat childhood cancer, and a chance to eradicate this disease once and for all.

The Give Kids a Chance Act does just that.

The bill is simple. It directs drug companies researching combination drug therapies for adults to also research them for children, where appropriate. This will allow us to treat children the same as we treat adults.

With 235 cosponsors, this legislation is one of the most bipartisan bills in Congress because there is nothing partisan or political about a child with cancer.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Bilirakis from Florida and Ms. Anna Eshoo from California, my partner in this. I also

thank Chair Cathy McMorris Rodgers and Ranking Member Frank Pallone for all of their help in making this come together.

Included in this legislation is another one of my bills, the Creating Hope Reauthorization Act. We first passed this legislation in 2012 to create the pediatric priority review voucher program within the FDA because we found that there was no market incentive for pharmaceutical companies to develop cancer treatments for children. This program provides the incentives.

Since its inception in 2012, 53 vouchers have been awarded for treatments of 39 different rare pediatric diseases, 36 of which previously had no FDA-approved treatments. These diseases typically led to death before a child can reach adulthood, but not anymore.

A dear friend of mine, Dr. Allison from MD Anderson in my home State of Texas, was able to use the voucher program to obtain FDA approval for a treatment called CAR-T immunotherapy. Immunotherapy is a breakthrough cancer treatment not just for children but for all adults. He received the Nobel Prize in medicine for it.

This bill would reauthorize that successful program for another 5 years.

We just had our 15-year summit, and these children, I have to say to the ranking member and to the chair, who I hope is listening, how much joy this gave to their lives. These children who have either survived cancer or are going through cancer, some can make it, some may not, but this gives them hope.

I founded the caucus to give them a voice in the Congress because they didn't have one. They didn't have high-powered lobbyists, but they have us. This is the result of their voices.

We wouldn't be standing here today considering this legislation without the help of patient advocates, including my dear childhood cancer friends, Sadie Keller, Sophie Ryan, Brianna Commerford, and Ailani Myers, and so many other brave children who have joined me in advocating tirelessly on this important issue.

By the way, Mr. Speaker, these kids are tougher than any adults I know, and they are my biggest inspiration in life.

Mr. Speaker, I am proud that my colleagues have come together in a bipartisan spirit to do what is right for our children, which will influence them for decades to come.

Madam Speaker, like millions of Americans last night, I watched the Presidential debate, and much of what I heard from President Biden was disappointing.

One statement in particular made me angry, and I know it angered our veterans, it angered the American people, and especially it angered the Gold Star families.

President Biden said last night: ``Truth is, I am the only President this century that doesn't have any--this decade--that didn't have any troops dying anywhere in the world like he did.''

That is a lie, Mr. President. I remind President Biden of the 13 servicemembers that died on his watch during a terrorist attack at Abbey Gate on August 26, 2021, during his deadly and chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.

Their names are: Marine Lance Corporal David Lee Espinoza; Marine Sergeant Nicole Gee; Marine Staff Sergeant D. Taylor Hoover; Army Staff Sergeant Ryan Knauss; Marine Corporal Hunter Lopez; Marine Lance Corporal Rylee McCollum; Marine Lance Corporal Dylan R. Merola; Marine Lance Corporal Kareem Nikoui; Marine Sergeant Johanny Rosario Pichardo; Marine Corporal Humberto Sanchez; Marine Lance Corporal Jared Schmitz; Navy Hospital Corpsman Maxton ``Max'' Soviak; and Marine Corps Corporal Daegan William-Tyler Page.

There they are, the fallen who were killed, blown up by a suicide bomber who, by the way, escaped from Bagram Air Base as thousands of other ISIS-K terrorists did that day. God knows where they are now, threatening the security of the United States.

It was a deadliest day for the United States in Afghanistan in over a decade, Mr. President, and it will remain a stain on America and American foreign policy for generations.

It happened under Joe Biden's watch. Shame on him. Shame on him for his heartless comments that disregard the ultimate sacrifice of so many Americans under his tenure as Commander in Chief.

To the fallen heroes, I say: Well done, good and faithful servants, and may God hold you in the palm of his hand.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 965) calling for the immediate release of Ryan Corbett, a United States citizen, who was wrongfully detained by the Taliban on August 10, 2022, and condemning the wrongful detention of Americans by the Taliban.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, on August 10, 2022, Ryan Corbett was detained by the Taliban in Afghanistan.

Ryan Corbett is a loving husband to Anna, and father of three wonderful children: Ketsia, Miriam, and Caleb. I spent quite a bit of time with the family.

In 2 weeks, his oldest daughter graduates from high school, but instead of being home with his family right now celebrating his daughter, he is suffering in a Taliban prison.

Ryan Corbett and his family lived in Afghanistan for over a decade. He supported humanitarian efforts and provided opportunities for the Afghan people. He is a good man who has dedicated his life to helping others. He is not a criminal.

Despite pressure to act from the committee I chair, the House Foreign Affairs Committee, it took over a year for this administration to declare Ryan as wrongfully detained.

After constant engagement with this administration, the Corbett family has yet to receive any information regarding a plan to secure his release. Many of these requests for meetings with high-level administration officials have been repeatedly ignored. This is unacceptable. This administration must put a priority on bringing Ryan and other wrongfully detained Americans home now.

Ryan's situation is dire. Ryan's wife, Anna, reports his mental and physical health have significantly deteriorated in recent months.

The Taliban has refused to allow Ryan the voice to advocate for himself. He has only spoken to his wife a handful of times since he has been detained. Ryan is being held in inhumane conditions in a tiny cell with unreliable access to food and no ability to go outside. He is fed only scraps to eat, and he has faced solitary confinement for weeks on end.

Ryan is facing serious medical conditions, experiencing seizures and often fainting. I want to assure Ryan's wife, Anna, along with his family, friends, and coworkers that we will continue our fight every day until we bring him home.

As the father of five children myself, I cannot begin to imagine the pain and suffering Ryan's family is feeling right now.

This Congress and all Americans stand with Ryan, and that is why I am proud to support this bipartisan resolution today that condemns the Taliban regime for its illegal imprisonment of Ryan and demands his immediate release. It calls upon the Biden administration to prioritize bringing all American citizens home who are wrongfully detained overseas.

