Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Mr. Saxton and Mr. Engel for joining with me in introducing this critically important resolution, urging the EU to add Hezbollah to its terrorist list. For 23 years, Hezbollah has led a global campaign of terror aided by Syria and Iran that has targeted American, Israeli, European, South American, Asian and Arab citizens alike. Dubbed the ``A-team of terror'' by former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, the global security threat posed by Hezbollah nears--if not surpasses--that of Al Qaeda.

Since its inception in 1982, Hezbollah has carried out the bombings of the American Embassy in Lebanon, the Israeli Embassy in Argentina and the U.S. and French Marine bases in Beirut, among others. Hezbollah still has a formidable presence in Lebanon, as demonstrated by last week's rally organized by Hezbollah in Beirut, where half a million people gathered to express their support for Syria, while chanting ``death to America; death to Israel'' and waving pictures of Syrian President Bashar Assad. This position openly defies international demands, as well as that of an American and French-initiated U.N. Security Council Resolution, which calls for a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon and the disarmament of Hezbollah.

In past years, Hezbollah has increasingly supported groups designated by the EU as terrorist organizations, including the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

Moreover, EU Member States such as France and Germany have taken recent legal action against Hezbollah, including the German deportation of a Hezbollah agent and the French banning of Hezbollah television, Al Manar. The EU has also included several officials affiliated with Hezbollah on its terrorist list, thereby precluding the transfer of funds to these individuals from EU Member States. Finally, the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly last Thursday for a resolution urging the EU Council to ``take all necessary steps to curtail Hezbollah'' due to ``clear evidence of terrorist activity.''

It defies logic that the EU would take such action and, at the same time, omit Hezbollah from its terrorist list.

In fact, an EU representative recently affirmed that Palestinian officials are increasingly concerned about the enhanced presence of Hezbollah in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Palestinians fear that Hezbollah will undermine a negotiated ceasefire and target Abu Mazen, who has faced severe criticism from Hezbollah, in addition to assassination threats. A Palestinian official recently cited an intercepted email and bank transaction indicating that Hezbollah has increased its payments to Palestinian terrorists from $20,000 to $100,000 per attack. If the EU was to add Hezbollah to its terrorist list, such transactions may be impeded by an EU financial block.

In past years, EU Member states have sought to distinguish between the political and military wings of Hezbollah. However, Hezbollah officials themselves do not believe this distinction can be made-- proving the futility of such claims. This was reiterated by Mohammad Raad, one of Hezbollah's representatives in the Lebanese Parliament, who stated that ``Hezbollah is a military resistance party, and it is our task to fight the occupation of our land . . . There is no separation between politics and resistance.''

Hezbollah does not discriminate in its targeting of innocent civilians, and the EU should not discriminate in its classification of terror. As such, the European Union must join the ranks of America, Canada, Israel and Australia in taking firm action against Hezbollah and adding them to its terrorist list. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to the so- called ``Class Action Fairness Act.'' I have strong objections to not only to the text of the bill itself but also to the very process by which it was strong-armed by the Republican leadership past the Judiciary Committee. This process did not allow any opportunity for committee members to raise our objections or to work constructively to fix the major problems in this legislation. This circumvention of regular order is being sold to us with a myriad of excuses, one of them is that the bill is a simple procedural fix for a judicial crisis with nothing controversial in it.

Nothing could be further from the truth. This bill is a federal mandate to undermine and all but kill the ability to raise class actions cases in State courts. Under this so-called ``procedural bill,'' almost every class action lawsuit would be removed from State jurisdiction and forced onto an already overburdened Federal judiciary. Moving these cases to Federal court will make litigation more costly, more time-consuming and less likely that victims can get their rightful day in court at all. This bill is so preposterously far-reaching it would prevent State courts from considering class action cases that only involve State laws. We have already added so many State cases to Federal jurisdiction that if this bill passes victims will be added to the substantial backlog of Federal cases and will likely find it difficult to ever have their cases heard.

It should be obvious to even the most casual observer that the intent of this bill is to prevent class action lawsuits from ever being heard. Members should make no mistake about it--if we pass this misguided legislation, we will have effectively shut the door on civil rights, on workers rights and on anyone injured through corporate negligence.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing one of the most destructive and far reaching civil justice measures ever considered by this body.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart to share my condolences with the victims of the tsunami in South Asia. The magnitude of destruction and devastation left in the wake of this tragic disaster is incomprehensible. I join all Americans who are heartbroken by the images of towns and villages washed away and of the thousands of orphaned children who will grow up as survivors of this disaster.

