Would the Chair state the parliamentary situation, please. I will address the various issues concerning the long- term unemployed in this country. Before that, I will make a couple of comments about the judges. Sixty-three of President…
Would the Chair state the parliamentary situation, please.
I will address the various issues concerning the long- term unemployed in this country. Before that, I will make a couple of comments about the judges.
Sixty-three of President Clinton's nominees were blocked from consideration. Four of President Bush's nominees have been blocked. Twenty percent of the Clinton nominees in the period of 1995 to 2000, the period when the other side controlled the Senate, the committees and the floor, were blocked and not given any opportunity to move forward. Many of those blocked were extraordinarily able people. Only four of President Bush's nominees have been blocked. Many of us feel very strongly that they represent extreme points of view outside of the legal mainstream in this country.
In a sense, the period over the last 6 years of the last century when an incredible number of the President's nominees were blocked is the genesis of the situation that people are talking about. Of course, the other side was able to do it in committee. They did not have to do it on the floor, they did it in the committee since they had a majority in the committee and they simply brought the curtain down at that point.
Yesterday, the New York Times ran an editorial entitled ``Chatter in the Cave of the Winds.'' I ask unanimous consent the full text of that editorial be printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks.
I will quote part of it and then I will elaborate on this issue.
Senate majority Republicans might take a moment--or even a
vote--to extend reassurance to the nation's millions of
unemployed tonight during the 30-hour ersatz ``filibuster''
they plan to protest the Democrats' blocking of President
Bush's more extremist judicial appointees. The filibusters
will talk through the night, performing from a political
script in a time-wasting tableau designed to produce campaign
fodder for next year. But out there in real life, federal
emergency unemployment benefits are scheduled to expire on
Dec. 31 with no sign of notice from the Republicans in
Congress. A year ago, they blithely quit the Capitol and let
the unemployed stew through the holidays before retroactively
approving a benefit extension that was far too modest.
I recall that very well because I was involved in the effort last year to try to extend these unemployment insurance benefits and the Congress left. It went home. The unemployment benefits ran out. People found themselves in absolutely dire circumstances. When the Congress finally returned, they extended the benefits retroactively. But meanwhile, people had passed through an extraordinarily difficult time for themselves and their family.
Nearly 9 million workers are unemployed today. There are another 4.8 million, just under 5 million Americans, who want full-time jobs but can only find part-time work. Some people
choose to work part-time. These are people who want to work full time but cannot find full-time jobs so they have part-time jobs. That is almost 14 million Americans, those that are unemployed and those that are underemployed. In addition to that we have about 1.5 million Americans who were in the labor force but dropped out because they are so discouraged about the prospects of finding work.
This is the worst jobless recovery since the Great Depression. During this administration we have lost 2.9 million private-sector jobs, as measured by employees on private nonfarm payrolls. This chart shows where we were in January of 2001 and this is where we are in October of 2003. That is a loss of just under 3 million jobs.
Even the Secretary of the Treasury is not predicting that all of those jobs, will be recovered by the end of this term. He has made a prediction which a lot of people think cannot be achieved, but even the administration is not predicting that they are going to recover all of the lost jobs.
Now, if they do not recover these lost jobs, and I see no way that they can possibly do that, this will be the first presidential administration since Herbert Hoover under which the economy has lost private-sector jobs.
This chart shows presidents and private-sector jobs gained or lost during an administration, in millions. We start with President Harding and then we go to President Coolidge. The green on the chart shows there was job gain during those administrations. Then we plunge down with President Hoover and we come back for job gains, all positive, net job gains during these administrations, President Roosevelt, President Truman, President Eisenhower, President Kennedy, President Johnson, President Nixon, President Ford, President Carter, President Reagan, President Bush the first, President Clinton; and, now, the current President Bush, with a negative, net job loss.
In the past, it has been a long-standing bipartisan policy to extend unemployment insurance during periods of labor market weakness. Unemployment insurance benefits were actually extended four times during the Reagan administration and three times during the first Bush Administration. The month we are in is the 31st month since the recession began. At this point during the 1990s recession, every worker was eligible for a minimum of 20 weeks of additional benefit. The basic benefit is 26 weeks. We then seek to extend it if the labor market is not improving, so people can support their families. Actually, the benefit they get is less than 50 percent of what they were earning and in order to draw an unemployment insurance benefit you must have built up an employment record. So by definition, you were working and you had a job, you lost your job, and only then do you get the unemployment insurance benefit. The benefit is designed to help carry you and your family through difficult circumstances.