The President must project strength on the world stage and secure the immediate release of Ryan. Anything less is a failure of American leadership.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Tenney), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means and the author of this measure. The Corbett family resides in her district.

Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Meuser), a member of the Committee on Financial Services and an original cosponsor of this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

One American hostage is too many. We remember each one of them, and we will not rest until they are safely home.

It is clear that the Taliban is holding Ryan for its own political gain and using him as leverage to extract concessions from this administration.

Anna, who we all know very well, has appeared before the Foreign Affairs Committee several times to discuss Ryan's unjust imprisonment. She has bravely shared the horror story of her husband and his family and what they are living through day in and day out.

A single day of unlawful detention is too long, and Ryan's nearly 2- year captivity must be resolved. Otherwise, we must question what the value is of an American passport and citizenship if our government fails us in our greatest moment of need.

We should be projecting power, levying sanctions, and holding governments accountable for their human rights abuses. This administration, at times, has projected weakness on the world stage, and when you do so, it is hard to negotiate from a position of strength.

Ryan's case is very dire. It is time to bring him home to his family and country.

This resolution, as Mr. Keating stated, will send a very strong message to the Taliban that America, Republicans and Democrats alike, will not tolerate the illegitimate detention of American citizens. Our message is clear: Congress will not rest until Ryan is brought home.

We stand with Ryan, Anna, and their children. We have not, and we will not, forget them. It is hard to look Anna and her children in the eyes knowing that her husband is in solitary confinement in Afghanistan under Taliban rule.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to stand with Ryan Corbett and support this measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 27) condemning Russia's unjust and arbitrary detention of Russian opposition leader Vladimir Kara-Murza who has stood up in defense of democracy, the rule of law, and free and fair elections in Russia, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, Vladimir Kara-Murza has been locked away in Putin's gulags for over 2 years. His only crime was standing up for human rights and democracy in Russia, for speaking out against Putin's genocidal war of aggression against Ukraine.

He is a lawful American permanent resident, and his wife and children are American citizens.

We should all be deeply concerned by his unjust imprisonment.

Mr. Kara-Murza is well known for his work exposing the Kremlin's corruption and fighting for a free and democratic Russia.

Despite two assassination attempts which nearly killed him and left him with permanent side effects that linger to this day, Mr. Kara-Murza has continued his brave work undeterred.

He understands the importance of exposing Putin and his cronies for who they really are to the world.

After Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Mr. Kara-Murza immediately began shining a light on Russia's atrocities.

Like many of us in this Chamber, he knew he could not be silent as Russian forces raped and murdered their way through Ukraine.

In response, the Kremlin alleged that he was spreading false information about the Russian military.

In April 2022, Mr. Kara-Murza briefly and bravely returned to Russia to advocate against the war to his fellow Russians and was promptly arrested.

That is what happens when you contradict the regime's narrative in a totalitarian state. Mr. Kara-Murza knew the risk, but he returned anyway.

Since his arrest, he has languished in harsh prison conditions without adequate access to medical care.

Last year, the Kremlin sentenced him to 25 years in prison. Due to his lingering side effects from two assassination attempts, as well as the awful conditions in Putin's gulags, this is effectively a death sentence.

Unfortunately, Mr. Kara-Murza is just one of many political prisoners in Russia.

American journalists like Evan Gershkovich and Alsu Kurmasheva and wrongfully imprisoned Marine Corps veteran Paul Whelan have all been detained by Putin's regime on bogus charges. They deserve our attention, and I call for their immediate release in addition to Mr. Kara-Murza's.

America must hold Russia to account for their continued aggression and war crimes against humanity. We need to do everything in our power to secure Mr. Kara-Murza's release as well as the release of every unjustly detained American overseas.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close after the gentleman from Massachusetts closes, and I reserve the balance of my time

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

I thank my good friend, Mr. Keating, for authoring this important resolution that was unanimously adopted by the Foreign Affairs Committee by a vote of 47-0.

We all know that Vladimir Putin is a dictator. He uses fear to hold on to power. Anyone that criticizes or questions him is imprisoned, silenced, or killed.

Putin knows if free speech and dissent spreads, if the truth comes to light, that his despotic regime will lose its grip on power and on the Russian people.

We all know he killed Alexei Navalny. Putin saw him as a threat to his regime. Like Navalny, Vladimir Kara-Murza represents resistance to the Kremlin's unchecked oppression, and that is why Putin has imprisoned him, because he is a champion for freedom.

The vengeance of the Kremlin knows no bounds. Putin must stop using Cold War tactics to target innocent people as diplomatic pawns. I call upon the immediate release of all Americans detained abroad.

It is time to get Mr. Kara-Murza out of a Russian gulag and back home to his family. I urge my colleagues to stand united and join me in condemning Russia's illegal detention.

This will send a strong message to Mr. Kara-Murza and to all wrongfully detained Americans in Russia that Congress will not rest until they are returned home to their families.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 138) to amend the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to modify certain provisions of that Act.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the world is no stranger to the CCP's aggression. As they increase hostilities against Taiwan and other allies in the region, it is abundantly clear that the CCP seeks to dominate the Indo- Pacific and beyond. Just look at their military activities around Taiwan, Mr. Speaker, their harassment of the Philippine ships in the South China Sea, and their support for Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine.

The CCP has a long history of subjugation that extends beyond Asia. The CCP has a long and violent record of oppression against the people of Tibet. In October of 1950, Chinese Communist troops annexed Tibet, slaughtering tens of thousands of innocent Tibetans and monks. The CCP's ongoing oppression of the people of Tibet ultimately forced the Dalai Lama to flee to India. This persecution has continued to this day.

In November, the CCP released a white paper on its policies in Tibet. In this document, the party doubled down on its oppression and crackdown on the religious and economic freedom of Tibetans. Some of the actions taken by the CCP include setting up boarding schools to ``reeducate'' Tibetan children, clamping down on the use of Tibetan language, restricting movement of Tibetans, and even attempting to insert themselves into the succession of the Dalai Lama himself.

This white paper demonstrates the need for this bill, and I am proud to have co-introduced this with Representative McGovern.

