Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding to me. Mr. Chairman, I just want to inform the House of something that I think is very important. Over the last year, Mr. Chairman, we have watched the…
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for yielding to me.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to inform the House of something that I think is very important. Over the last year, Mr. Chairman, we have watched the horrors of Darfur unfold before our very eyes. President Bush and Secretary Powell, the Congressional Black Caucus, and Members on both sides have focused on this issue and using every tool possible to save life.
Today the United States took the historic step of calling what is occurring in Darfur, Sudan, genocide. In his testimony this morning before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary of State Colin Powell stated: ``We concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the jinjaweid bear responsibility, and genocide may still be occurring. We believe, in order to confirm the true nature, scope and totality of the crimes our evidence reveals, a full-blown and unfettered investigation needs to occur. Sudan is a contracting party to the Genocide Convention and is obligated under the Convention to prevent and punish acts of genocide. To us, at this time, it appears Sudan has failed to do so.'' And then he went on to say what the position is.
I want to thank President Bush, and I want to thank Secretary Powell, and I want to thank the people in the State Department for calling this genocide and to doing everything they can to stop the genocide that is taking place in Sudan.
Remember Rwanda? Nobody would say anything about Rwanda. This administration has said it is genocide, and I say, God bless President Bush and God bless Secretary Powell.
Mr. Chairman, I submit for the Congressional Record the full remarks of Secretary Powell before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee:
The Crisis in Darfur
(By Secretary Colin L. Powell)
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to testify on the situation in Darfur. Let me
start by reviewing a little history.
The violence in Darfur has complex roots in traditional
conflicts between Arab nomadic herders and African farmers.
The violence intensified during 2003 when two groups--the
Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality
Movement--declared open rebellion against the Government of
Sudan because they feared being on the outside of the power
and wealth-sharing agreements in the north-south
negotiations. Khartoum reacted aggressively, intensifying
support for Arab militias, the so-called jinjaweid. The
Government of Sudan supported the jinjaweid, directly and
indirectly, as they carried out a scorched-earth policy
towards the rebels and the African civilian population.
Mr. Chairman, the United States exerted strong leadership
to focus international attention on this unfolding tragedy.
We first took the issue of Sudan to the United Nations (UN)
Security Council last fall. President Bush was the first head
of state to condemn publicly the Government of Sudan and to
urge the international community to intensify efforts to end
the violence. In April of this year, the United States
brokered a ceasefire between the Government of Sudan and the
rebels, and then took the lead to get the African Union (AU)
to monitor that ceasefire.
As some of you are aware, I traveled to the Sudan in
midsummer and made a point of visiting Darfur. It was about
the same time that Congressman Wolf and Senator Brownback
were here, as well as Secretary General Kofi Annan. In fact,
the Secretary General and I were able to meet and exchange
notes. We made sure that our message to the Sudanese
government was consistent.
Senator Brownback can back me up when I say that all of us
saw the suffering that the people of Darfur are having to
endure. And Senator Corzine was just in Darfur and can vouch
for the fact that atrocities are still occurring. All of us
met with people who had been driven from their homes--indeed
many having seen their homes and all their worldly
possessions destroyed or confiscated before their eyes--by
the terrible violence that is occurring in Darfur.
During my visit, humanitarian workers from my own Agency--
USAID--and from other Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs),
told me how they are struggling to bring food, shelter, and
medicines to those so desperately in need--a population of
well over one million.
In my midsummer meetings with the Government of Sudan, we
presented them with the stark facts of what we knew about
what is happening in Darfur from the destruction of villages,
to the raping and the killing, to the obstacles that impeded
relief efforts. Secretary General Annan and I obtained from
the Government of Sudan what they said would be firm
commitments to take steps, and to take steps immediately,
that would remove these obstacles, help bring the violence to
an end, and do it in a way that we could monitor their
performance.
There have been some positive developments since my visit,
and since the visit of Senator Brownback, Congressman Wolf,
and the Secretary General.
