Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the nomination of Gen. Michael Hayden as the next Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. I have known Gen. Hayden for years and believe he is the most qualified candidate in the country for…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the nomination of Gen. Michael Hayden as the next Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. I have known Gen. Hayden for years and believe he is the most qualified candidate in the country for this critical position.
To further illustrate this point, I would like to call your attention to a recent editorial by retired Gen. Charles Boyd that appeared in the Wall Street Journal on May 11 which makes a convincing case for the Hayden nomination.
Mr. Speaker, Gen. Boyd served 35 years in the Air Force. As a combat pilot in Vietnam, he was shot down on his 105th mission and survived 2,488 days as a prisoner of war. The only POW from that war to achieve the four-star rank, General Boyd's final military assignment was as deputy commander in chief of U.S. forces in Europe. Prior to this assignment, Gen. Boyd was the commander of Air University at Maxwell Air Force Base, in my congressional district.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to place in the Record a copy of Gen. Boyd's editorial.
[From the Wall Street Journal, May 11, 2006]
A Hayden Symphony at the CIA
(By Charles G. Boyd)
Our political disagreements are often obtuse for the simple
reason that it is difficult to discern motives. Do disputants
put the interests of the country ahead of partisan and
personal concerns? Moreover, disagreements about intelligence
issues are doubly hard to parse, since--despite leaks and
rampant gossip--most of what goes on inside the Central
Intelligence Agency remains opaque even to high-paid
journalists and other Washington sophisticates. And so, amid
partisan positioning and an imposing ignorance, is the scene
set for the already dismaying dispute over the president's
nomination of Michael Hayden to be CIA director.
The arguments (to use a generous term) being made against
Gen. Hayden are so without merit or even serious content that
one cannot help but suspect partisan stratagems at work. Of
these, three are most common.
First, the contention that Michael Hayden is a kind of
intelligence technocrat, knowledgeable only in signal
intelligence, is pure canard. A liberal-arts man, Gen. Hayden
has a masters degree in history, and was the broad-based
senior intelligence official for the Air Force and the U.S.
European Command before entering the technical domain of the
National Security Agency. He worked on the National Security
Council staff, in the U.N. Command and U.S. Forces Korea, and
in these positions was a senior level consumer of
intelligence as well as an earlier producer of it. Those who
make such accusations do not know him or, more broadly, what
they are talking about.
Some complain, secondly, that Gen. Hayden was somehow
complicit in the domestic eavesdropping undertaken by the NSA
at the president's direction. Gen. Hayden's sin in this case
seems to stem from his calm and rational defense of an
embattled president's heretofore secret program. No legal
infractions attended anyone's behavior in what was, and
remains, a policy response to a clear and present threat.
Moreover, if Gen. Hayden had objected--having been assured by
the attorney general, the Department of Justice, the White
House counsel and the NSA general counsel that the program
was legal--his position would have been unprofessional and
ill-advised.
Third, there is the objection that Gen. Hayden is, well, a
general--a military man--as if that automatically
disqualifies him for the job. Since the National Security Act
of 1947 created the CIA, four military officers have held the
director's job--plus two more who directed the postwar
predecessor to the CIA. So there is ample precedent for Gen.
Hayden's nomination. But the complaint here is not so much
about precedent as the presumption that Gen. Hayden would
docilely do the bidding of the bureaucratic imperium
represented by the present secretary of defense. To
believe this is to ignore his professional history.
Gen. Hayden was the only high-ranking active-duty general
to testify against Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's desires as the
National Intelligence Directorate was debated by Congress in
2004. He did so, he believed, in the interests of a more
rational template for oversight, and control of those
intelligence agencies now under the Defense Department whose
customers are multidepartmental. Gen. Hayden was a man of
convictions with the courage to defend them when he was a
lieutenant colonel, and has lost neither of those
characteristics as he ascended into the senior ranks of his
profession.
Most important, the best guarantee against coercion of the
CIA director by any cabinet-level official--or president--may
be stated in one word: professionalism. And Michael Hayden,
as I have observed for nearly 20 years, is a professional par
excellence.
Those who wish to harm the president seem intent on using
Gen. Hayden as a bank shot into the Oval Office. This is a
great shame, and stands to be an important missed
opportunity, for the confirmation process--were it to focus
truly on the national interest--could do a great deal of good
at this time of tumult in the intelligence community.
There has been, for a long time, a tendency on the part of
some presidents to select CIA directors who were amateurs in
the craft. Their political or ideological leanings have
sometimes been a more important factor in their appointment
than their knowledge and capabilities in the arcane world of
intelligence. With those chosen for such reasons comes a
weakened ability to resist pressure to marshal intelligence
in ways tailored to support the policy objectives of a
president: pressure to give the president what he wants
rather than what he needs. It is fair, I believe, to claim
that the intelligence failures of recent years were a long
time in the making, and that they were failures not so much
of the institution but of a flawed intelligence leadership
selection process.
``Amateur'' is not, by definition, a swear word; we have
had, on occasion, some very talented non-professional
directors of Central Intelligence. But there is no substitute
for the professional knowledge and ethos at the top that
legitimate and protect the intelligence function from a host
of political pressures and insinuations.
Gen. Hayden's confirmation hearings should, first of all,
result in his confirmation. But beyond that, the hearings
could do the country an important service if they were to
consider a more thoroughgoing reform--modeling the key
intelligence positions in the U.S. government on that of the
chairman of the Federal Reserve, or of the Joint Chiefs,
whose term does not run parallel to that of the president,
and whose professional credentials are critical elements in
his selection. More than anything else the Congress can do,
such a reform would help restore the professionalism that is
crucial to the intelligence function in a democracy. That
would be no bank shot, but a slam-dunk for national security.