The Promoting a Resolution to the Tibet-China Dispute Act helps Tibetans in several ways. It pushes back against CCP propaganda about the history of Tibet. The United States has never accepted that Tibet was part of China since ancient times as the CCP falsely claims. This legislation clarifies U.S. policy and highlights the unique language, religion, and culture of the Tibetan people. It directs U.S. diplomacy

to push back against CCP propaganda. In addition, it ensures Tibetans have a say in their own future.

This bill stresses a need for a dialogue between the CCP and other democratically elected leaders of Tibet.

Any resolution must include the wishes and voice of the Tibetan people. Tibetans are a democracy-loving people who wish to practice their religion freely and have their own wishes and desires acknowledged.

I am proud to have played a small part in supporting this dream for the Tibetan people.

I thank Senators Merkley and Young who passed this bill unanimously through the Senate.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage all my colleagues to push back against the CCP's oppression of the Tibetan people and vote in favor of the bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, this body has always stood for the principles of free speech, independence, and individual liberties. I thank my dear and good friend, Mr. McGovern, for his efforts on this important legislation, as well as Ranking Member Meeks and Representative Bill Keating who worked with me to advance this bipartisan bill.

We are always strongest when we speak with one voice as one nation in support of freedom and democracy. Tibet has a rich, peaceful heritage that the CCP attempted to erase when they

invaded it in 1950, but they have failed. Their attempts to quash this vibrant history have failed because of the resilience of the Tibetan people.

The U.S. strongly condemns all CCP oppression and coercion of Tibetans as well as any CCP involvement in the succession of the Dalai Lama. Despite the CCP's attempts to erase the history and culture of Tibet over the last 70-plus years, it still remains vibrant, strong, and inspirational.

Tibetans, like all people, have the right to religious freedom which includes freedom from CCP's surveillance, censorship, and detention.

If the CCP truly does respect sovereignty, as it claims to, then they will engage in peaceful dialogue with the Tibetans to resolve this conflict, not force Tibet to accept a CCP proposal.

Passing this bill demonstrates America's resolve that the CCP's status quo in Tibet is not acceptable. I can think of no greater message or gift to the Dalai Lama and the people of Tibet than the swift passage of this bill to get to the President's desk as soon possible to help put the people of Tibet in charge of their own future.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1269, I call up the bill (H.R. 8282) to impose sanctions with respect to the International Criminal Court engaged in any effort to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute any protected person of the United States and its allies, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, we are at a moment in history where our long-held fears are being realized.

The International Criminal Court has overstepped its authority and set a dangerous precedent by seeking arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and Israel's Defense Minister Gallant, alongside Hamas terrorists.

I will be clear: The case against Israel is baseless.

Mr. Meeks and I wanted in good faith to make this a bipartisan bill, and I thank him for that.

Initially, the White House supported this idea; however, on May 28, they did a 180-degree turn. In response, even Democrat Senator Cardin has criticized the administration saying: ``I am disappointed. I thought they were going to try and work on a bipartisan bill. . . . ''

I agree with Mr. Cardin, and I agree with Mr. Meeks as we tried to make this bipartisan.

The United States and Israel are not members of the ICC. The ICC itself was created as a court of last resort if national governments are unwilling or unable to try cases in their jurisdiction.

The United States and Israel do not fall into this category. Despite this, the ICC prosecutor's statement on the warrant applications contains several allegations that are directly contradicted by the Biden administration's recent report pursuant to the National Security Memorandum-20.

I have many problems with National Security Memorandum-20, but this report clearly stated: ``We do not currently assess that the Israeli Government is prohibiting or otherwise restricting the transport or delivery of U.S. humanitarian assistance.''

It also described in significant detail Israel's own systems for ensuring compliance with international humanitarian law and for investigating possible violations of international and humanitarian law.

Moreover, comparing the legitimate, democratically-elected officials in Israel who were thrust into a war that they didn't ask for and that they didn't start to Hamas terrorists only highlights the complete disconnect of this politicized international body.

This is a war Hamas started.

Israel was forced into a war they didn't want, and now they have no choice but to finish it. Further, Hamas is making it infinitely worse because they use human shields. They hide their control and command centers behind hospitals and schools, and they put civilians in harm's way.

There are many, many unspeakable tragedies in this war. I have seen videos of Hamas terrorists killing innocent Palestinians simply trying to access humanitarian aid. Hamas does not care about civilian casualties. Their only objective is to remove Israel from the map.

Israel is fighting in what is likely the most difficult urban warfare landscape that has ever existed, and they have done everything in their power to limit casualties and facilitate humanitarian aid, but the same cannot be said of Hamas.

It is absolutely outrageous for the ICC to be pursuing arrest warrants against Israeli officials and announcing it on CNN before a decision has even been made.

Mr. Meeks and I were prosecutors. We would never announce arrest warrants on national television on CNN. Failing to act here in the Congress would make us complicit with the ICC's illegitimate actions.

We must not stay silent. We must stand with our allies. If the ICC is advancing a case against an American or

an allied country who is not party to the ICC, this bill will impose sanctions on ICC officials and others supporting that case.

We need to act quickly because this case is already advancing much faster than expected. Even the ICC's own staff did not know the warrant applications would be going ahead at this pace. That is why we are advancing this bill straight to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, it is time to stand up to international bullies who seek to undermine international law under the false pretext of justice. What happens if Americans are next as they looked at Americans on the battlefield in Afghanistan.

This sets a dangerous precedent where now it is Israeli officials, but tomorrow it could be Americans. It is a very dangerous precedent.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Let me just say to my dear friend, Mr. Meeks, that he knows we worked on a version of this bill and came to a bipartisan resolution that, ultimately, was rejected by the White House, and I think that is unfortunate.

I also would like to state that the alarms that this bill harms U.S. alliances, I think, are overstated. The bill's sanctions are triggered by Presidential determination that a particular foreign person has supported illicit ICC efforts against protected persons, so that is against American citizens or the citizens of U.S. allies who have not submitted to ICC's jurisdiction.

Furthermore, and this is the most important point, this bill, and we did this at the behest of the Democrats, gives the President the ability to waive these sanctions.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), the author of this bill. I thank him for working so closely not only with me but with the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

Let me say first, I am extremely troubled by how the ICC has acted, and I think everybody in this body should be, both Republican and Democrat. Americans should be concerned.

