Madam Speaker, what do you say about a man like Ronald Reagan that has not already been said? Ronald Reagan took the oath of office here in Washington D.C. in 1981 and, actually, just a short distance from where we are standing here this…
Madam Speaker, what do you say about a man like Ronald Reagan that has not already been said? Ronald Reagan took the oath of office here in Washington D.C. in 1981 and, actually, just a short distance from where we are standing here this afternoon. At that time that he took office, I was 15 years old. I did not realize at that time the impact that this new President would have on this Nation and the world. I did not realize the moral and strong leadership that he would provide this Nation.
Ronald Reagan served in the highest office of our land throughout my time in high school, college, and my first couple of years of law school. And with most of America, I listened to the tributes as they started pouring in over this past weekend. During the weekend and since that time, President Reagan's speeches, his remarks and comments have been played and reviewed time and time again.
However, over the weekend I heard one speech that I had never heard before. It was a speech that President Reagan delivered at a prayer breakfast
in Dallas, Texas, on the morning of August 23, 1984. It is so relevant to our situation today that if you did not know better, you would think he delivered the speech just a few days ago.
He discussed religion and its role in the political life of our Nation. He made clear from the beginning of his speech that he was not speaking as a theologian or as a scholar, but rather as someone who had been around for quite a few years.
He talked about the critical role in the political life of this Nation that faith and religion had played and, furthermore, how that had worked to benefit our Nation.
He went on to say that the Founders understood that there was a divine order which transcends the human order. He then eloquently stated that he believed George Washington knew the city of man cannot survive without the city of God, and that the visible city will perish without the invisible city.
While time will not permit me to discuss all of his remarks today, I would like to include his remarks in the Record that President Reagan made at that prayer breakfast in Dallas in 1984. Of course, it would not be appropriate to talk about Ronald Reagan without talking about how much he loved life and how much he valued life. He was a man of compassion, and people of all ages would do well to emulate Ronald Wilson Reagan.
Remarks at an Ecumenical Prayer Breakfast in Dallas, Texas, August 23,
1984
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, very much. And, Martha
Weisend, thank you very much. And I could say that if the
morning ended with the music we have just heard from that
magnificent choir, it would indeed be a holy day for all of
us.
It's wonderful to be here this morning. The past few days
have been pretty busy for all of us, but I've wanted to be
with you today to share some of my own thoughts.
These past few weeks it seems that we've all been hearing a
lot of talk about religion and its role in politics, religion
and its place in the political life of the Nation. And I
think it's appropriate today, at a prayer breakfast for
17,000 citizens in the State of Texas during a great
political convention, that this issue be addressed.
I don't speak as a theologian or a scholar, only as one
who's lived a little more than his threescore ten--which has
been a source of annoyance to some--[laughter]--and as one
who has been active in the political life of the Nation for
roughly four decades and now who's served the past 3\1/2\
years in our highest office. I speak, I think I can say, as
one who has seen much, who has loved his country, and who's
seen it change in many ways.
I believe that faith and religion play a critical role in
the political life of our nation--and always has--and that
the church--and by that I mean all churches, all
denominations--has had a strong influence on the state. And
this has worked to our benefit as a nation.
Those who created our country--the Founding Fathers and
Mothers--understood that there is a divine order which
transcends the human order. They saw the state, in fact, as a
form of moral order and felt that the bedrock of moral order
is religion.
The Mayflower Compact began with the words, ``In the name
of God, amen.'' The Declaration of Independence appeals to
``Nature's God'' and the ``Creator'' and ``the Supreme Judge
of the world.'' Congress was given a chaplain, and the oaths
of office are oaths before God.
James Madison in the Federalist Papers admitted that in the
creation of our Republic he perceived the hand of the
Almighty. John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court, warned that we must never forget the God from whom our
blessings flowed.
George Washington referred to religion's profound and
unsurpassed place in the heart of our nation quite directly
in his Farewell Address in 1796. Seven years earlier, France
has erected a government that was intended to be purely
secular. This new government would be grounded on reason
rather than the law of God. By 1796 the French Revolution had
know the Reign of Terror.
And Washington voiced reservations about the idea that
there could be a wise policy without a firm moral and
religious foundation. He said, ``Of all the dispositions and
habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and
morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man
(call himself a patriot) who (would) labour to subvert these
. . . finest [firmest] \1\ props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere Politician . . . (and) the pious man ought
to respect and to cherish (religion and morality).'' And he
added, ``. . . let us with caution indulge the supposition,
that morality can be maintained without religion.''
\1\ White House correction.
I believe that George Washington knew the City of Man
cannot survive without the City of God, that the Visible City
will perish without the Invisible City.
Religion played not only a strong role in our national
life; it played a positive role. The abolitionist movement
was at heart a moral and religious movement; so was the
modern civil rights struggle. And throughout this time, the
state was tolerant of religious belief, expression, and
practice. Society, too, was tolerant.