The Sudanese have met some our benchmarks such as engaging
in political talks with the rebels and supporting the
deployment of observers and troops from the AU to monitor the
ceasefire between Khartoum and the rebels. Some improvements
in humanitarian access have also occurred through the
government continues to throw obstacles in the way of the
fullest provision of assistance.
The AU Ceasefire Commission has also been set up and is
working to monitor more effectively what is actually
happening in Darfur. The general who is in charge of that
mission, a Nigerian general by the name of Okonkwo, is
somebody that we know well. He is the same Nigerian
general who went into Liberia last year and helped
stabilize the situation there.
The AU's mission will help to restore sufficient security
so that these dislocated, starving, hounded people can at
least avail themselves of the humanitarian assistance that is
available. But what is really needed is enough security so
that they can go home. And what is really needed is for the
jinjaweid militias to cease and desist their murderous raids
against these people--and for the Government in Khartoum to
stop being complicit in such raids. Khartoum has made no
meaningful progress in substantially improving the overall
security environment by disarming the jinjaweid militias or
arresting its leaders.
So we are continuing to press that Government and we
continue to monitor them. We continue to make sure that we
are not just left with promises instead of actual action and
performance on the ground. Because it is absolutely clear
that as we approach the end of the rainy season, the
situation on the ground must change, and it must change
quickly. There are too many tens upon tens of thousands of
human beings who are at risk. Some of them have already been
consigned to death because of the circumstances they are
living in now. They will not make it through the end of the
year. Poor security, inadequate capacity, and heavy rains
(which will not diminish until late September) continue to
hamper the relief effort.
The UN estimates there are 1,227,000 Internally Displaced
Persons (IDPs) in Darfur. In July, almost 950,000 IDPs
received some form of food assistance. About 200,000 Sudanese
refugees are being assisted by UNHCR and partner
organizations in Chad. The World Food Program (WFP) expects
two million IDPs will need food aid by October.
U.S. Government provision of aid to the Darfur crisis in
Sudan and Chad totaled $211.3 million as of September 2,
2004. This includes $112.9 million in food assistance, $50.2
million in non-food assistance, and $36.4 million for
refugees in Chad, $5 million for refugee programs in Darfur,
and $6.8 million for the African Union mission.
The. U.S. also strongly supports the work of the AU
monitoring mission in Darfur. In fact, 23 initiated the
Mission through base camp set-up and logistics support by a
private contractor. The Mission is staffed with 125 AU
monitors now deployed in the field and has completed
approximately 20 investigations of cease-fire violations. The
AU monitoring staff is supported by a protection force of
305, made up of a Rwandan contingent of 155 (they arrived on
August 15) and a Nigerian contingent of 150 (they arrived on
August 30). Recognizing the security problems in Darfur, the
UN and the U.S. have begun calling for an expanded AU mission
in Darfur through the provision of additional observers and
protection forces. Khartoum appears to have signaled a
willingness to consider an expanded mission.
I am pleased to announce, Mr. Chairman, that the State
Department has identified $20.5 million in FY04 funds for
initial support of this expanded mission. We look forward to
consulting with the Congress on meeting additional needs.
As you know, as we watched through the month of July, we
felt more pressure was required. So we went to the UN and
asked for a resolution. We got it on July 30.
Resulution 1556 demands that the Government of Sudan take
action to disarm the jinjaweid militia and bring jinjaweid
leaders to justice. It warns Khartoum that the Security
Council will take further actions and measures--UN-speak for
sanctions--if Sudan fails to comply. It urges the warring
parties to conclude a political agreement without delay and
it commits all states to target sanctions against the
jinjaweid militias and those who aid and abet them as well as
others who may share responsibility for this tragic
situation. Too many lives have already been lost. We cannot
lose any more time. We in the international community must
intensify our efforts to help those imperiled by violence,
starvation and disease in Darfur.