More than 20 years ago, our predecessors had the foresight to know full well that the ICC would one day try to target democratic countries that had their own robust judicial systems over which the ICC has no legitimate jurisdiction.

In 2020, the ICC decided to authorize a formal investigation into alleged war crimes in Afghanistan. A large bipartisan group of House Members wrote to the Secretary of State at that time in response with a strong concern stating: ``Both Democratic and Republican administrations have refused to join the court in part because they feared its politicization and misuse.''

That is exactly what has happened here today. They have no basis for these actions, and by seeking warrants for Israel's Prime Minister and Defense Minister, they have cheapened this court's reputation and exposed it for what it really is--an illegitimate court that puts politics over justice.

Today it is Israel, Mr. Speaker, but tomorrow it could be the United States. We must sanction those who deliberately abuse their power for political gain. Their actions seek to undermine Israel and its people, who are in a fight for their very existence. We must act not only to protect Israel, but ourselves, from these unelected international bureaucrats.

If they willingly seek to imprison our allies or the United States, we must send a clear message--you are neither welcome nor wanted on American soil. America always stands behind our allies and their legitimate governments.

If I could just say to my dear friend, Mr. Meeks, and to our colleagues in the House, we did work very hard to get to a bipartisan agreement, a bipartisan bill that the Speaker approved and Mr. Jeffries approved, but when it went to the White House, it was rejected.

I always think--and I think Mr. Meeks agrees--that we are always strongest, particularly this committee, when we speak with one voice as one nation, in this case to the ICC and to the judges. A partisan messaging bill was not my intention here, nor do I believe it was Mr. Meeks' intention, but that is where we are right now.

I remain forever hopeful and optimistic, however, that during the process and during the course of this legislation that we can still get back to that bipartisan bill that we talked about, whether it is reached when this goes over to the Senate or perhaps Mr. Meeks and I can mark up that bipartisan bill on our committee, on the Foreign Affairs Committee, and then get it to the House floor where we can then proceed with regular order in a bipartisan fashion that I believe would be best for this Nation, best for Israel, and best to send deterrents to the International Criminal Court.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1227, I call up the bill (H.R. 8369) to provide for the expeditious delivery of defense articles and defense services for Israel and other matters, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, Hamas' October 7 massacre was as cruel, barbaric, and bloody as anything I have ever seen. Hamas unleashed pure evil on Israel that day. The Hamas terrorists filmed themselves committing brutal atrocities because they were so proud of their barbaric acts.

In fact, in just hours they murdered 1,200 innocent people and took over 250 hostages, including Americans. I say this to remind my colleagues of the moral clarity that we as a body felt in the aftermath of these brutal attacks.

It was obvious to us then that Hamas was ruthless. It was obvious to us that Hamas needed to be eradicated to ensure Israel's security. It was obvious to us that Hamas would fight dirty and use innocent civilians as human shields. It was obvious to us that Israel had no choice but to win this war and end the perpetual terrorist threat.

We all, Republicans and Democrats, spent those weeks talking about our steadfast support for Israel, our ironclad commitment. In fact, Mr. Meeks and I introduced a bipartisan resolution condemning Hamas in support of Israel which had more cosponsors than any other resolution in the history of the Congress.

However, today, I am deeply disappointed that for some in this country and for the administration that that moral clarity has faded, that their ironclad commitment apparently is not, in fact, ironclad.

In an about-face, the Biden administration is now withholding critical arms necessary for Israel to win this war. This administration wants to dictate how Israel executes the war that they were thrust into.

They did not ask for this war. They did not start this war. Hamas started this war.

Just recently, though, President Biden said that if they go into Rafah, I am not supplying the weapons, period. That would be similar for us, Madam Speaker, to say during World War II, my father's war, that you can invade all the way up to Berlin, but you can't go into Berlin to finish the job. Imagine if we had done that with our Allies back then.

Israel is in a fight for its very existence, and this administration's public break with Israel has only made negotiations and victory more difficult.

Rafah is a final key military objective to complete the mission against Hamas.

Israel has effectively eradicated 19 battalions throughout Gaza, yet 4 remain in Rafah. This is the last stage of the military operation, and it keeps getting delayed and delayed and delayed.

We know that Hamas is exploiting this cease-fire and using the negotiation process just to buy more time.

Hamas has established a network of tunnels that total over 300 miles in Gaza. These tunnels of terror are where they are holed up ready to strike Israel at the first opportunity.

Their use of tunnels is why Israel must use these larger bombs, to destroy their command and control centers and eliminate the terrorists that find refuge in them.

By the way, contrary to what has been said publicly, these bombs when applied with JDAM kits can become precision-guided weapons. Precision means just that, precise. It goes straight to the target without collateral damage, and it does, indeed, protect innocent civilians.

We know that Yahya Sinwar, the head of Hamas, is somewhere around these tunnels. Taking him out is critical to defeating Hamas.

Madam Speaker, as the saying goes: War is hell. War is horrific. War is messy. Nobody wants war. Israel did not start this war; Hamas did. Sadly, civilian casualties are part of urban warfare. Israel has limited this number greatly and is opening all routes for humanitarian assistance.

This is despite the fact that Hamas are the ones who use human shields, hide behind hospitals and schools, and put civilians in harm's way.

It was Hamas that destroyed the Erez checkpoint on October 7, significantly impeding aid from getting into Gaza. Since then, they have repeatedly attacked another checkpoint that serves as a major artery of aid into Gaza. Egypt also is currently delaying aid through the Rafah checkpoint.

Just the other day, I saw a video of Hamas killing their own people, Palestinian children simply trying to get food out of the trucks, as they gunned down their own people.

Until Israel finishes the last major operation to remove Hamas from power, to defeat the remaining battalions that are in Rafah, we will never have the peaceful resolution that everybody wants. For until Rafah is destroyed and Hamas is destroyed, we will not be able to get to the peace talks with the Saudis and Israel and the other Arab nations that everyone is so optimistic about.

I can only think of one purpose to withhold these weapons. This administration is more concerned about a small vocal wing of activists than the ironclad commitment that they talked about to stand by Israel.

Under this administration, I have noticed a disturbing trend, a trend where we turn our backs on our allies and fall short of the promises we make.