As the United States and the international community work to provide relief for the victims of this tragedy, I urge my colleagues to ensure that our efforts to assist in the reconstruction not be short-lived. While it is imperative that we immediately provide the necessary funds for relief work and humanitarian aid, we must ensure that as we assist in this recovery effort, and provide long term assistance to rebuild the infrastructure and communities devastated by this disaster. Beyond financial and humanitarian assistance, the United States must lead an international effort to implement a global tsunami warning and detection system so we can avoid future tragedies.

During this time of recovery, governments and citizens from around the world have worked together to help those in need, regardless of politics, race and religion. It is my sincere hope that out of this tragic situation a lasting spirit of cooperation and mutual respect can emerge. Hopefully this unprecedented cooperation can be used as a trigger to jumpstart the prospects for peace and coexistence throughout the region.

My thoughts and prayers are with the victims and their families.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I strongly support this legislation, and I urge my colleagues to do so as well.

I would first like to commend my good friend, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), for his introduction of the North Korean Human Rights Act, and the gentleman from American Samoa (Ranking Member Faleomavaega) for his hard work on the bill as well.

Madam Speaker, United States policy towards North Korea has been a principal focus of American policymakers for over a decade. Both Republican and Democratic administrations have actively sought to encourage the North Korean leadership to end its nuclear and missile programs and to end its destabilizing influence in the northeast Asian region.

But as the United States attempts to encourage North Korea to give up its weapons of mass destruction and to establish positive relationships with the United States, Japan, South Korea, and China, we have paid insufficient attention to the horrendous human rights situation in North Korea and the desperate humanitarian crisis caused by the North Korean misrule.

Madam Speaker, the legislation before the House will correct this imbalance. The North Korean Human Rights Act will press the administration to actively pursue a human rights and humanitarian agenda with North Korea, as we also attempt to resolve our security differences with the North.

According to the annual State Department Human Rights Report, North Korea is one of the world's worst human rights abusers. Over the past decade, millions of North Korean citizens starved to death because of their own government's gross incompetence, while the North Korean leadership lived a luxurious life in their tucked-away villas. The North Korean gulags, furthermore, overflow with North Korean prisoners with no hope of release.

North Korea does not hold free and fair elections, and there is no freedom of the press. North Korean citizens do not have the right to speak out against their government or to practice a religion.

In short, Madam Speaker, the North Korean people have no hope of changing their government unless the United States and other world democracies stand up for freedom in North Korea.

This important legislation will also help focus attention on the large number of North Korean refugees that have been created by the North's misrule, particularly those refugees in China. It is critically important that the U.N. High Commissioner For Refugees have access to this floating population and that the North Korean refugees be treated appropriately.

Madam Speaker, the legislation before the House tackles all of these important subjects. It will direct that human rights remain on the negotiation table with the North. It demands better accountability for international food aid to North Korea. It encourages a solution on the North Korean refugee issue with China, and it attempts to increase American broadcasting in North Korea.

This bill is an excellent piece of legislation, and I strongly support its passage.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friends and colleagues, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and Doug Bereuter for sponsoring this important resolution, as well as the gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Jo Ann Davis).

Mr. Speaker, this resolution reaffirms U.S. Congressional support for the democratic aspirations of the Ukrainian people and the establishment of a genuine democracy in Ukraine. Given the importance of Ukraine to the stability of southeastern Europe and the strong ties between the Ukrainian and American people, we must make every effort to put the relationship between our two nations on a strong and democratic footing.

Unfortunately, the conduct of the previous parliamentary and presidential elections in Ukraine was judged to be flawed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We in Congress had hoped that the Government of Ukraine had learned from its past mistakes, but all the evidence elected collected so far about the conduct of this year's presidential campaign points otherwise.

As the Ukrainian presidential election approaches in just 3 weeks, the prospect for the election to be free and fair seems bleak.

Despite high-level protests by the United States government and the Congress over the continued manipulation and control of the media by national and local Ukrainian officials, these violations have continued unabated and raise grave concerns regarding the commitment of the Ukrainian Government to free and fair elections.

I am also uneasy about the efforts of the Government of the Russian Federation to tilt the election in favor of the presidential candidate from the ruling party.