But the Government of Sudan bears the greatest
responsibility to face up to this catastrophe, rein in those
who are committing these atrocities, and save the lives of
its own citizens. At the same time, however, the rebels have
not fully respected the ceasefire. We are disturbed at
reports of rebel kidnappings of relief workers. We have
emphasized to the rebels that they must allow unrestricted
access of humanitarian relief workers and supplies and
cooperate fully, including with the AU monitoring mission.
We are pleased that the Government of Sudan and the rebels
are currently engaged in talks in Abuja, hosted by the AU.
These talks are aimed at bringing about a political
settlement in Darfur. The two sides have agreed on a protocol
to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance
to rebel-held areas, and are now engaged in discussions of a
protocol on security issues. We are urging both sides to
intensify negotiations in order to reach a political
settlement.
At midsummer, I told President Bashir, Vice President Taha,
Foreign Minister Ismail, the Minister of Interior and others,
that the United States wants to see a united, prosperous,
democratic Sudan. I told them that to that end we are fully
prepared to work with them. I reminded them that we had
reached an historic agreement on June 5--an agreement
between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement (SPLM). That agreement covered all the
outstanding issues in the north-south process.
Since then, the parties have been engaged in final
negotiations on remaining details. However, the parties are
stuck on the specifics of a formal ceasefire agreement and
have not yet begun the final round of implementation
modalities. Special Envoy Sumbeiywo met recently with the
parties, but could not resolve the remaining ceasefire-
related issues. Khartoum appears unwilling to resume talks at
the most senior level, claiming it must focus on Darfur. That
would be fine if its focus were the right focus. But it is
not. The SPLM is more forward leaning, but still focused on
negotiating details. We believe that a comprehensive
agreement would bolster efforts to resolve the crisis in
Darfur by providing a legal basis for a political solution
(decentralization) and by opening up the political process in
Khartoum.
President Bashir has repeatedly pledged to work for peace,
and he pledged that again when we met in midsummer. But
President Bush, this Congress, Secretary General Annan and
the international community want more than promises. We want
to see dramatic improvements on the ground right now. Indeed,
we wanted to see them yesterday.
In the meantime, we are doing all that we can. We are
working with the international community to make sure that
all of those nations who have made pledges of financial
assistance meet those pledges. In fact, the estimated needs
have grown and the donor community needs to dig deeper.
America has been in the forefront of providing assistance to
the suffering people of Darfur and will remain in the
forefront. But it is time for the entire international
community to increase their assistance. The U.S. has pledged
$299 million in humanitarian aid through FY05, and $11.8
million to the AU mission, and we are well on the way to
exceeding these pledges.
SYG Annan's August 30 report called for an expanded AU
mission in Darfur to monitor commitments of the parties more
effectively, thereby enhancing security and facilitating the
delivery of humanitarian assistance. The report also
highlighted Khartoum's failure to rein in and disarm the
jinjaweid militia, and noted that the Sudanese military
continued to take part in attacks on civilians, including
aerial bombardment and helicopter strikes.
We have begun consultation in New York on a new resolution
that calls for Khartoum to cooperate fully with an expanded
AU force and for cessation of Sudanese military flights over
the Darfur region. It also provides for international
overflights to monitor the situation in Darfur and requires
the Security Council to review the record of Khartoum's
compliance to determine if sanctions, including on the
Sudanese petroleum sector, should be imposed. The resolution
also urges the Government of Sudan and the SPLM to conclude
negotiations on a comprehensive peace accord.
And finally there is the matter of whether or not what is
happening in Darfur is genocide.
Since the U.S. became aware of atrocities occurring in
Sudan, we have been reviewing the Genocide Convention and the
obligations it places on the Government of Sudan.
In July, we launched a limited investigation by sending a
team to refugee camps in Chad. They worked closely with the
American Bar Association and the Coalition for International
Justice and were able to interview 1,136 of the 2.2 million
people the UN estimates have been affected by this horrible
violence. Those interviews indicated:
A consistent and widespread pattern of atrocities
(killings, rapes, burning of villages) committed by jinjaweid
and government forces against non-Arab villagers;
Three-fourths (74%) of those interviewed reported that the
Sudanese military forces were involved in the attacks;
Villages often experienced multiple attacks over a
prolonged period before they were destroyed by burning,
shelling or bombing, making it impossible for villagers to
return.