That is why this legislation is so important. It will ensure the weapons are delivered to Israel, and it will reassure our allies that when America makes a commitment, we keep it.

Think about this, Madam Speaker: What kind of a message is this sending both to our allies and friends and our adversaries and enemies? To our allies, it sends a message that we cannot be trusted. To our adversaries, it sends a message that they no longer fear us. It does not send a message of deterrence. It sends a message of weakness. It invites conflict, aggression, and now, yes, war.

Imagine if Iran cut off its weapons to Hezbollah and cut off its weapons to the Houthi rebels, what would be said of Iran? What would be our impression?

They believe they have achieved victory, Madam Speaker, without a shot fired, a victory handed to them by this administration tying the hands of Israel, one hand behind its back, as it moves into the final stage of this war to complete its final mission.

Prime Minister Netanyahu says: I will do this alone if I have to.

He should not have to do this alone. We need to stand with our ally, Israel, stand with her and stand with her to defeat this terrorist organization, Hamas, and bring a final closure and a peaceful resolution to the Middle East.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say, first, with respect to the first President I had the honor to vote for, Ronald Reagan, in 1982, it was concluded that Israel was violating U.S. and international laws by their use of cluster munitions.

In this case, the Biden administration actually concluded in a national security memo that Israel was not violating U.S. and international laws. Yet, the President still announced his plan to withhold all defensive weapons to Israel. That is a very different situation, and I wanted to rectify and clarify the Record on that.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Calvert), who is the author of this bill and the chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from California.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart), an original cosponsor of this bill and chairman of the Committee on Appropriations' Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Self), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock), chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary's Subcommittee on Immigration Integrity, Security, and Enforcement, and an original cosponsor of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde), a member of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Kiley).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from the great State of Texas (Mr. Pfluger), a member of the Energy and Commerce Committee and an original cosponsor of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time until the ranking member has closed.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

First, let me just say in response that I also appreciate our friendship, our partnership, Mr. Meeks and myself. We are very proud of our committee and our committee's record of working in a very bipartisan manner.

Mr. Speaker, following the Holocaust, the world said: Never again.

Following the massacre on October 7, this body, through our bipartisan resolution, said: Never again. When we said that, I thought we meant that.

When President Biden said to Israel after the attacks, ``As long as the United States stands . . . we will not let you ever be alone,'' I thought he meant that.

Now, in their moment of need, this administration has turned their backs on Israel, halting shipments of weapons they desperately need to win. This administration has sowed the seeds of doubt on this Nation's commitments to our allies.

We abandoned Afghanistan to the Taliban.

We slow-walked weapons to Ukraine, giving them just enough to bleed out but not to win.

President Biden's decision to withhold weapons, approved by myself, the chairman, and the ranking member, and appropriated by Congress, defied congressional intent and is tantamount to an arms embargo.

Mr. Speaker, red lines are meant for our enemies. Red lines are not meant for our allies and our friends, but that is precisely what this administration is doing to Israel.

What a terrible message to send to our allies. Even more dangerous is the message that we are sending to our adversaries.

This week marked the 76th anniversary of Israel's independence. Think about that and the timing of this. To mark this occasion, the State Department released a statement saying: ``The United States was the first country to recognize Israeli statehood when Israel declared independence in 1948. Our history of shared democratic values, trade, deep cultural ties, and commitment to regional security has provided the basis for our countries' strong partnership and friendship.''

A strong partnership and commitment to regional security means standing with our allies, not withholding vital weapons during an unprecedented war and not withholding vital weapons after Iran, for God's sake, for the first time in the history of the State of Israel, fired endless rockets from Iran directly into Israel.

We all want peace and stability in the region, but that cannot happen as long as Hamas remains in power.

Israel remains under attack, and as their closest ally and partner, we must give them the tools they need to finish the job. The time is now. We cannot wait any longer. It has been delayed enough.

Only until that final military objective is completed can we begin the other phase of this that Mr. Meeks and I have been looking forward to, and that is working with the Saudis and Israelis on a security agreement, along with the other Arab nations, to finally just maybe bring peace and prosperity to a part of the world that has been at war for so many years, for way too long.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure and to stand with Israel in its darkest hour. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 8038.

Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chair, the most serious matters that any committee deals with are matters of war and peace. It is those votes that are the most consequential votes of your career.

This is one of those moments. As Secretary Pompeo and General Keane recently wrote in a letter to Congress: `` . . . we write at a pivotal moment in our Nation's history to applaud your efforts to secure vital support to America's allies and to strengthen America's defenses.''

They know that the world is on fire, from Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine; to Chairman Xi threatening Taiwan and the Pacific; to the Ayatollah rearing his ugly head, invading Israel through his proxies.

The eyes of the world are upon us, and history will judge us by what we do here and now.

I thank Speaker Johnson, who has been under enormous pressure. He has said he wants to be on the right side of history, and with this vote today, he absolutely is. He put the interests of the Nation above himself. He is truly a profile in courage.

President Reagan taught us that peace is achieved through strength, and that is what this bill is about. It is about providing the deterrence so we don't have another war as we did during my father's generation, and that is why I titled it, ``The 21st Century Peace Through Strength Act.''

This bill includes my REPO Act that allows the transfer of frozen Russian sovereign assets in the United States so that Putin pays for the war he started. This is not just morally the right thing to do, it is also the fiscally responsible thing to do on behalf of the American taxpayer. Let Putin pay for it.

That is why President Trump's former economic advisor, Larry Kudlow, supports this provision.

This bill also protects Americans, especially our children, from the malign influence of the Chinese Communist Party-controlled TikTok. This app is a spy balloon in Americans' phones. It is a modern-day Trojan horse of the CCP used to surveil and exploit Americans' personal information.

This bill also includes the most comprehensive sanctions against Iran that Congress has ever passed, including sanctions on exports of Iranian energy. China has bought $80 billion worth of energy from Iran. Madam Chair, that is money that Iran is using to fund terror operations like the ones that we saw last weekend. This bill also imposes sanctions on anyone involved in Iran's drone and missile program.

Think about this, Madam Chair: Iran makes the drones and the missiles that are bought by Russia to kill Ukrainians. As we saw last Saturday, Iran is also manufacturing these drones, with Russia's support, to kill Israelis. This must be stopped.

