Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition, although I do not oppose the amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3\1/2\ minutes. I am pleased to join the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson), a colleague on…
Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition, although I do not oppose the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3\1/2\ minutes.
I am pleased to join the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson), a colleague on the Committee on International Relations, in offering this important amendment. As the gentlewoman has explained, this amendment states that it shall be the policy of the United States to seek the expeditious transfer of Charles Taylor to the Special Court for Sierra Leone so that he can be tried for war crimes.
Mr. Chairman, Charles Taylor has been indicted on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Special Court for the role that he played in Sierra Leone's brutal war. This hybrid court, which has been supported by this body, has been given jurisdiction over those who bear the greatest responsibility for the atrocities and the human rights violations.
And those atrocities were, indeed, widespread. Human rights violations there were grave. During the 1990s, then-President Taylor of Liberia supported what was called the Revolutionary United Front. That was designated by the State Department as a terrorist organization. He supported them in Sierra Leone, and they were notorious for hacking off the limbs and the arms and the legs even of young children. When I chaired the Africa Subcommittee, we hosted some of those victims on Capitol Hill, child victims; and we held numerous hearings examining the chaos in West Africa caused by this one man, Charles Taylor.
In May, the House overwhelmingly passed Resolution 127, and the Senate concurred, calling on the Nigerian Government to transfer Taylor to the Special Court. I still have hope; yet today, Charles Taylor continues to safely reside in exile in Nigeria. In August of 2003, some believed that removing Taylor from Liberia and giving him exile would prevent Liberia and West Africa from destabilization.
Instead of facing justice at the Special Court in Freetown, though, Taylor was given a seaside villa in Calabar, Nigeria; and in exchange, Taylor was supposed to refrain from political activity, but Taylor broke that deal. So 2 years after the exile deal, Taylor is still very much involved in undermining Liberian politics as the nation prepares for elections. He is working to undermine a peace process that has been supported by the United States and Congress with hundreds of millions of dollars, and he said he will return to Liberia.
I believe, and I think my colleagues believe, that he is going to try to return because we remember his words. He said, when he got on that plane, ``God willing, I'll be back.''
Mr. Chairman, Charles Taylor remains a serious and continuing threat to West African peace and security, which is counter to U.S. interests. I am convinced that there will be no chance for peace in West Africa until Taylor is removed. We underestimate him at our peril, and it must be the policy of the United States to seek the transfer of Charles Taylor to the Special Court. This has to be a pillar in our policy towards West Africa. We need to press harder than we have been. Bringing Charles Taylor to justice will help further U.S.-Nigeria relations, help bring peace to Liberia, and strengthen the rule of law on the continent.
It is time for Charles Taylor to face up to his crimes. This amendment deserves the strong support of this House of Representatives.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations Subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 2601. The chairman, Ranking Member, and Committee members have worked well to give our State Department the tools necessary to carry out our Nations' foreign policy in a very challenging world.
As Chairman of the Subcommittee on International Terrorism and Nonproliferation, I'd like to bring attention to two important provisions in this bill.
Importantly, this bill offers support to the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative, a comprehensive counter-terrorism program in north Africa. Its predecessor, the Pan-Sahel Initiative, has worked to boost the anti-terrorist capabilities of Mauritania, Mali, Niger and Chad--producing promising results with modest resources. The effort to expand the PSI into the TSCTI, so that countries across the Sahara are able to bolster their ability to deny terrorist sanctuaries, is a much- needed development. Transnational terrorists, linked to al-Qaeda, have been found operating in this vast, and largely ungoverned portion of the world. The United States must respond to Africa's growing strategic importance. This program, when fully implemented, will be an important step in that direction.
Additionally, the bill updates the existing legislation requiring that the State Department annually report to Congress on Patterns of Global Terrorism. For the past 2 years, this key report has been mired in controversy. The 2003 edition errored in underreporting attacks. The 2004 report was issued minus its traditional annex statistically reporting on the number of terrorist attacks worldwide.
This legislation, which builds upon a hearing held by the Subcommittee on International Terrorism and Nonproliferation, seeks to address those controversies and improve Patterns by requiring a single authoritative report and updating the criteria to be used in cataloging terrorist attacks. For instance, in 2004--under the old criteria--a Russian airliner downed by Chechen terrorists was not recorded, as it was deemed to not involve citizens of more than one country. Yet, a second Russian airliner, which was taken out of the sky simultaneously by Chechen terrorists, was counted--as one passenger was a foreign national. With this legislation, such parsing should be eliminated--and terrorism will be counted as terrorism--so that we can get full grasp of the challenges facing us. The legislation also requires the Secretary of State to appear before Congress to present the annual Patterns of Global Terrorism report. The threat to the United States, our allies and interests from transnational terrorism will require every element of national power to combat it. Congress has a key role to play in this regard.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.