Mr. Speaker, Ukraine has been a country at the crossroads for the past 12 years. This election will show the world whether the Ukrainian Government is committed to democracy and the rule of law. It will also serve as an indicator of the Ukraine's readiness to become a valuable member of the Western community of democracies.

Congressional consideration of this resolution today, just 3 weeks before the presidential election, sends an important message to the Ukrainian electorate and the Ukrainian political elite that the U.S. Congress cares deeply about the political future of Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker, the United States seeks a strong and lasting relationship with Ukraine. Ukraine has already shown its good will by joining coalition forces in Iraq. However, history has shown that the most enduring and fruitful alliances can be sustained between genuine democracies which share the same values and aspirations.

I would like to express my sincere hope that Ukraine will succeed in conducting a democratic and fair election. Ukraine will then be on a firm path of becoming a full-fledged member of Europe.

I strongly urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of the time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, first I would like to commend my friend and colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for being a stalwart supporter of democracy in Belarus and for his willingness to offer this legislation.

Just a few months ago, this House passed an important resolution on the

upcoming parliamentary elections in Belarus. This resolution, authored by our former colleague Doug Bereuter and myself, called upon the Government of Belarus to ensure that these important elections be conducted in a free and fair manner. Regrettably, since then, the political situation in Belarus has deteriorated, not improved.

The dictatorial regime of Aleksandr Lukashenka continues to cling to power, using brutal force, intimidation, and illegal maneuvering to secure his reign. If Lukashenka succeeds, as he did in 1996 when he amended the constitution in a seriously flawed referendum, and as he did in 2001 when he extended his term in office through an election that was neither free nor fair, and as he did in 2003 when he similarly stole local elections, the United States Government must have a clear and effective strategy to promote human rights and democracy in Belarus.

Our legislation directs the President to focus our assistance on core democracy programs in Belarus, namely, promotion of free elections, support for civil society, strengthening of democratic political parties, and support for independent media and international exchanges. Lukashenka's regime must understand that we will not forget the cause of human rights and democracy in Belarus, and that the United States and Belarus will not have a fully normal relationship until Belarus moves assertively towards a democratic form of government.

Belarus is strategically located in Eastern Europe, bordering Poland and Lithuania, both members of NATO and the European Union, and Ukraine and Russia. We cannot afford to give up on the cause of democracy and freedom in Belarus.

The Lukashenka regime is one of the most notorious human rights abusers in the world, routinely suppressing the rights of Belarusian citizens. The regime has been implicated in the political murders of its opponents, disappearances of opposition leaders, repression of independent media, harassment of NGOs, and other egregious violations of internationally recognized and accepted democratic norms.

Lukashenka bears full responsibility for these abuses, as nothing in Belarus happens without his knowledge or full acquiescence. The United States, the European Union, member states of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and international human rights NGOs have all called upon the Lukashenka dictatorship to end its human rights abuses and restore democracy to Belarus.

Although the anti-Lukashenka forces in Belarus have boycotted previous elections, the opposition is participating in the upcoming elections and has united into a coalition of five democratic parties that will campaign as a block.

Although this coalition faces an uphill battle, we should nevertheless commend the leaders and members of this coalition for their courage and determination to bring democracy to Belarus and provide them our unqualified support.

In the congressional tradition of setting policy that has been instrumental in defeating dictatorships in Europe, Asia, and Africa, this legislation will promote democracy, human rights, and the rule of law and consolidate the independence and sovereignty of Belarus.

I strongly support passage of this bill and urge my colleagues to do so as well.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend our colleague, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Meehan), for introducing this important resolution.

The 2004 Olympic Games in Athens recently unfolded before the eyes of hundreds of millions of people around the world, some watching in person, but many more on television. It is fair to say, Mr. Speaker, that the Athens games were an unqualified success.

Despite fears of terrorism or that key Olympic venues would not be ready, Athens was more than prepared to receive tens of thousands of athletes and officials from around the world, and the Olympic spirit thrived as athletes lived out their dreams.

These were truly historic games. The Summer Olympic Games returned to Greece, their ancient birthplace, for the first time. The games brought together people from all over the world; 202 countries participated in the Athens Olympics, including athletes from Afghanistan and Iraq.

The Greek people and the government of Greece, through extraordinary diligence, energy and enthusiasm, hosted over 10,000 athletes with efficiency and security. The Greek officials developed transportation infrastructure to ensure that athletes and spectators could easily get to all Olympic venues and practice facilities.

