I yield to Senator Reid. Madam President, I thank the Senate for allowing a lengthy debate this morning about a very serious issue. I am looking across the Senate to the distinguished junior Senator from Alaska, a new Member of the Senate.…
I yield to Senator Reid.
Madam President, I thank the Senate for allowing a lengthy debate this morning about a very serious issue. I am looking across the Senate to the distinguished junior Senator from Alaska, a new Member of the Senate. She has behind her a very big picture. She will explain it in more detail. But might I ask, that is a picture of a totally infested forest in your State; correct?
Would you mind answering a couple of questions? We have been hearing about fires in California moving in the direction now, if they have not already, of an area that is highly infested.
Last night on television we heard various announcers talk about it. They described it from the field, for those who were there. They said: This forest is like Christmas trees many months after Christmas, just standing there like dried pieces of wood. And they said that we know what happens to those after Christmas when you put a match to them.
That is what we are talking about in this forest you have there.
Before Senator Feinstein leaves on her way out, I will not ask you anything; I am just going to speak about you.
First, I thank you for your leadership in this regard. Some people think that it is only New Mexico and Utah and Wyoming that have forest fire problems and that have forests that are clogged to the gills because we have not maintained and cleaned them. Some think the only infested forests are in Alaska.
As I understand it, you have all of those and probably in larger quantities than most of us combined. I say, for those of us who have been trying desperately to get a bill that treated these situations in a way that could be solved, it was truly a Godsend that we got some powerful and thinking Democrats who decided to join us. You are one of them.
Senator Wyden, I thank you. There are more than the two of you. But every time we needed a voice, you were there. I don't know what they said about you at home. I don't know what those people who don't want to do anything said about you. But I assumed they didn't say all nice things because every time you try to modify the law, there is somebody back home who runs an ad that you are trying to log all the forests in the State or that you don't care about preserving the beauty of your State, that you have just turned yours over to the logging industry.
I see the Senator nodding. You must have had some of that already. And Senator Wyden, you must have, although you have already felt the wrath of not being able to log anything in your State, and you have seen what happened to thousands of workers.
I just wanted to, as part of my opening remarks, thank you.
We will also have to take up, as part of the Iraq bill, the Domenici- Feinstein bill on proper notice and opening up all the decisions that are going to be made over there to the public and in a regular order manner. We will do that later in the day and maybe have another victory.
We have an array of Senators, not just Republicans--not the few who have been fighting for years about this issue of the failure to maintain our forests--we have a lot of Senators who have come around to our way of thinking, Democrat and Republican. It almost is unbelievable to see that forest in Alaska, which is no longer a forest other than by name, to see what is happening in California as brush fires move quickly toward an entire forest that is dried, dead trees, and then to ask the question: Why is that so? Wouldn't it be rational that we cut them down? Wouldn't it be rational that rather than leave them there as natural incendiaries, ready to literally blow up, just poof, and they go right up in the sky as these kind of trees burn, wouldn't it be logical to do something about it?
Well, the truth is, we have not been able to do anything about it for one of the most ridiculous reasons anybody could have in mind, but it has worked until today. That is, anything you try to do is logging forests. Anything you try to do is turning the forests over to the loggers. Would you believe year after year after year that has prevailed? I don't know what we could have done when we passed legislation, when we begged these same groups, let's write in something about logging, let's talk about the size of the trees, let's do anything reasonable, as we talked about what has happened to American forests.
I don't know if the distinguished occupant of the chair knows what forests looked like 20 years ago in our public forests, and what they look like today; but I can tell you they don't look like the same forests. They used to be cleaned: there used to be spacing; it used to be that the trees--I nicknamed what we were trying to do one time on the Senate floor--what we are trying to do is make the forests ``happy'' again. I meant that they could see the sun, and they would probably smile, instead of being clogged up together where they grow straight up. But nobody dare touch that forest and clean it up and make it a forest like it used to be because they will be sued and things will be delayed, a judge will take over, and the judge will say: Every ``t'' has not been crossed, every ``i'' has not been dotted. You cannot do it.