When we reviewed the evidence compiled by our team, along
with other information available to the State Department, we
concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that
the Government of Sudan and the jinjaweid bear
responsibility--and genocide may still be occurring. Mr.
Chairman, we are making copies of the evidence our team
compiled available to this committee today.
We believe in order to confirm the true nature, scope and
totality of the crimes our evidence reveals, a full-blown and
unfettered investigation needs to occur. Sudan is a
contracting party to the Genocide Convention and is obliged
under the Convention to prevent and to punish acts of
genocide. To us, at this time, it appears that Sudan has
failed to do so.
Article VIII of the Genocide Convention provides that
Contracting Parties ``may call upon the competent organs of
the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of
the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the
prevention and suppression of acts of genocide or any of the
other acts enumerated in Article III.''
Today, the U.S. is calling on the UN to initiate a full
investigation. To this end, the U.S. will propose that the
next UN Security Council Resolution on Sudan request a UN
investigation into all violations of international
humanitarian law and human rights law that have occurred in
Darfur, with a view to ensuring accountability.
Mr. Chairman, as I said the evidence leads us to the
conclusion that genocide has occurred and may still be
occurring in Darfur. We believe the evidence corroborates the
specific intent of the perpetrators to destroy ``a group in
whole or in part''. This intent may be inferred from their
deliberate conduct. We believe other elements of the
convention have been met as well.
Under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment
of the Crime of Genocide, to which both the United States and
Sudan are parties, genocide occurs when the following three
criteria are met:
Specified acts are committed: (a) killing; (b) causing
serious bodily or mental harm; (c) deliberately inflicting
conditions of life calculated to bring about physical
destruction of a group in whole or in part; (d) imposing
measures to prevent births; or (e) forcibly transferring
children to another group;
These acts are committed against members of a national,
ethnic, racial or religious group; and
They are committed ``with intent to destroy, in whole or in
part, [the group] as such''.
The totality of the evidence from the interviews we
conducted in July and August, and from the other sources
available to us, shows that:
The jinjaweid and Sudanese military forces have committed
large-scale acts of violence, including murders, rape and
physical assaults on non-Arab individuals;
The jinjaweid and Sudanese military forces destroyed
villages, foodstuffs, and other means of survival;
The Sudan Government and its military forces obstructed
food, water, medicine, and other humanitarian aid from
reaching affected populations, thereby leading to further
deaths and suffering; and
Despite having been put on notice multiple times, Khartoum
has failed to stop the violence.
Mr. Chairman, some seem to have been waiting for this
determination of genocide to take action. In fact, however,
no new action is dictated by this determination. We have been
doing everything we can to get the Sudanese government to act
responsibly. So let us not be preoccupied with this
designation of genocide. These people are in desperate need
and we must help them. Call it a civil war. Call it ethnic
cleansing. Call it genocide. Call it ``none of the above.''
The reality is the same: there are people in Darfur who
desperately need our help.
I expect that the government in Khartoum will reject our
conclusion of genocide anyway. Moreover, at this point
genocide is our judgment and not the judgment of the
International Community. Before the Government of Sudan is
taken to the bar of international justice, let me point out
that there is a simply way for Khartoum to avoid such
wholesale condemnation. That way is to take action.
The government in Khartoum should end the attacks, ensure
its people--all of its people--are secure, hold to account
those who are responsible for past atrocities, and ensure
that current negotiations are successfully concluded. That is
the only way to peace and prosperity for this war-ravaged
land.
Specifically, Mr. Chairman, the most practical contribution
we can make to the security of Darfur in the short-term is to
increase the number of African Union monitors. That will
require the cooperation of the Government of Sudan.
In the intermediate and long term, the security of Darfur
can be best advanced by a political settlement at Abuja and
by the successful conclusion of the peace negotiations
between the SPLM and the Government of Sudan.