The United States and the government of Greece cooperated closely on several aspects of the Olympic games, including security. This cooperation solidified the long-standing alliance and friendship between our two Nations which stand side-by-side in defense of a shared commitment to freedom and democracy.

The 2004 Olympics in Greece showed us the best combination of a modern, world-class infrastructure and high-tech innovation, framed by the ancient wonders of Greece, the birthplace of Western culture and democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I want to join the sponsors of this resolution in agreeing with the United States Committee Chairman Peter Ueberroth that ``history will record these Games as among the greatest, if not the greatest, of all time.''

I strongly support this resolution and urge its unanimous passage.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, this amendment would not only ban same-sex marriages but also civil unions, and I cannot support such a divisive and extreme measure. A majority of Americans rightfully recognize that same-sex couples who are committed to a lifelong relationship should enjoy all of the civil benefits that come with marriage. Being able to make medical decisions for an incapacitated partner, inherit property without large tax penalties and receive Social Security survivor benefits are examples of the civil aspect of marriage that are denied to same sex couples but are wholly unrelated to religious concerns.

Not only does this amendment completely disregard these basic liberties but it actually erodes the religious freedom upon which our great nation was founded. I am not alone in this grave concern. A coalition of 25 national religious groups--from the American Jewish Committee to the Alliance of Baptists, from the Episcopal Church to the Conference of American Rabbis--all believe that this amendment does more to erode religious freedom than preserve it.

An amendment restricting marriage to certain couples would be the first time in history that rights were denied solely to one group of Americans. Mandating discrimination in the Constitution would set a terrible precedent. Everyone in America should be concerned about who will be next.

Mr. Speaker, a vote for this bill is a vote for a rule-- rule 11--that it had become an impediment to practicing law, not an impediment to frivolous suits as its proponents would have you think.

The bill before us today seeks to turn back the clock. Eleven years ago, Congress rewrote rule 11 to get rid of mandatory sanctions for frivolous filings because mandatory sanctions had not helped stop frivolous filings and in some cases made them worse. Why then are we going backward today? And if we are going to turn back the clock, why can't we turn back the clock to the unprecedented economic prosperity of the Clinton administration--where we had a balanced budget and a budget surplus, where we had reduced welfare roles and respect on the international stage, and where we had 100,000 new cops on the street and the lowest crime rate in decades.

If we are dead-set on turning back the clock, why must we turn it back to a system that was proven not to work? We tried mandatory sanctions for 10 years. After 10 years with mandatory sanctions, Federal courts recommended against them because they were widely abused and actually added to the wasteful litigating they were intended to prevent.

Our court system is not perfect by any stretch of the imagination. We need to meaningfully address the burden that frivolous lawsuits are placing on our courts and on our society. However, this bill does not provide any new answers; instead it takes us backward to a solution we know doesn't work.

Mr. Speaker, while I strongly believe Congress should pay tribute to the victims of 9/11 and honor our brave troops and first- responders for their valiant service to America, this resolution unequivocally exploits the victims of 9/11 for narrow political purposes and perpetuates erroneous claims connecting 9/11 to the war in Iraq.

The bi-partisan 9/11 Commission declared--in no uncertain terms--that there was no connection between 9/11, al Qaeda and Iraq. For those who support this resolution, I must ask--is Congress disputing the findings of the 9/11 Commission? Does Congress believe al Qaeda operated in Iraq prior to the U.S. invasion? And is Congress pleased with the insufficient coalition assembled by President Bush that has led America to carry an overwhelming economic and military burden in Iraq? The facts show that these claims are distortions at best, blatant lies and manipulations at worst, and the American people deserve the truth.

The truth is that America took its eye off the ball in Afghanistan, allowing terrorists such as Osama bin Laden to reconstitute their forces and operate freely. By transferring our military resources from Afghanistan to Iraq--when Iraq posed no imminent threat and had no weapons of mass destruction--this Administration failed the American people and weakened our efforts in the war against terror.

The truth is that al Qaeda was not operating in Iraq prior to the U.S. invasion, and they have created an increasingly dangerous network in this war-torn country since. Despite the Bush Administration's claims of successfully combating terror in Iraq, the reality on the ground stands in stark contradiction. We have withdrawn our forces from four cities in Iraq in which terror has flourished. And despite White House claims, officials in the U.S. military have announced that it cannot eliminate these sanctuaries of terror. As we mark the loss of over 1,000 innocent lives in Iraq, Congress should not be celebrating our alleged success in Iraq; we should instead examine our failures.