Now we have 13 weeks of extended benefits but that pales in comparison with what was done in previous times. It certainly is inadequate in the face of a labor market in which we are not recovering jobs. What are these people to do who lose their jobs, they start drawing unemployment benefits, the benefits run out, they have been looking for work, they cannot find work, and then they no longer receive benefits. How do they support their family at a minimum level? They cannot do it.
As the New York Times said in this article:
After the tax-cutting binges President Bush and Congress
engineered for the affluent, failure to renew the nation's
helping hand to the jobless would present a scandalous
holiday scenario worthy of Dickens. More than talk, action is
required.
They are absolutely right. Mr. President, 1.4 million American workers have exhausted their benefits and are unable to find work. They are out in the cold with no support. We now have over 2 million long- term unemployed. That is people who have been out of work for 26 weeks or more.
When President Bush came into office in January of 2001, the number of long-term unemployed, people unemployed for more than 26 weeks, was 660,000. The number of long-term unemployed in October of 2003, is just over two million. The number of long-term unemployed has tripled in the course of this administration. It now constitutes 23 percent of the entire unemployed population.
The last time such a large percentage of the unemployed were the long-term employed--in other words, people out of work for more than 26 weeks--was 20 years ago. This is the worst performance in 20 years, in two decades. Obviously, we need to extend these unemployment benefits and repeated efforts to do so have been blocked. The leadership is talking about leaving at the end of next week until next year. Of course, what that means is millions more will run out of their benefits and be unable to sustain their families.
There is money in the unemployment insurance trust fund for this purpose. That money is paid in, in good times, in order to address the situation in bad times. But that money is not being used. It was specifically set aside for this purpose. The extension of unemployment insurance benefits is a policy we have followed in the past. It has support from both sides.
These benefits are for people without jobs. I am hearing lamentations about four people who did not get their Federal judgeships. They have other jobs. These people have no jobs.
We made repeated efforts to bring the legislation up. I will make such an effort right now, once again. There is legislation pending to address this issue in the Finance Committee. It would help these workers. It would help our economy. It would ensure that we did not go through the travail and the turmoil which occurred at the end of last year, as well. It would provide an additional 13 weeks of benefits to those who have already exhausted their benefits.
[From the New York Times, Nov. 12, 2003]
Chatter in the Cave of the Winds
Senate majority Republicans might take a moment--or even a
vote--to extend reassurance to the nation's millions of
unemployed tonight during the 30-hour ersatz ``filibuster''
they plan to protest the Democrats' blocking of President
Bush's more extremist judicial appointees. The filibusterers
will talk through the night, performing from a political
script in a time-wasting tableau designed to produce campaign
fodder for next year. But out there in real life, federal
emergency unemployment benefits are scheduled to expire on
Dec. 31, with no sign of notice from the Republicans in
Congress. A year ago, they blithely quit the Capitol and let
the unemployed stew through the holidays before retroactively
approving a benefit extension that was far too modest.
This filibuster has no practical purpose. In the older
days, a single lawmaker had to talk nonstop to block a hated
bill; nowadays, the leadership merely counts heads to see if
enough senators want to block a bill and then it is silently
hung up. So if the retro-orators just want to make rhetorical
points today and run short of topics, we beg them to ponder
their jobless constituents instead of resorting to
boilerplate sound bites and creaky filibuster stunts (in sad
memory there was Alfonse D'Amato's singing an ``Old
McDonald'' parody).
Serious help is needed for the 2.4 million more recent
jobless facing the end of their state benefits, not to
mention the 2.1 million long-term unemployed who have slipped
off the job-hunting scope. The promising uptick in the deep
hiring slump--126,000 new jobs in October--is less than half
the rate needed to even begin to dent the backup of
joblessness. To deal realistically with the problem, Congress
needs to double--to 26 weeks from 13 weeks--the federal
emergency benefits that are available when state benefits run
out. This would be similar to the help offered during the
recession of a decade ago when long-term joblessness,
especially in manufacturing, was hardly the problem it is
now.
After the tax-cutting binges President Bush and Congress
engineered for the affluent, failure to renew the nation's
helping hand to the jobless would present a scandalous
holiday scenario worthy of Dickens. More than talk, action is
required.
Unanimous Consent Request--S. 1853
Therefore, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session, that the Finance Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 1853, a bill to extend unemployment insurance benefits for displaced workers; that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration; that the bill be read the third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.
Mr. President I made a unanimous consent request, which is pending.
The Senator does not modify the unanimous consent request.