As Reagan said: ``When it comes to keeping America strong, when it comes to keeping America great, when it comes to keeping America at peace, then none of us can afford to be simply a Democrat or a Republican. We must all stand united as Americans.''

Once again today, we need to speak with one voice, as one Nation, especially when addressing our adversaries, for Putin is watching us, Chairman Xi is watching us, and the Ayatollah is watching us.

Now is the time to act.

Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Kean), the chairman of the Europe Subcommittee.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Chair, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the gentleman from New York.

Madam Chair, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, in the late 1930s, Winston Churchill described what he saw as the gathering storm, the forces of Hitler and the axis of evil threatening freedom and democracy.

I recall when Mr. Meeks and I were on the border between Poland and Ukraine watching thousands of mothers and their children fleeing their own country in fear after the invasion. The Poles told us: This is just like 1939 when Hitler invaded Poland.

Today, we are at a similar inflection point in history. The fall of Afghanistan sent a powerfully dangerous message to our adversaries that America was weak. Almost immediately after, the Russian Federation began moving toward Ukraine.

Once Chairman Xi met with Putin at the Olympics and cemented their unholy alliance, they invaded. Chairman Xi has become more aggressive in the Pacific; and mark my words, Xi is watching what happens in Ukraine to determine whether he invades Taiwan in the Pacific.

Then the Ayatollah raised his ugly head in the Middle East. Last Saturday, the world watched as Iran for the first time in history invaded Israel, sending 300 missiles and drones to kill innocent Israelis.

These dictators, including North Korea, are all tied together. They are all tied together. We cannot separate them. We don't pick and choose our enemies; they choose us.

My father served as a bombardier in World War II. He was part of the Greatest Generation. I recently took my son to the air base in England where my father was stationed. While there, we visited the church where my father prayed, not knowing if he would live or die.

I took my son to the national cemetery for the U.S. airmen who never made it home, and I pointed to the 4,000 crosses and said: Son, those are the ones who did not make it home. In the chapel there is inscribed on the ceiling:

In honor of the airmen who on their last flight met the

face of God.

Met the face of God.

It was a moving experience, father and son, teaching my son, like my father taught me, about the importance of patriotism and the cost of freedom. It was also a reminder of the dangers that we face today, for today like then, it could have been prevented. Deterrence is the key.

As Churchill wrote in his book, ``The Gathering Storm:''

``One day, President Roosevelt told me that he was asking publicly for suggestions about what the war should be called. I said at once, `The Unnecessary War.' ''

Think about that, the unnecessary war. He said: ``There never was a war more easy to stop than that which has just wrecked what was left of the world from the previous struggle.''

I often think about the blood and treasure that could have been saved from my father's generation had we simply stopped Hitler earlier. Now we are faced with a similar opportunity.

As Ronald Reagan told us: ``We know only too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom are strong, but when they are weak.''

He was right. Our adversaries are working together to undermine our Western values and demean our democracy. We cannot be afraid at this moment in time. We cannot be afraid of our shadows. We must be strong. We have to do what is right. Evil is on the march.

History is calling, and now is the time to act, for the world is watching. Our adversaries are watching us here today, and history will judge us all by our actions here today and now.

As we deliberate on this vote, you have to ask yourself the question: Am I Chamberlain or am I Churchill?

Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I support this amendment. I believe it will greatly enhance the Department of Defense's China Military Power Report by increasing our understanding of China's critical and emerging technology sector, which is a central feature of the great power competition that we have with China.

I thank the gentleman for bringing this amendment.

Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman from Iowa for this amendment, and I support this amendment. It enhances congressional oversight as he talked about. Under Article I, we have a responsibility over restricted Iranian assets and accounts, including those in Qatar and Iraq.

For too long, this administration has not been transparent with the Congress and the American people about sanctions and the like in reporting that to Congress, so I think this is a good step forward.

Madam Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1149, I call up the bill (H.R. 6046) to designate Ansarallah as a foreign terrorist organization and impose certain sanctions on Ansarallah, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, we are here today because of the grievous errors of the Biden administration.

The Biden administration's failed policies have emboldened the Houthi rebels at the expense of our regional partners. By projecting weakness on the world stage, this administration has invited aggression.

The Houthis were previously designated as a foreign terrorist organization, or FTO, and a specially designated global terrorist organization. Then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo issued both designations in January 2021.

This was in response to the Houthis' violent takeover of Yemen's capital, years of civil war, and wide-scale suppression of Yemeni civilians, as well as the hundreds of cross-border attacks on Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The Houthis undertook this entire campaign of destruction with the backing of Iran, the leading state sponsor of terrorism.

Regrettably, the incoming Biden administration removed the two terrorist designations, even though Houthis continued to traffic in terror. Removing these designations with no concessions only emboldened the Houthi rebels.

After the designation was removed, the Houthis breached the former U.S. Embassy compound in Yemen. They forcibly detained several current and former U.S. Embassy locally employed staff and international aid workers, and Houthi cross-border attacks against Saudi Arabia doubled compared to the previous year.

The Houthis' terrorist activities reached new heights after Hamas' October 7, 2023, terror attack on Israel. Since then, the Houthis, with the support of Iran and their Hezbollah proxies, have undertaken a deadly and disruptive campaign. They have launched over 100 missiles and drone attacks on global shipping in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The Houthis' missile and drone attacks have killed mariners and have even sunk a ship. The Houthis have hijacked a ship and continue to hold its crew hostage.

Iran and Hezbollah are, according to declassified U.S. intelligence, directly involved in the Houthi campaign against international shipping.

These disruptions pose a serious threat to the global economy. Ships are rerouting around the Horn of Africa, adding approximately 10 days in additional travel time and up to $1 million in fuel costs. Moreover, insurance premiums for ships using the Red Sea have increased tenfold.

The United States and our international partners have responded with military force to defend against the incoming Houthi attacks and, in some cases, undertaken strikes on Houthi military infrastructure in Yemen.

We need to be exerting all forms of pressure and deterrence on the Houthis to stop these attacks. We cannot ignore the Houthis' true nature. Their slogan, Mr. Speaker, is: ``Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam.''

They are a terrorist organization and must be designated as such. This will ensure that all forms of support to the Houthis are subject to sanctions or criminal penalties.