This resolution is transparent, empty political propaganda at its worst, and is unconscionable that the drafters of this resolution would egregiously politicize the memory of 9/11.

Mr. Speaker, in spite of all this rhetoric about protecting marriage and saving the country from rogue activist Federal judges, the bill we are debating here today does not protect Americans from gay marriage. We are not debating a gay marriage bill. We are debating a court-stripping bill, and one that is more Draconian than any such bill Congress has ever considered.

Every year, we teach elementary school students throughout America about the wisdom of our Founding Fathers, about the precious rights we have fought at home and abroad to protect, about our democracy that considers all people as equals, and about the delicate system of checks and balances upon which all of this is based.

It is a shame that Members of Congress appear to have forgotten these most basic lessons. They have forgotten that our Founding Fathers established three equal branches of government, no one more powerful than the other; they have forgotten that this system has served us well for over 200 years; and they have forgotten that this is a system that cannot survive if one branch arbitrarily strips power from another.

This is not about gay marriage. This is not about respecting marriage. For the record, my marriage is not threatened by gays and lesbians in Massachusetts or California. What is the heinous crime that gays and lesbians have committed? They want to live with the same dignity that their fellow Americans live with every day.

Please vote this bill down.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to have my name removed as a cosponsor of H.R. 3720.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to recognize an extraordinary individual who has made a difference in the lives of so many young children. Carolyn Rubenstein, herself just a teenager, started Carolyn's Compassionate Children (CCC), a non-profit organization that links critically ill children with their healthy peers through a pen pal program. Started 5 years ago when Carolyn was 14 years old, the program has connected over 500 children with pen pals in almost every U.S. state and countries around the world, including Canada and England. This excellent program helps children suffering from life- threatening or chronic illnesses connect with their healthy peers. Most of these children are shut in and do not have the ability to interact with others their age or live normal lives. CCC gives them the opportunity to develop friendships and connect with children or teens their age.

In addition to the pen pal program, CCC has awarded 21 college scholarships to cancer survivors. Because of their illness, many of these children who do not have as impressive a resume as their healthy peers and would, otherwise, not qualify for a scholarship. More recently, CCC has set up a scholarship program in the arts for cancer survivors.

I cannot say enough about Carolyn. At a time when our country is asking our young men and women to make sacrifices, Carolyn is a shining example for others to follow. Her compassion, drive and desire to help others has made this world a better place. I commend Carolyn and CCC for making a difference in the lives of so many young people.

Mr. Speaker, once again Republicans are attempting to pass ineffective anticonsumer legislation that caps medical malpractice awards at $250,000. The habitual Republican response to the malpractice crisis, punish the victims. This bill fails to reduce medical malpractice costs. In States that recently capped medical malpractice awards, the rates have not gone down as promised. In Florida, which capped rates last year, one insurer requested an inconceivable 45 percent increase in rates.

Mr. Speaker, why not look at the root cause of this health care emergency and adopt desperately needed insurance reform? I urge my colleagues to vote against this shortsighted measure and support real insurance reform which protects victims and provides relief to doctors and health care providers.

Mr. Speaker, it is an honor to join you in marking 56 years of Israel's independence, 56 years of American-Israeli relations, and 56 years of Israel's continuing struggle for security and peace. We gather here today to deliver a clear message--that in these turbulent times--the government of the United States and the American people stand shoulder to shoulder with Israel, now and forever.

Since 1948, Israel has persevered through seemingly insurmountable challenges by drawing upon the richness of Jewish tradition and our love for life. In just over five decades, Israel has risen from the ashes of the Holocaust and developed into one of the most technologically advanced nations on earth. Its population has increased ten-fold. It has established a vibrant democracy that values freedom, justice and human rights. Israel has deepened economic, military and diplomatic ties with America and Europe, but most remarkably with nations like Turkey, India, Egypt and Jordan. The ingenuity of the Israeli people soared during the recent high-tech boom, with more Israeli Internet startups and companies on the NASDAQ per capita than any other country in the world.

While Israel celebrates 56 years of freedom, this freedom is unquestionably challenged by ongoing incidents of terror and festering regional threats. At this difficult time, it is clear that the essential counterbalance to these threats is America's steadfast partnership with Israel. This sentiment is shared by an overwhelming majority of my colleagues in Congress, where Israel is enjoying unprecedented friendship and support.