One day in 1998, after we had our share of fires, after a huge fire in my State--I think it was the second most serious fire to the California fires in terms of burning down homes--450 houses at Los Alamos. Incidentally, if you are looking at what things might cost, that was done by the Federal Government that messed up and burned it by mistake and we had to pay. That one cost over a half billion dollars to the town and the people for what they lost, including houses and streets that were broken and torn up. I would not even want to guess what the California fire will cost. I hope that the houses are insured.
Nonetheless, if you add it all up, it is costs. I don't see how it is going to be less than $5 billion or $6 billion, based on the little bit I know that I am sharing with you. The truth is that there is no reason under the Sun to delay moving ahead with that forest in Alaska, and moving ahead quickly, get it cut down; and whatever utility there is in the trees, use it. If there is none, have planned burns so you can give way to some growth that will be healthy again. That is why we have called this now the Healthy Forests Act.
Might I quickly say that while we weren't able to expedite everything the way some of us wanted, although everything is expedited in this bill, at least cleaning up forests such as the one in Alaska, huge acres of infested trees, in this bill that will move quickly in the future. It can be delayed and go to court once. But the overall thrust of the bill is that it won't be delayed for years as in the past. So the distinguished Senator from Alaska hopes to see some of that removed soon, during her first elected term in the Senate.
Now, I began by thanking Senator Cochran and his staff for moving ahead with this legislation. It was determined that it was their jurisdiction because of the way it was written, not the jurisdiction of my committee, the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. They did a great job. I am not going to bother the Senate with a lot of statistics about the health of our national forests, but there are some facts of importance.
Our Federal agencies tell us that 190 million acres are at risk to catastrophic fires or attack from insects and disease--190 million acres. This is an area equal to the size of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and most of Maryland. It means that much land covered by forests is no longer real forest, it is insect-riddled forest like that in the photo of Alaska, most of which should be removed so good trees can grow, and so we can eliminate catastrophic fires that can occur quickly, simply, and easily and go through and scourge the area--worse than Attila the Hun--leaving nothing.
In the last 5 years, we have burned--including what we have burned this year--24 million acres; 24 million acres have been scorched. That is an area as large as Vermont, New Hampshire, and Connecticut. I am not here saying we will never have forest fires and we should never have them. What I am saying is they should not be occurring where improvements exist, homes exist, National Laboratories exist, where businesses exist because we already know we ought to clean around them so they will not burn.
As a matter of fact, the principal reason for the bill I introduced, which I said we called ``happy forests,'' was to get at this issue we called urban interface. We still have not done a great deal. In fact, I am just learning that of the $250 million that we put in that bill back then, there is still over $100 million in both the BLM and Forest Service that has not been spent on happy forests. So maybe when we get this bill finished, we can finally get an organized plan for funding that will see us making some headway. We have seen insects destroy the forests in a dozen Western States, severely impacting forests in Eastern States.
One such outbreak in southeastern California has destroyed 450,000 acres, half the national forest that it is located on, in an area almost as large as the State of Rhode Island.
Let me put the forest health disaster in context. During that same period,
the Forest Service has only thinned or harvested 1.4 million acres, which is slightly larger than Delaware. We have burned 17 times more rangeland in the last 5 years than we have attempted to manage--land that we know should be managed, cleaned up, unclogged, and we should get rid of the waste on the ground that is a fire trap. We have burned 17 times more than we have attempted to clean up and manage.
So this bill is going to improve forest health, if we can ever get it passed. I hope those who have delayed it in the Senate will let us get on with it. I have been amazed to hear the reason some have said--that they are holding this bill up because they could not understand it. Well, I don't know how all these Senators, from the ones I mentioned on the other side of the aisle to the ones on this side, could all say it is a meaningful bill, and then we can have one or two Senators, or their staffs, saying they are against it because they don't know what it means. Maybe they should ask or let us bring it up, and if they think it is not clear, offer an amendment.