While the Biden administration reimposed the specially designated global terrorist designation, it has substantial carve-outs that weaken the impact, essentially rendering it useless.

The stakes are too high, Mr. Speaker. One can only think about last Saturday night when Iran fired over 300 missiles and drones into Israel. It is the first time in history that rockets have been fired out of Iran into the State of Israel.

We must take action, and that is why this bill directs the Secretary of State to redesignate the Houthis as an FTO with no exceptions and no carve-outs.

The Houthis are waging an all-out war on global commerce and freedom of navigation, and Iran is bankrolling them.

If the United States and international community do not respond, we are, in essence, yielding to the demands of the terrorists. We are emboldening them and empowering them.

The Biden administration's weakness invited further Houthi aggression. Now it is up to the Congress to act and preserve our national security.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Congress of the United States, House of Representatives,

Committee on the Judiciary,

Washington, DC, March 1, 2024.

Hon. Michael McCaul,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman McCaul: I write regarding H.R. 6046. the

Standing Against Houthi Aggression Act. Provisions of this

bill fall within the Judiciary Committee's Rule X

jurisdiction, and I appreciate that you consulted with us on

those provisions. The Judiciary Committee agrees that it

shall be discharged from further consideration of the bill so

that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.

The Committee takes this action with the understanding that

forgoing further consideration of this measure does not in

any way alter the Committee's jurisdiction or waive any

future jurisdictional claim over these provisions or their

subject matter. We also reserve the right to seek appointment

of an appropriate number of conferees in the event of a

conference with the Senate involving this measure or similar

legislation.

I ask that you please include this letter in your

committee's report to accompany this legislation or insert

this letter in the Congressional Record during consideration

of H.R. 6046 on the House floor. I appreciate the cooperative

manner in which our committees have worked on this matter,

and I look forward to working collaboratively in the future

on matters of shared jurisdiction. Thank you for your

attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Jim Jordan,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde), a member of the Committee on Appropriations and the author of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Carter), the chairman of the Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Environment, Manufacturing, and Critical Materials.

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I and reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say I learned one thing in my 20 years here and as a history major, as well. It repeats itself.

If you message weakness, that invites aggression, conflict, and war. If you project strength, you have peace. Whether it be Israel, whether it be Ukraine, whether it be China and their ambitions with Taiwan, we are projecting weakness.

We are seeing around the world our global hot spots. The world is on fire now, Mr. Speaker, fires lit by a policy of appeasement.

When they lifted the FTO designation on the Houthi rebels, there is a direct cause and effect. I respect my good friend from the other side of the aisle, but messaging counts. Deterrence does count.

What happened after the Biden administration lifted the terrorist designation? We had crossed borders on Saudi Arabia that doubled to over 400 attacks, more than 180 on international shipping, and they are shutting down the Red Sea and commerce.

We are only emboldening, and unfortunately, the policy in the Middle East has always been to appease and accommodate Iran so that maybe Iran will one day sit down so we can break bread and have this glorious Iran deal.

I am an idealist and an optimist, but I am also a realist and pragmatic in my worldview. That was not going to happen.

What have we seen when the Biden administration lifted sanctions on energy? We have seen $80 billion in energy sold to China; $80 billion going to Iran to kill, for terror operations through their proxies; $80 billion to send missiles, rockets, and drones to Russia to kill Ukrainians. It is all connected. Those three are our adversaries and our enemies, all three of them.

This is not the time to be sending a message of weakness to the largest state sponsor of terror, for to do so will only invite more aggression.

We also have waived and let expire sanctions on the drones and missiles manufactured by Iran. Let's think about that. That just went away. So, guess what? Iran can now sell their drones and missiles wherever they want, putting more money into Iran for their terror operations.

I can go on and on. We know what is happening there. We saw what happened last Saturday, the reign of terror. Thank God the United States provided the moneys for the Iron Dome, David's Sling, and the Arrow, which brought down 99 percent of these attacks. Ninety-nine percent of these attacks were actually brought down, stopped, and intercepted because of this partnership against terror.

Mr. Speaker, to our servicemembers defending freedom of navigation right now in the Red Sea against the threat of Houthi rockets that they intercept every day, for the other side to say it is not connected to Iran just defies our U.S. intelligence community. We know exactly where it is coming from. They are the proxies. Iran, the Ayatollah, is the head of the snake and the proxies are the tentacles. It is time to deal with the tentacles, and it is also time to cut the head of the snake off.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1149, I call up the bill (H.R. 4691) to provide for congressional review of actions to terminate or waive sanctions imposed with respect to Iran, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, even after the Trump administration rightfully withdrew from the dangerous Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA, the Biden administration entered office committed to pursuing a new nuclear deal with Iran.

Throughout this administration's dealings with Iran, it was abundantly clear that Iran was taking advantage of the administration's blind commitment to negotiations just for the sake of negotiating.

A nuclear Iran is not acceptable--full stop. However, throughout 2021 and 2022, the Biden administration continued to push negotiations even as Iran escalated its nuclear provocations. Iran suspended compliance with the IAEA Additional Protocol. Iran installed new advanced centrifuges. Iran increased its uranium stockpile toward enrichment. Iran refused to cooperate with an IAEA investigation.

In fact, I met with the Director General of the IAEA at his office in Europe, and he said that the Iranians had a cyberattack on their office and stole all of their documents pertaining to their investigations dealing with compliance from Iran on the sites.

That is not a sign of good faith. You can't negotiate with somebody like that.

Still, they are intent on getting this nuclear deal done. It became very clear that they are desperate to reach a deal, even if it was a bad deal.

The irony, Mr. Speaker, is this: The very individual charged by Congress and the administration, the special envoy to Iran, Mr. Malley, is under FBI investigation for violations of his security clearance. That is our top negotiator to Iran.

My colleagues and I have been gravely concerned that this administration would lift Iranian sanctions in exchange for insufficient limitations on Iran's nuclear program. These concerns grew even more severe, again, after Rob Malley came under FBI investigation, which the State Department failed to notify Congress. When I invited him to testify about the Iran deal, I was told he was not available, and now we know why.

It is deeply disturbing that the United States Government no longer trusts the one who is spearheading our negotiations with an enemy regime. We can't afford any strategic miscalculations when it comes to Iran.