In this post-9/11 world, the American and Israeli people are forever linked. We understand that terror knows no borders and cannot be justified, qualified or ignored. We understand that terrorism--in any form or supported by any nation--must meet a swift, definitive and unequivocal response. We know that incitement and hate pose the most significant obstacles to peace, and we know that terrorism incurs irreparable pain and loss.

On this Yom Ha'zikaron, our thoughts and prayers turn to brave soldiers who have sacrificed their futures for that of Israel. Yet this year, one cannot help but also think of the 960 innocent Israelis who have died since September 2000 in hundreds of terrorist attacks. These are the victims of Israel's latest war, where civilians--as opposed to soldiers--are the prime targets.

Six years ago at the White House, I stood alongside President Clinton and Prime Minister Netanyahu at the signing of the Wye River Accords. I hoped then that Israel was embarking upon a new era of peace. Unfortunately, since refusing Prime Minister Barak's historic offer in January 2001, we have witnessed a complete abdication of responsibility on the part of Yasser Arafat, the deterioration of the Palestinian Authority and a cynical attempt by the Palestinians to use terror--as opposed to negotiations--as a means of achieving their political goals.

As a result, America must lead efforts with Egypt, Jordan, Europe and others in the international community to build the capacity and will of Palestinian anti-terror institutions so that Israel is not forced to continue to act in self-defense. America must also firmly support Israel's construction of a security barrier between Jewish population centers and the West Bank. That is why I traveled to the Hague in the Netherlands two months ago--to oppose the Palestinian case against Israel in the International Court of Justice and voice my unwavering support for Israel's right of selfdefense.

Prime Minister Sharon's recent proposal to withdraw Israeli troops and settlements from the Gaza Strip is quite significant. Until now, no Israeli Prime Minister was prepared to unilaterally evacuate settlements before Israel had been promised comprehensive peace as part of a final status agreement. And it is especially remarkable that the father of the settlement movement, Ariel Sharon, has led this initiative.

It is undeniable that Palestinians have suffered enormously. We must all have rachmanus--compassion--for innocent Palestinians, but Palestinians primarily suffer because of their own failed leadership. In order to achieve peace, the Palestinian Authority must be transformed. Arafat's dictatorship must end. Democracy and the rule of law must win out. Palestinian schools must cease their teaching of hatred and implement a curriculum of coexistence. Most importantly, a new vision of peace and prosperity must be broadcast throughout the Arab world, and the likes of Al Jazeera television and Arab newspapers must terminate their deranged glorification of martyrdom and Jihad.

Israel has responsibilities as well. Prime Minister Sharon must continue to construct the security barrier in a manner that minimizes the hardships of the Palestinian people and stop settlement expansion on the Palestinian side of the fence.

My friends, the largest challenges facing the Jewish people do not lie solely in Israel or the Middle East. We are witnessing a dramatic rise in anti-Semitic discourse, behavior and sentiment throughout the world--especially in Europe. Tomorrow I will join Secretary of State Powell and leaders from 55 nations at an international conference on European anti-Semitism in Berlin.

At this conference, I will continue to urge European governments to take decisive action against anti-Semitic hate crimes and impose stronger measures to punish perpetrators of these heinous acts. European leaders must acknowledge that anti-Semitism is not just a Jewish problem. It is a social disease that has plagued Europe throughout history. It is not a temporary or political phenomenon, and it must be met with a zero-tolerance policy, especially in European schools.

Fortunately, there is reason for hope as more European nations are finally confronting their complicity in the annihilation of European Jewry. Last week--while in Budapest--to mark 60 years since the deportation and killing of 600,000 Hungarian Jews, I was overtaken with emotion when told that the display of Israeli flags throughout the city marked the most prominent display of the Star of David since yellow stars were branded on the chests of Jews. Today, Europe has no choice but to face the evils of anti-Semitism, so we may fulfill the promise of ``never again,'' in memory of those lost and as a promise to generations to come.

Last week, on Yom HaShoah we mourned for those who have passed, and today we do so again on Yom Ha'zikaron. It is not a coincidence, however, that tomorrow we will celebrate the continuity of life, the independence of Israel and the perseverance of the Jewish State. This should give us great hope. As Israel marks the beginning of its 56th year of independence, it is my most sincere wish that the vision of hope embodied in Israel's national anthem--Hatikva--may come to fruition and that Israel may soon find a genuine peace that will last m'dor v'dor--from one generation to the next.