But in the 1960's this began to change. We began to make
great steps toward secularizing our nation and removing
religion from its honored place.
In 1962 the Supreme Court in the New York prayer case
banned the compulsory saying of prayers. In 1963 the Court
banned the reading of the Bible in our public schools. From
that point on, the courts pushed the meaning of the ruling
ever outward, so that now our children are not allowed
voluntary prayer. We even had to pass a law--we passed a
special law in the Congress just a few weeks ago to allow
student prayer groups the same access to schoolrooms after
classes that a young Marxist society, for example, would
already enjoy with no opposition.
The 1962 decision opened the way to a flood of similar
suits. Once religion had been made vulnerable, a series of
assaults were made in one court after another, on one issue
after another. Cases were started to argue against tax-exempt
status for churches. Suits were brought to abolish the words
``under God'' from the Pledge of Allegiance and to remove
``In God We Trust'' from public documents and from our
currency.
Today there are those who are fighting to make sure
voluntary prayer is not returned to the classrooms. And the
frustrating thing for the great majority of Americans who
support and understand the special importance of religion in
the national life--the frustrating thing is that those who
are attacking religion claim they are doing it in the name of
tolerance, freedom, and openmindedness. Question: Isn't the
real truth that they are intolerant of religion? [Applause]
They refuse to tolerate its importance in our lives.
If all the children of our country studied together all of
the many religions in our country, wouldn't they learn
greater tolerance of each other's beliefs? If children prayed
together, would they not understand what they have in common,
and would this not, indeed, bring them closer, and is this
not to be desired? So, I submit to you that those who
claim to be fighting for tolerance on this issue may not
be tolerant at all.
When John Kennedy was running for President in 1960, he
said that his church would not dictate his Presidency any
more than he would speak for his church. Just so, and proper.
But John Kennedy was speaking in an America in which the role
of religion--and by that I mean the role of all churches--was
secure. Abortion was not of religion--and by that I mean the
role of all churches--was secure. Abortion was not a
political issue. Prayer was not a political issue. The right
of church schools to operate was not a political issue. And
it was broadly acknowledged that religious leaders had a
right and a duty to speak out on the issues of the day. They
held a place of respect, and a politician who spoke to or of
them with a lack of respect would not long survive in the
political arena.
It was acknowledged then that religion held a special
place, occupied a special territory in the hearts of the
citizenry. The climate has changed greatly since then. And
since it has, it logically follows that religion needs
defenders against those who care only for the interests of
the state.
There are, these days, many questions on which religious
leaders are obliged to offer their moral and theological
guidance, and such guidance is a good and necessary thing. To
know how a church and its members feel on a public issue
expands the parameters of debate. It does not narrow the
debate; it expands it.
The truth is, politics and morality are inseparable. And as
morality's foundation is religion, religion and politics are
necessarily related. We need religion as a guide. We need it
because we are imperfect, and our government needs the
church, because only those humble enough to admit they're
sinners can bring to democracy the tolerance it requires in
order to survive.
A state is nothing more than a reflection of its citizens;
the more decent the citizens, the more decent the state. If
you practice a religion, whether you're Catholic, Protestant
Jewish, or guided by some other faith, then your private life
will be influenced by a sense of moral obligation, and so,
too, will your public life. One affects the other. The
churches of America do not exist by the grace of the state;
the churches of America are not mere citizens of the state.
The churches of America exist apart; they have their own
vantage point, their own authority. Religion is its own
realm; it makes its own claims.
We establish no religion in this country, nor will we ever.
We command no worship. We mandate no belief. But we poison
our society when we remove its theological underpinnings. We
court corruption when we leave it bereft of belief. All are
free to believe or not believe; all are free to practice a
faith or not. But those who believe must be free to speak of
and act on their belief, to apply moral teaching to public
questions.
I submit to you that the tolerant society is open to and
encouraging of all religious. And this does not weaken us; it
strengthens us, it makes us strong. You know, if we look back
through history to all those great civilizations, those great
nations that rose up to even world dominance and then
deteriorated, declined, and fell, we find they all had one
thing in common. One of the significant forerunners of their
fall was their turning away from their God or gods.
Without God, there is no virtue, because there's no
prompting of the conscience. Without God, we're mired in the
material, that flat world that tells us only what the senses
perceive. Without God, there is a coarsening of the society.
And without God, democracy will not and cannot long endure.
If we ever forget that we're one nation under God, then we
will be a nation gone under.
If I could just make a personal statement of my own--in
these 3\1/2\ years I have understood and known better than
ever before the words of Lincoln, when he said that he would
be the greatest fool on this footstool called Earth if he
ever thought that for one moment he could perform the duties
of that office without help from One who is stronger then
all.
I thank you, thank you for inviting us here today. Thank
you for your kindness and your patience. May God keep you,
and may we, all of us, keep God.
Thank you.