Again, as I said in the prior debate, deterrence is key, and you only deter and get peace through projecting strength, including strengthening our economic sanctions while they have eased them.

Every dollar that goes to the Iranian regime in any form has the potential to be deadly. The events of this past weekend demonstrate that. Iran launched over 350 missile and drone attacks on our ally, Israel--unprecedented in history. Israel, the United States, and other partners intercepted 99 percent of these weapons.

Iran is not 10 feet tall. That is why this legislation is so important. Congress and the American people need an opportunity to review any proposed plans to lift sanctions, especially the ones that Congress has mandated, on this rogue regime.

I thank my good friend, Mr. Self, on the Foreign Affairs Committee, who is also from the great State of Texas, for this bill. This bill requires the President to report to Congress on any plans to terminate or waive sanctions on Iran. It codifies a process for Congress to conduct oversight of these proposed waivers and terminations.

We have that power under Article I of the Constitution. Yet, when they waive sanctions that Congress passed, they are not notifying us. We deserve that right. We have a responsibility to keep the American people safe, and that requires the executive branch and Congress to work together to determine the national security interests of the United States. Congress must have a say in any attempts to broker any kind of deal with Iran.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Financial Services,

Washington, DC, April 14, 2024.

Hon. Michael McCaul,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman McCaul: Thank you for consulting with the

Committee on Financial Services regarding H.R. 4691, the Iran

Sanctions Relief Review Act of 2023. I agree that the

Committee shall be discharged from further consideration of

the bill so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House

Floor. The Committee takes this action with the mutual

understanding that, by foregoing consideration of H.R. 4691

at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over the

subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and

that the Committee will be appropriately consulted and

involved on this or similar legislation as it moves forward.

The Committee also reserves the right to see appointment of

an appropriate number of conferees to any conference with the

Senate involving this or similar legislation, and we request

your support for any such request.

Finally, as you mentioned in your letter, I ask that a copy

of our exchange of letters on this bill be included in your

Committee's report to accompany the legislation, as well as

in the Congressional Record during floor consideration.

Sincerely,

Patrick McHenry,

Chairman, Committee on Financial Services.

Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Self), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the author of this bill.

Madam Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared to close.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

I agree with some of the things my good friend has said. Diplomacy is extremely important. We deal with it on the committee all the time. It is called soft power. Then we have hard power. We sign off on foreign military weapons sales. Diplomacy at all costs needs to be tried, but when the diplomats fail, often we go to war or we have conflict.

The question before us is twofold. One, has Iran negotiated in good faith such that we would both waive or not enforce or let expire sanctions, many of them passed by Congress?

The second question is, are Article I authorities under the Constitution?

All we are simply asking for is when we pass a sanction--or the administration does so--that they notify Congress.

And I will tell you why this is important.

For months I tried to get Robert Malley, our special envoy to Iran, into the committee to testify on this Iran deal, but guess what? He refused to come testify. Why? Because we then find out he was under investigation by the FBI for potential violation of his security clearance.

This great Iran deal that they talk about has only brought Iran closer to a nuclear bomb, closer to weapons-grade uranium. They can go to 90 percent in days. If they get a nuclear warhead from Russia or North Korea, they have full capability, and they will become a nuclear state. We cannot let that happen.

They failed to declare nuclear sites in Iran. They kicked out investigators from the IAEA. Then in one of the most horrific displays of bad faith in negotiations, Mr. Speaker, do you know what they did? They launched a cyberattack on the IAEA to steal their documents related to their investigations on the very sites that the JCPOA was supposed to allow them in to examine. Then they blocked the inspectors from having access to these sites.

Now, I am all for negotiating. I am all for diplomacy. I don't think the Ayatollah is a good faith partner here, and I don't think he has our best interests at heart. They chant ``death to America,'' and ``death to Israel'' and call us ``Great Satan,'' and they call Israel ``Little Satan.'' They are closer to a bomb than they have ever been.

All we are saying, Mr. Speaker, is before you waive sanctions that Congress passed, or not enforce sanctions, just let us know. I don't think that is a big deal. I mean, Malley wouldn't testify before Congress. We didn't know why because they were hiding it from us. They didn't want us to know about the FBI investigation until the press reported it. We found out from the press--not from the administration, but from the press.

Let's look at some of the sanctions that they let expire and they have waived, and you tell me if that makes sense. The sanctions on energy, exporting energy to China, the majority going to China; we are allowing this axis of evil--the Ayatollah, Putin, and China--to work together with Iran exporting energy.

Mr. Speaker, $80 billion from China went into Iran to fund the very missiles and rockets and drones that we saw last Saturday night. It was the first attack from Iran into Israel in history.

Then they let the U.N. sanctions on exports to other countries for their missiles and drones to expire. Now, we have a bill to reinstate those sanctions. The very same drones and missiles were used to attack Israel last Saturday night, the very same drones and missiles that have been bought by Russia to kill Ukrainians. It is all interconnected. China is in this, the Ayatollah is in it, Putin is in it, and they are all profiting from Iran, who they provide technical expertise. Iran makes the stuff and the energy that they then buy from them to put the money in Iran to reign terror.

I think it only fair that the American people through their Representatives under Article I have the opportunity to even know when they are doing this and not operate behind a veil of secrecy. When a Republican President gets into office, what will the Democrats say then if they are hiding things on sanctions and investigations? I think we will hear the same argument that we are making on this side.

That is why this is not a partisan issue. This is about this institution under Article I. We have every right to know this, especially the sanctions that we pass in Congress. We always put a Presidential waiver in these things. Remember Nord Stream 2, we put a Presidential waiver. Nobody thought that a President would waive sanctions on a pipeline to put Europe in a state of dependency on Russian energy. Look how that one worked out. Did we know about it in advance? No. That didn't work out so well, did it?

Right after Afghanistan, guess what happens? Putin, the Russian Federation went into Ukraine. Chairman Xi is watching it. He is looking at Taiwan.

No. We have tried. We have tried acting in good faith with them. They are not acting in good faith with us, and the American people through its Representatives and the Congress, I say, have a right to know.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, my vote card was not working on the first vote on March 11, 2024. Had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 79.