I think it is clear, and I think it is a good bill. I don't think in some areas it goes far enough, but you have to do what you can. Now we have a great bipartisan coalition and we will have to work with the House, which wants to go more in the direction of expediting matters. But this is going to result in improving the health of our forests over time. It will result in a more public expedited process for moving hazardous fuels projects through the NEPA process. I didn't say ``without'' the NEPA process, as we are being accused of out in the hinterland. It is going to provide that that would be expedited. There is nothing in the NEPA law that says you cannot do that. It prioritizes the treatment of 20 million acres in the wildland/urban interface. I described that.
Twenty million acres are supposed to receive high-priority treatment to clean this stuff that is around urbaness, and make it less volatile from the standpoint of burning. When we had our Los Alamos fire, which I alluded to, it came perilously close to burning some very important laboratory buildings. Suffice it to say that most of them were saved because the laboratory had cleaned up 200 or 300 feet around each one and left no trees, so they had to jump all the way over that to get some buildings.
On the other hand, the fire got a few buildings that were not so important and where there had been no cleaning and burned them. We spent a lot of money replacing a few of the buildings.
This bill says 20 million of this wildland/urban interface, as well as outside the wildland/urban interface is at highest risk, and they are called that: high-risk areas.
This bill calls for court cases on hazardous fuels projects to be heard within the district in which they are located, encouraging the courts to deal with these cases in a timely manner, and directs that all preliminary injunctions be reviewed every 60 days, with an opportunity for the parties to update the judges on the conditions about which courts should know.
Finally, the bill reminds the courts that when weighing the equities, they should balance the impacts to the ecosystem of the short- and long-term effects of undertaking a project against the short- and long- term effects of not undertaking a project. That is very important. It cannot be one-sided. There is always somebody who can say there is a bad side to it, but the judges now will have to look at and balance the short- and long-term effects of not doing the project with undertaking the project. They are going to find that a lot more than in the past, it will not be subject to the court holding them up.
What is the difference in the House bill and this bill?
First, we have restricted the use of this authority under this act to only the highest risk areas.
We have emphasized the importance of working within the wildland urban interface by requiring 50 percent of the funds nationally be spent within the wildland urban interface.
We have emphasized the importance of quickly dealing with insect and disease epidemics and the salvage of wind-thrown or ice-damaged timber due to their suseptability to insects and disease.
We have increased the amount of up-front public input to project development and NEPA by adding a process for communities to develop a community fire protection plan to help inform the Federal land managers of a community's priorities and by requiring all projects to be developed through the collaborative process developed by the western Governors group.
We have added the authority for the agencies, in cooperation with State and local government, to treat community escape routes as part of the wildland urban interface. This is a major improvement over the House-passed bill.
Until the community fire protection plans are completed, we have laid out criteria for how far from the wildland urban interface the community protection projects may be undertaken. These criteria are flexible enough to take advantage of geographic features, such as ridge-tops, rivers, or roads, but restrictive enough to ensure projects undertaken in the wildland urban interface will really protect the community.
We clarified what Congress wants in terms of a new pre-decisional protest process by requiring the Secretary to establish such a process while ensuring the public will play a part in the development of the new appeals process.
Unlike the House version, we have limited the use of this new appeals process to just projects authorized by this act, rather than having it apply to all Forest Service activities.
We have, for the first time, included language designed to protect old growth and fire resistant large trees. This protection is based on forest plans.
Where those forest plans are old, or outdated, we require the Secretary to complete a plan revision or amendment to address old growth and large fire resilient trees, while at the same time including enough flexibility to ensure work need to improve fire resiliency can be carried out.
We have narrowed the scope of changes under judicial review to just those projects undertaken under the authority of this act.
We have also included all of the judicial review provisions from the Wyden-Feinstein proposal, S. 1352.
Finally, we have authorized $760 million annually for hazardous fuel reduction work, including the projects authorized under this act, which is more than double what is currently being requested.
I thank the Senate for listening. I yield the floor.